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Chapter 5
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After making his decision, Alexios took the second half of 1076 to prepare the western units of the Imperial Army for combat. While the professional troops of the Tagmata would still form the core of his army, they would still require infantry support. As some of the only Themes left in the Empire that were capable of supporting a full compliment of troops, local soldiers from Thrace and Makedonia would form the bulk of the force. As was customary, troops stationed in the eastern half of the Empire would not take part in the struggle in the west. Spies reporting from inside Pecheneg territory also informed the Basileus that the Khanate could only field about 4,000 horsemen, leaving Alexios extremely confident as his troops crossed the Danube river in December. The plan was to push north steadily but quickly, leaving the army solidified but relatively spread out to prevent ambushes from roaming bands of Pecheneg raiders.

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Alexios’s invasion force numbered about 24,000 soldiers when he invaded the Pechenegs in December 1076.

Unfortunately for the Basileus, his focus on the military aspects of the invasion had left his diplomatic flank unguarded. Only one month into the campaign, an emissary arrived at the Army’s principle camp with news that the city of Belgrade and her small garrison of militia was under siege. As it turned out, the small Kingdom of Duklja decided to make a land grab while the bulk of Rome’s western armies were distracted hundreds of kilometers away. Alexios immediately ordered the thematic troops from Makedonia to peel off from the main army and head west, placing a trusted lieutenant Philipios Tornikes in command of the expedition. In another unorthodox move, the Basileus also sent word to the eastern armies that the European territories required immediate assistance. As one of the only major Anatolian nobles still loyal to Alexios’s regime, the Strategos of the Armeniakon Theme immediately began to gather his troops. Despite the quick reaction time (by medieval standards, anyway), the eastern soldiers would not arrive at the front until mid-May.

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The eastern and western segments of the Imperial Army fighting together on the same front was extremely uncommon in the 11th century.

Duklja was a small Serbian kingdom ruled by a man named Mihailo Vojislavljević. Once a vassal of the Roman Empire, Mihailo’s father had secured independence from Constantinople in a revolt during the 1040s, an event which never actually saw a response due to the internal political crises of the time. Although still an Orthodox nation, the Serbian king had flipped his political loyalties towards the Papacy, and had been rewarded with the nominal title King of the Slavs, something that this invasion indicated he wanted to actually live up to.

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King Mihailo of Dukjla, a man who thought it was smart to invade the Roman Empire with only 8,000 troops.

As Alexios continued looting the countryside, his army pushed north towards the nominal Pecheneg capital in Moldavia, which he placed under siege on June 2nd. Despite six months of campaigning, the Romans had yet to run into any organized Pecheneg resistance. In the meantime, the Basileus’ decision to redeploy troops from the east was proving to be an overreaction, to put it lightly. Upon arriving in the region on May 15th, the thematic troops from Makadonia quickly broke the siege of Belgrade, killing half of King Mihailo’s army in the process. Unfortunately for Mihailo, his path of retreat was blocked by Phrangios’ advance south, and he and his shattered army were forced to retreat east, deeper in to Roman territory. Two weeks later, the soldiers of the Armeniakon were at the gates of Dukjlan’s capital Ston, and placed it under siege. With their ruler missing in action and possessing no realistic way to resist over 20,000 Roman soldiers, the populace of Ston threw open the gates and surrendered to Phrangios. The conflict officially came to a close a mere week later when Mihailo and a handful of retainers were found cowering on a farm near Nis. All things considered, the small Serbian state came off relatively light, as the Basileus simply demanded 10% of the Kingdom’s yearly income as tribute, and that they refrain from entering into any more alliances with nomadic tribes along Rome’s borders. Although the Romans had no official part in it, Mihailo and his son Konstantin were killed shortly after the peace treaty was signed. The new conglomerate of ruling Serbian nobles elected one of their own to rule, and they would make it a priority to secure good relations with Constantinople moving forward.

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The defeat of Duklja was quick and complete, but Alexios chose not to stretch his army further by enforcing vassalization on the small Serbian state.

As 1077 grew closer to an end, the war against the Pechenegs did not. After six months of on-and-off raiding and counter-raiding around the burning remains of their capital, the nomads still had not capitulated to the Romans, or even shown up to fight. Growing increasingly frustrated, Alexios ordered the Makadonian thematic troops to rejoin the main body of the Imperial Army, and sent the eastern troops back to their homes—making sure to shower them with loot and gifts as thanks for both accomplishing their mission and staying loyal. The situation was further complicated by a letter from his wife in January 1078 which described a great comet in the sky, