The Atheling Chronicle - A King without a Crown

The Reign of Theodorus I, part 9


From the Royal Archives, Jerusalem:

September 5th, 1168

Marshal Eadwig to King Theodorus:

We have reached the African shore with little resistance from the heathens. Even now we are besieging their fortifications, which are rudimentary and will fall quickly. Casualties on the voyage were low, but several ships are unaccounted for.


October 2nd, 1168

Caliph Usama Abolhassan to King Theodorus:

Your terms for peace are acceptable. We will cede our Syrian estates, and your armies which fight with the strength of ten men will leave our shores. If Allah wills it, we may meet again on the field of battle, but for now, I salute you as a worthy foe.


October 21st, 1168

Nard, Bishop of Beirut to King Theodorus:

As you continue to honour the Bishop of Jerusalem, and obey blindly the honeyed words he pours into your ears, I perceive that you are not your own man, but a pawn of that greedy cleric. The Blessed Pope Anastasius IV has many times reminded you of the autonomy of this see, but your sheriffs insist on the levying of men and collection of taxes from the towns of Galilee. No longer will your servants be allowed to enter this bishopric, and wherever the authority of this see extends, the royal writ will no longer run. Be assured that I have the support of His Holiness in this matter.


November 2nd, 1168

Bishop Swaefred to the Lady Godfigu:

I am anxious for the survival of the kingdom, and worry at the King’s ability. It appears that despite both our efforts, the King lacks many of the skills we need in a leader at this time. He clearly blunders into affairs of state with little regard for the consequences, and his skills of rhetoric leave much to be desired. Moreover, it is widely known that he lacks the taste for battle, and is often found ‘directing the action’ far away from the sounds of mêlée and combat. I pray that the Lord gives him the wisdom to continue to entrust the affairs of state to you, for he dearly needs good counsel, and I feel too weak in my old age to continue to give it.


March 6th, 1169

Walfnoth de Monreal to King Theodorus:

The war in Africa continues badly. The men are restless and desire to return home, while the heathens here are better prepared than those we encountered before. We must receive more men and supplies, lest we all perish in this God-forsaken land. Were your majesty able to make the journey himself, it would hearten all our spirits greatly. The men-at-arms, as suspicious as ever, are starting to whisper that your majesty has abandoned as a sacrifice to the demon-worshipers.


July 13th, 1169

Royal decree issued in Jerusalem:

Let it be known that Yves, Grandmaster of the Knights of the Temple, has been expelled from the community of the Holy Church, having violated the sacred trust placed in him by attempting to cause disorder in the city. The unsuccessful attempt by several pilgrim knights to loot the Royal Treasury and seize control of the palace has been traced to the Grandmaster himself. All assests of the Order within the City have are hereby seized by order of the King, and the Order expelled from the city until further notice. Anyone found harbouring a knight is to be brought before the chief justice for punishment.


September 14th, 1169

King Theodorus to Bishop Swaefred:

Your repeated appeals for me to take holy orders and travel to Rome are no doubt well-intentioned, but impossible for me to fulfill. The war in Africa consumes too many resources as it is, and for me to lead the English to Iberia would only drain more silver from my coffers. I am also aware that my many enemies at home would dearly like to see me depart from these shores, for they would seize my throne before it was even cold.


November 19th, 1169

Edward de Montgomery, Duke of Lancaster to Queen Aethelflaed:

Dearest Cousin, I am saddened to report the death of our dear Grandfather to you. Your father and I were, of course, the main beneficiaries of his will, but we miss you greatly, and will tend to your estates here in England. Please send us news of your son John, for both your father and I remain without children, and he may one day be very important to this family.


February 8th, 1170

Emperor Alexander to King Theodorus:

As one monarch to another, I implore you to send what assistance you can, be it men or silver, before the lands of Greece are overrun by infidels. Just as you are engaged in a struggle against the African heathens, I too am waging war in my own lands. Many of my castles in Epirus, Thessaly and Macedonia are now in their hands, and it may only be a matter of time before the City of Constantinople itself is threatened. The future of the Word of God in these lands may be at stake; if you ignore our peril now, it will be your kingdom which falls next.


April 10th, 1170

Duke Harold of Jaffa to King Theodorus:

The war in Africa continues, and we are no closer to defeating the infidels. Your sheriffs collect taxes with little regard for the law, and yet we see nothing to account for such prolific spending. Everyone regards you as a failure of a King, both a tyrant and a coward, and there will be few tears shed when I remove the crown from your head.


June 24th, 1170

Proclamation to the People of Jerusalem on behalf of Duke Harold:

The King has been put to flight and his armies scattered! You are free from his tyrannical ways, for God has granted me authority over this city, and soon also the Kingdom!


July 23rd, 1170

King Rafiq of the Beni Halal to King Theodorus:

Those men you sent to my lands lie dead in the sands, but I am great and I am merciful. You may keep those castles which you have seized from me in Syria, and may Allah grant you the wisdom to never visit these shores again.


August 1st, 1170

Duke Thurcytel of Baghdad to Harold of Jaffa:

I applaud your efforts to depose this weak and effeminate Greek who calls himself our King. My men stand will stand with yours, and may God grant us victory.


October 17th, 1170

Queen Aethelflaed to the Castellan, Jerusalem

One of my ladies-in-waiting has given birth to a son, though she swears ignorance as to the father’s identity. Make arrangements for him to be raised by a palace servant, far from the King’s eyes.


November 12th, 1170

King Theodorus to Morcar, Duke of Jaffa

My brother-in-law Harold has been defeated in battle and his lands confiscated. Your family still commands much influence in these lands, and thus I turn to you. In the Kingdom’s hour of need, I embrace you as a friend, and hope that you can use this opportunity to wipe the stain of treachery from your character. As the Lord instructs us, I grant you the chance for redemption. Do not waste it.

SirCliveWolfe said:

The throne needs a strong saxon on it!

Click to expand...

I have to say, it was hard to cheer for the loyalists in the civil war. Any number of the Earls would make a better king.

c0d5579 said:

Was Theo dropped on his head as a child? I'm just curious, because this is starting to read like the last days of the Romanovs, only minus the desire to be a good king.

Click to expand...

Well, he had a fairly disruptive childhood (remember him being kidnapped during the witangemot?) but his main motivation is that he doesn't want to die. He'd like the Earls to respect him, but he just doesn't have the courage to show them who's really king. So they continue to disrespect him. Being King is just the best way for him to stay alive. Of course his aunt and other advisers want him to stay in power for their own sake...

Chapter 43 – The Reign of Theodorus I, part 10

Chapter 43 – The Reign of Theodorus I, part 10

1170 – 1173

The Council of Nicea

The King Preaches Peace and Unity​

From the Royal Archives, Jerusalem:

December 12th, 1170

Queen Aethelflaed to King Theodorus,

My husband, I am pleased to tell you that last week I gave birth to another child, a daughter. With your permission, I shall name her Elgiva, after my mother. I hope this letter finds you well, and I pray every day for your safe return.


King Theodorus to Queen Aethelflaed

Raise the child as you will. My aunt will no doubt assist you in such matters. I will return as soon as the realm is safe, and no sooner. Please restrain from issuing correspondence on trivial matters.

March 6th, 1171

King Theodorus to Duke Thurcytel of Baghdad

You are a traitor to your king, your people and your followers. Your castles and cities are mine, and now I address you from outside the walls of your palace. Many of my companions recommend death as the punishment for your betrayal, and tell me to burn your estates to the ground. But I believe in mercy and forgiveness, for the sake of Christianity in these lands, if nothing else. So I continue to entrust you with the safety of the lands along the Euphrates, and hope that the Lord will keep you on the righteous path.


June 12th, 1171

Leofwine, Duke of Jordan to King Theodorus

Sire, Andronicus, the lord of Aleppo, has thrown his lot in with the Greek schismatics, and like a cowardly dog, has invited representatives of the Empreror into your realm. This man has long been my foe, and I have even now mobilised the fyrd of Jordan to march alongside your standard, and bring the traitor to his knees. Be assured that the Witan will support any actions you take against the heretic.


July 7th, 1171

Duke Edgar of Tripoli to King Theodorus

I have been informed that Duke Leofwine, who the entire realm knows to be deranged, has become your principal adviser in matters of state. He claims to speak for the assembled Witan, but his words carry no truth whatsoever. If your intention is to divest the Duke of Aleppo of his property, simply for his insults against Duke Leofwine, then my armies will stand and die with his. I, for one, will not allow the words of a man who caused the early death of his own son to turn the king against his earls, and I beg your majesty to see sense.



July 25th 1171

Bishop Swaefred to King Theodorus

Sire, the realm teeters upon the brink of collapse. While Duke Leofwine holds much sway among the English Earls, I beg you not to listen blindly to his counsel. Many of the other members of the Witan talk openly of your lack of courage and personal will. Should you pursue this vendetta against the Duke of Aleppo on his behalf, many will move to have you deposed, fearing for their own positions. However, now that the die has been cast, you cannot simply dismiss the matter. The Dukes of Aleppo and Tripoli must be punished for their insubordination, yet you must also show justice and clemency.


August 10th, 1171

King Theodorus to Duke Andronicus of Aleppo

It is clear to me that you harbour ambassadors of the Emperor in your realm. For this alone, I would have cause to remove you from your estates. But I am inclined to be merciful, and thus require only the payment of a tribute in the form of gold, to compensate from the lost tax revenues in the kingdom’s coffers. After that, I swear to leave your fortresses in peace. Brother, I request your presence at a banquet in the city of Palmyra; let us celebrate our friendship together, and the renewed safety of the kingdom.



September 4th, 1171

King Theodorus to Duke Edgar

Let us bring this senseless conflict to a close. We both know that we share a common concern for the safety of the kingdom. In Palmyra I confirmed the rights of the Dukes in their own estates to Duke Andronicus, and Leofwine of Jordan remains no more and no less than one earl among many.


January 1st, 1172

King Theodorus’s Address in Jerusalem, to the Assembled Witan

As I begin the seventh year of my reign as King, I believe the realm to be far stronger than it has been, for many years. The Africans have been expelled from our shores, and I hope that we will continue to reconcile our differences in the face of further threats from heathens – the Turk to the East, and the Egyptian to the West. If we stand divided, we risk betraying the sacred duty entrusted to us by God, and we risk having the light of Christ extinguished from this part of the World.
I am pleased to be addressing, for the first time, many new earls, whom I have appointed to oversee my estates in Syria and Crete. In addition, Constable Kosmas stands with me as my new shield-bearer and personal champion.
As we look forward to celebrating the Feast of the Epiphany of Our Lord together in brotherhood and good health, let us come together as one in the face of our many enemies. Whatever our differences of creed or language, we are all one in the eyes of the King of Heaven.


March 6th, 1172

King Theodorus Addresses the Council of Jerusalem

Assembled bishops and servants of God, greetings. I have called this blessed conclave, within the walls of the church which witnessed the death of Our Lord to promote co-operation between the sees of the church, and the people of all faiths who live within the kingdom. For though there has long been a schism between the bishops in Rome and Constatninople, surely we are equal before Christ? Does the Greek believe any less in the truth of the gospel than the Englishman? Is Satan opposed any less by the armies of the Emperor than by our own Earls? When I see our kingdom at war with itself, and those conflicts ignored, nay even encouraged, by the servants of the Lord such as yourself, my heart is torn in two. For the responsibility lies with you, good men of peace, to maintain the order within the kingdom, and to promote harmony, uniting us all in the common faith.


April 7th, 1172

The Lady Godfigu to Bishop Swaefred

The King’s efforts at reconciliation are only continuing to weaken his authority, but he refuses to listen to my advice. I sincerely hope the bishops have not taken to ignoring his command as much as have the earls. In many shires the royal writ is near-worthless, and were there to be an attack from the Emperor or the heathens, it is doubtful whether they would even come to our aid. My nephew’s promises of autonomy to the Duke of Aleppo and Bishop of Beirut have led to nothing less than outright independence, and his decision to allow the traitor Morcar to remain the dominant force in Jaffa is nothing less than foolhardy. The man’s arrogance has been tempered by his earlier humiliation, but even if he no longer seeks the crown for himself, there is no chance of him supporting our cause. The King’s plan to appoint more Greeks to the Witan may help gain him more allies, but they will hardly be strong enough to counter the powerful English earls. Further concessions will buy the King time, but only continue to weaken him in the eyes of the earls. And if the King becomes irrelevant, what of the Kingdom itself?



March 9th, 1172

King Theodorus to Bishop Ludwig of Medina

While my hallowed forefathers decreed that the Mohammadeans should be banned from entering their city of Mecca, I have begun to see that the decision has gained us little save increased strife. While their heresies are not to be encouraged, I see no reason to incense our powerful neighbours, and the many worshippers within the kingdom, further by continuing to allow them access to their shrines and holy places. I am therefore resolved to permit the practice of the Mohammadeans to make pilgrimage to the cities of Medina and Mecca, if they agree to pay indulgences to the Church in Jerusalem to wipe clean the sins from their tainted souls. I will be sending aldermen to the aforementioned cities in order to assure that the process goes smoothly.


April 28th, 1172

Constable Cosmas to King Theodorus

Sire, the aldermen and men-at-arms despatched to Medina have not returned, and I have received word that the expedition has been attacked by bandits. The Bishop of Medina has been greatly obstructive in answering my enquiries, and I suspect him of complicity in the matter. My informants have told me that the Arabian fyrd is being mustered. I might be best were you to drop the matter.


May 1st, 1172

Bishop Swaefred to the Lady Godfigu

Why the King chooses to pursue such a controversial matter as the pilgrimages of heathens is beyond me. His desire to promote harmony among his subjects is admirable, but his grasp of politics remains abysmal. The Bishop of Medina is rightly upset at this royal interference in his domain, but the King is deaf to my entreaties. For whatever reason, he insists on enforcing his decree of leniency towards the Mohammadeans in person. What His Holiness will make of this matter, I dread to think.

May 14th, 1172

Queen Aethelflaed to King Theodorus

Your second son was delivered to me two weeks previously. He is healthy and strong, and as per your instructions, he will be baptised with the name of David. I pray that you will return safely home to greet him in person.


May 30th, 1172

Stephanos, Papal Legate, to King Theodorus

Majesty, His Holiness Anastasius is greatly concerned that you make war against one of his anointed shepherds. Given that your lands are not only filled with heathens, but also surrounded by miscreants, he believes that you should rightly be occupied elsewhere. Furthermore, the Bishop Ludwig has informed His Holiness that your dispute stems from your intrusion into the bishop’s governance of the cities under his guidance. As you should well know, affairs within ecclesiastical demesnes are better left to those with the most expertise in such areas, namely His Holiness and his appointed representatives. Should you decide to interfere in this manner again, you would do well to consult with me in person before overstepping your God-given authority. I have informed Bishop Ludwig that I will negotiate an end to this dispute on behalf of His Holiness.


July 30th, 1172

Stephanos, Papal Legate, to King Theodorus

Your humility and openness to the word of God are admirable. Alas, the same cannot be said for the erstwhile bishop. He refuses my arbitration in this matter, and insists that the cities of Mecca and Medina are a secular matter for him alone. It appears that your footsoldiers will yet be needed to bring peace to God’s flock, but be assured that I will set the terms of his surrender.


October 29th, 1172

Bishop Ludwig of Medina to King Theodorus

Your pawn, the Patriarch of Jerusalem, has been delivered by God into my hands. Divine providence has evidendtly decreed that my cause is just, and the Patriarch agrees with me. I have written testimony in proof of this fact, and I look forward to meeting with you and the Papal Legate shortly to reach a settlement.


November 17th, 1172

Constable Cosmas to the Lady Godfigu

Peace in Arabia has been ensured, but at a terrible price. The King himself was badly wounded in a battle outside of Medina, and the Patriarch captured and held to ransom. With his health already in a poor state, I fear the captivity has taken too great a toll upon him, and that he is not long for this world. Bishop Ludwig has retained his position and estates in Arabia, but consented to the King’s proposal to allow the heathens access to their shrines. Many of us cannot help but wonder if the wounds we have all sustained are divinely brought by the King’s misguided outreach to the wicked and impious.

SplendidTuesday said:

Well there's a terrible king. Hope his wound makes him die relatively early.

Click to expand...

You and many others I played through the reign of Theo I some time ago, and so I'm also impatient for it to be over so that I can start playing again . Be assured that the wound will certainly limit the King's ability to interfere, which has to be a good thing.

Rabid Bogling said:

:rofl:

Is it wrong that I'm eager for the kingdom's collapse? The thought of several militantly Catholic, vaguely Turkicised Anglo-Greek warlords ruling over the Middle East is bloody awesome. Should they unite in a few centuries time, swoop into Anatolia and take Constantinople with a ruddy big gun.. all the better!

Click to expand...

Wow. That would be...interesting You may yet get your wish. Patience.

Enewald said:

Lol, constant civil war, which of your vassals has not revolted yet?:rofl:
woot, many Bastards!!!

Bishop of Medina has captured the Patriarch of Jerusalem??? :rofl::rofl::rofl:

Click to expand...

We were in dire need of more Athelings, so bastards are the order of the day

Patriarchs, bishops and Papal legates. :wacko: A surfeit of priests, methinks.

Chapter 44 – The Reign of Theodorus I, part 11

Chapter 44 – The Reign of Theodorus I, part 11
1173

Carpaccio's The Funeral of St Jerome

The Funeral of St Swaefred, Patriarch of Jerusalem​

Funeral Oration delivered by Stephen, Papal Legate

(With inspiration from The Life of St Dunstan, as found in The Golden Legend, compiled by Jacobus de Voragine, translated by William Caxton).

Bishop Swaefred was born in England, in the town of Canterbury in the reign of King Aethelred, in the Year of Our Lord 1119. Our Lord showed miracles for him even before he was born, and it was so that on a Candlemas day, as all the people were in the church with tapers in their hands, suddenly all the lights in the church were quenched at once, save only the taper which Swaefred's mother bore, for that burned still fair. Whereof all the people marvelled greatly; howbeit her taper was out, but by the power of our Lord it lighted again by itself, and burned full bright, so that all the others came and lighted their tapers at the taper of Swaefred's mother. Wherefore all the people gave laud and thankings unto our Lord God for this great miracle. And then there was a holy man that said that the child that she then bare should give light to all England by his holy living.

As a child, Swaefred was sent to school in the abbey of St Augustine at Canterbury, where he learnt from the monks cloistered therein. But he was soon upset at the indulgent ways of the brothers there, who had grown soft and idle under the rule of the Norman dukes.

Thus, upon reaching the age of nineteen, he left the abbey, having already been tonsured, and made pilgrimage to the City of Rome, and there he received a vision of the blessed St Edmund, who was King of the East Angles, who spoke to him and instructed that he travel to Jerusalem, to lend his faith to the struggle against the heathens.

Making his way to the monastery of the Benedictine Brothers of Mount Zion, Swaefred was enrolled there as a brother, and soon rose to prominence within the chapter. He worked tirelessly to promote both promoting the Word of God to the heathen, and also to encourage the translation of the works of the Greeks. Though many of those authors had not seen the light of God, Swaefred perceived that their philosophies were nonetheless inspired by Christ, and worthy of study and attention.

It had not been many years since Raoul had been Bishop in Jerusalem, who he had contested the King's wicked tyrannies greatly, but to no avail, for the tyrannical King Aethelred had sent Raoul into exile, and divested him of the Patriarchate. All the clergy of the Kingdom were greatly upset by this development. Wulfnoth, the abbot of Mount Zion, was silent in the face of the King's actions, and even when Swaefred was a brother in the monastery, once the Great King Baldred sat upon the throne, Abbot Wulfnoth, like many of the lands' clerics, was wary of commenting on the affairs of the king. Instead all the abbots and friars closeted themselves in their churches, while the court acted as they pleased.

Swaefred, who had risen to the position of Precentor (the brother appointed to oversee the transcription of manuscripts) within the monastery, frequently upbraided the Abbot for his cowardly and ungodly silence in the face of the King Aethelred's wickedness of years before, and his continued ignorance of the secular world. Thus, when Father Wulfnoth passed from this world in the last years of King Aethelred, the brothers voted overwhelmingly to nominate Swaefred to the position of Abbot, though he was yet not advanced in age.
As Abbot of the Brothers of Mount Zion, Swaefred was instrumental in encouraging the holy men of the kingdom to attend the Witan; the Blessed King Baldred had allotted many estates to the parish bishops and abbots of outlying regions of the Kingdom, and Father Swaefred corresponded often with them, and relayed their opinions both to Aldwin, who was Patriarch in Jerusalem, and to the King himself. Thus was the authority of the church increased, and the Kingdom's unity preserved.

Indeed, Swaefred soon came to be a confident of the King. Both Swaefred and the Great King promoted the word of God and learning throughout the Kingdom. The Blessed Aldwin, who was Patriarch, directed the King to crusades abroad, while Swaefred maintained the Kingdom's integrity at home. In this he was tireless, and a great communicator between the king and the earls.

On Christmas day 1147, while the King and Patriarch were engaged abroad in their war against the Arabians in Medina, the citizens of Jerusalem were gathered in the Holy Sepulchre for Our Lord's Mass when a tremor shook through the city, causing tiles to fall from the roof of the church and the chalice of the Eucherist to overturn.

The people were dismayed at this, which they took to be a sign from the Lord at their King's imminent failure and perhaps death. But the good bishop was not frightened, and brought calm to people, who surely would have damaged the House of God in their panic. He said unto them


So saith the Lord in the Third Chapter of the Book of Joel. And the people realised that the quake was a sign of the Lord's wrath not against the good people of Jerusalem, but against the heathens of Arabia, against whom King Baldred was doing battle.

When King Baldred passed into the Kingdom of Heaven, Swaefred stood alongside Bishop Aldwin as a supporter of the young King at the Witan of 1148. And again, while King Saelred was abroad battling the Emir of Mosul and others, Swaefred preserved his interests at home. Thus it was natural that when the blessed Aldwin perished fighting the heathens that the King should nominate Swaefred to the Patriarchate, at the age of thirty-six.

King Saelred spent little time in Jerusalem, for he tired of its intrigues, and as Patriarch, Bishop Swaefred oversaw much of the everyday running of the Kingdom. So when the good King was wickedly snatched from our grasp after a short while, it was Swaefred who was nominated as regent, to counter the machinations of both the Queen and Duke Morcar, both of whom proved to be traitors to their people.
Indeed, it was only the good bishop who discharged his duties as regent for the King faithfully and selflessly.

So it is only thanks to him that you, good men of the kingdom, assembled here, are still in possession of your estates. While many around the king urged a harsh line against the treachery of many earls in the early years of the King's minority, the good bishop counselled mercy and forgiveness. You would do well to remember that you owe your wealth and status primarily to him.

Throughout his life, the Bishop was beset by trials from God, nearly all of which stemmed from the disloyalty of the King's subjects. Having convened a witan, and pledged loyalty to the crown and descendents of King Edgar, one man after another renounced those oaths, and committed the sin of perjury before God. To those whom this applies, I denounce you before Christ Our Saviour!

You renounced the authority of both crown and church, and only through the mercy of the Patriarch have you been granted a second chance. Use it well. This man for whom we are gathered together gave his life for the kingdom, and above all for its unity. His life work deserves to be remembered, and honoured.

Should the Kingdom of God, cantered on this city, be submerged between the heathen tides, from East or West, the blame will fall upon your shoulders, and all that Bishop Swaefred worked for will have been undone.
Now is the hour to act, and the time to come together as one body under God. For the remberence of great men, and for the future of God's word.
Edward, who was King of the English before Edgar, a pious man, and devout before God, was snatched away from this world at the time of the Kingdom's greatest need, for the Norman tide fell upon England soon after. Bishop Swaefred was a man of similar temperaments and devotion to God and his Kingdom. Before his passing, the good bishop petitioned His Holiness often for recognition of the virtues of King Edward. In view of the many miracles attributed to this noble Lord of the English, His Holiness has thusly decided to elevate King Edward to the ranks of God's saints, to reign in heaven forever.

Now we call upon Saint Edward, to come to the Kingdom of the English once more, in another hour of need. But will he protect those who are divided against themselves, or who show no respect for the kings who share his blood? I think not. God does not aid those who reject his efforts, and those of his servants. King Edgar was brought to this region by the Grace of God, and he took a holy vow to defend it. Now that vow falls to you, good Earls and Dukes - it is your time to act in the name of Christ, and stand together as one against the threat of the heathens.

In the Name of the Father, Son and Holy Ghost, I so exhort you.

Enewald said:

Threat of heathens?
Your the threat of the heathens.

Click to expand...

I'm not sure I understand - The English more of a threat to the Heathens than the Heathens are to the English? Or King Theo is himself the threatening heathen?

Rabid Bogling said:

Evoking the memory of Edward the Cretinous-Licker-of-Norman-Boots to defend a state from foreigners? Now that could be a mistake.

Click to expand...

That's no way to talk about the church's newest saint! Blasphemy!

A fair point, but there's no need to let facts get in the way of propaganda. We might end up seeing both the Normans and the English claiming Edward as their patron saint. That would be amusing.

Zhai said:

Excellent story!

I am enjoying it very much so far Excellent role playing your characters in the game.

Click to expand...

Always good to hear! Thanks very much!

Theodorus.... I hope that he will be deposed, yet I also feel sorry for him as he was unfit in the first place and he was trying to survive. Thank you, motehr of Theodorus *sarcasm* for excellent rearing of Theodorus. Speaking of Theodorus, what is his opinion of his mother?

Click to expand...

I'm glad someone has some sympathy for him. He really isn't trying to destroy the kingdom You're right - he's just not cut out for the job. Alexia wanted to keep him weak so that she could control the throne. But then she was booted out, and Theodorus was on his own. Knowing Theodorus, he's probably forgiven her (he's that kind of guy) but on the other hand, the rest of his courtiers are probably pouring poison in his ear about her.

I hope that Englisc will once more dominant in the rulers. If not... then I suppose Greek is better than nothing but still I hope that Englisc or even Middle English speakers will rule the Kingdom. Just curious, what is religious status in the Kingdom? I think by now most of it is Catholic, correct? If I have to guess, most of Catholics would probably be Greek Catholic (following most of Orthodox rite but acknowledge Pope as the head of the Church).

Looking forward to another chapter!

Click to expand...

I'll post a religious and cultural update in a little while. We have a couple more chapters of story left first though. I, too, would like to see a revival of English in some form. But the Hellenisation of the dynasty is resulting in a flourishing of learning and the arts, which has to be a good thing!

As a special bonus to everyone, the Table of Contents now works!

And thanks to those of you who voted in the AAR choice awards. This tale was a runner-up in the CK history category which pleased me no end. Check out the winners for some excellent reads!

Chapter 45, The Reign of Theodorus I, part 12


From the Royal Archives, Jerusalem:

February 12th, 1173
Ioannes Palagaigos, Roman Ambassador, to Alexander, Emperor of the Romans:

Basileus, civil disorder in the Kingdom of the Angloi is much as you were led to believe, and I fear that there will be no help forthcoming from the westerners in our struggle against the Africans. The King here, if he can be called a King, is barely able to keep his princelings from seceding, let alone conducting a campaign against foreign enemies. Moreover, he is weak-willed, and apt to listen to the advice of whoever talks loudest. Since his earliest years, his aunt, the Lady Godfigu, has been the uncrowned Queen of this kingdom, and it is with her that the true authority lies. Now that the Patriarch of Jerusalem has perished, the king also relies greatly upon the Papal Envoy, a man by the name of Stephan, who is no friend of ours.
The influence of this pair has grown even greater since the wound the King received in Arabia has necessitated that he remain in bed. He was not even able to attend the Patriarch’s funeral, though perhaps that was just as well. Legate Stephen delivered a remarkable address, chastising the princes for the spoilt children they are, while he made little reference to the King himself. It seems that even his advisors realise that he is without respect among the nobility. We should pray that the legate is able to shame the King’s enemies into silence, for the sake of unity. As unfriendly as the Angloi are to our plight, their ability to hold the Idolaters at bay has been remarkable so far. If they remain divided, they will indeed be overrun by Turks, and if that should happen, Constantinople may be next.


Bilingual Silver Penny, minted in Jerusalem, 1173:

Obverse:
Theodorus, King of the English in Jerusalem
Reverse: Saint Edward, King of the English


May 21st, 1173

Lady Godfigu to Cosmas, King’s Shieldbearer:

This being the fifth anniversary of Prince John’s birth, the King’s thoughts are turning to his education and future upbringing. It is our opinion that the royal prince should be receive training at arms, and, when he is older, be enrolled within the King’s huscarls. In this way he will become a stalwart defender of the Kingdom against its enemies. A great responsibility is hereby entrusted to you, be sure to discharge your duty with honour.


May 21st, 1173

Inscription in the Church of St Edward, Baghdad:

Erected in honour of Edward, King of the English, and completed in the 16th year of the reign of King Theodorus, son of Saelred, grandson of Baldred, great-grandson of Edgar, likewise King of the English. May Christ’s Light shine like a beacon from here to the peoples of the East, and bring all his people together in one house.


July 24th, 1173

Castellan’s Records, Baghdad

Additions to the household – one infant. Delivered into the care of the reeve by one of the King’s maidservants.


September 23rd, 1173

Royal Proclamation, issued in Jerusalem, Palmyra, Baghdad and Damascus

The King has hereby decreed that the authority of the royal reeves will henceforth apply only to those estates owned by the crown. The affairs of civic government within the royal burghs of Jerusalem, Palmyra, Baghdad and Damascus will rest with the local council of magistrates and burghers. Without the city, responsibility for security will rest with knights and thanes on their own estates.


January 15th, 1174

Proclamation issued by Eliya, Bishop of Damascus:

Let it be known that within the bounds of the city, all Mohammadeans, Idolaters and other heretics are prohibited from conducting in trade, committing usury, or engaging anyone else to craft items on their behalf, for sale or otherwise. Henceforth, all markets will be held within the Cathedral square, and all commercial activities will be subject to a tithe of one part in every twenty to the Holy Church.


February 12th, 1174

Stephen, Papal Legate to Pope Anastasius IV.

The King’s wound continues to trouble him, and he frequently experiences bouts of fever, and the Greek doctors claim the two are linked. Having returned from his visit to the eastern cities, Theodorus is now confined to his suites in the palace, and he has been unable even to make an appearance for audiences in more than three weeks. The Lady Godfigu has been receiving ambassadors on the King’s behalf, and many are remarking that it is as if the regency of previous years has been unofficially reinstated. In my honest opinion, the Kingdom’s stability has only been improved by the King’s removal from public affairs.


March 9th, 1174

Royal Proclamation, issued in Jerusalem:

Let masses be held throughout the churches of the city, on behalf of Romanus, son of King Theodorus, and Queen Aethelflaed. Offer up prayers for her good health and long life, and in thanks for this gift of God, given unto the whole kingdom. The baptism of the child will be held in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre tomorrow at the ninth hour.


June 4th, 1174

Edmund Leofwineson to King Theodorus:

Sire, I received the news of the death of my father with great sadness. Of course, my family have ever been loyal followers of yours, but I must regretfully inform you that I am unable to immediately fulfil my obligation to swear fealty to you in person. You will no doubt understand that I will of course do so as soon as I am able to undertake a pilgrimage to the Holy City and visit my late father’s estates. Until that time I intend to leave my father’s reeves and castellans in command of the fortresses of Jordan.


August 15th, 1174

Pope Anastasius IV to King Theodorus,

My child, I was deeply saddened to learn of the death of the blessed Swaefred, and I continue to worry that it has been some time since the flock of the east had a shepherd to guide them. While it was the practice of my predecessors to allow the nominees of your ancestors to ascend to the patriarchate, my concern for the welfare of yourself and your subjects leads me to make my own suggestion. By all accounts, my official legate Stephen has proven himself useful to you in affairs of state, and he is a devoted servant of the Lord. I have therefore decided that he should be invested as the next Patriarch of Jerusalem.


September 4th, 1174

Heraclius, Duke of Aleppo, to Stephen, Patriarch of Jerusalem

Though the Africans were repulsed from our shores years earlier, and the Arabs have been vanquished beyond the Euphrates, the good Christian men of this land are not free from the infidel menace. Every month my estates are despoiled by Mohammadean bandits, and I am convinced that the King of the Egyptians encourages such nefarious attacks. While the King and his reeves sit idle, I have taken matters into my own hands to cleanse the countryside of such banditry. I expect my huscarls will receive your support in this work.


October 6th, 1174

Stephen, Patriarch of Jerusalem, to King Theodorus

Too long have we tolerated the King of Egypt’s interference in our affairs. The bandits, thieves and smugglers that plague Your Majesty’s estates and his subjects’ well-being are emboldened by Your Majesty’s tolerance towards them, and the King of the Egyptians looks upon your open-mindedness as weakness. Even now the Duke of Aleppo shows more courage and initiative than most by pursuing the bandits in Syria. We would do well to rouse the huscarls, mobilise the fyrd, and make war against the King of Egypt and all his followers, so that we might better bring Christ’s light to the misguided. If we are to tarry in this task, Henry the Norman, who already controls most of the lands on the western bank of the Nile, might well take it upon himself to relieve the Egyptians of the rest of their holdings. Think of the shame if your family’s sworn enemies were to complete the work King Aethelred began, and all for the lack of action on your own part!


November 5th, 1174

Sigebert, Duke of Edessa to the Lady Godfigu

We engaged the heathens outside the fortress of Asas in northern Syria, and routed them utterly. Their armies were no match for ours, and the Lord truly smiled upon us. The Duke of Aleppo has reluctantly yielded command of the campaign to me, and victory seems assured.


November 11th, 1174

Abdul-Aziz, Emir of Mosul to Theodorus, King of Jeruslaem

10 years ago, by the will of Allah, I showed mercy upon your armies, and allowed them to return to their fields in peace. I even allowed your servants to keep their possessions along the al-Furat river. I had hoped that you would be willing to live in peace, content with the gifts you already possess. But now you show me that you are not a man of peace, but a destroyer of lives. Your words of tolerance and friendship among all peoples are shown to be a lie, and my armies will sweep through your lands, and punish you for your wickedness.

Enewald said:

Being a good Greek king, you have to protect the easternmost borders of the Roman Empire.
What of conquering a belt east of Roman Empire?

Click to expand...

I think the Turks might have something to say about that. Theodorus has nightmares about his current neighbours, let alone the mighty Turks.

Zhai said:

Another wonderful chapter!

I really don't understand how could the people being willing to screw over their family, especially their own children just for a bit more power for themselves at expense of the future of their own children, who have potential to be more powerful than their parents would ever be. Even if they don't care about their own children,they are still part of her or him; besides, they are not immortal. I apologize for rambling. Excellent job on reflecting this in story... all too real.

Click to expand...

Yes, Mediaeval families aren't known for being happy ones. Of course, some of this might be the chroniclers getting carried away with a good story.

Yeah, being Greek is cool I think there is a cultural spread route between your Kingdom and the Greek provinces in the Roman Empire.

Click to expand...

I wonder, I haven't checked it out, but that would make sense. Hopefully it should start to show in our advances soon. I might make an update on that some time in the future.

Speaking of cultural spread, considering the low population of Levant at the time in general (beyond few town and small cities); I think it would be acceptable if you edit one of desert or low populated area to be Englisc (Saxon) to reflect some of immigrants and absorpation of people in the area into Englisc (perhaps in one of your Englisc cultured vassal). Hell, it happened before with Anglo-Saxons absorbing the Britions. This way, you get generated courtier in Englisc culture and a chance for it spread a bit. There is enough time passed by in the game and with your roleplaying regarding the escaping of Englisc from Norman's oppression, it should be fine if you do that. Just thought you would like to hear this idea.

Looking forward for another chapter!

Click to expand...

It's a nice idea. I'd like to see some English provinces, but for some reason none has converted yet. I was reflecting on this a little while yet. I think the relevant event needs me to own a Saxon province (and have a Saxon ruler) already to have the culture spread. As far as I know, even in my vassals' lands, there are no Saxon majorities yet. To be fair, there's only a small class of aristocrats who are of Saxon stock, and they're a long way from home. I'd like to get a way to have this happen in-game, but maybe I'll take up your idea otherwise.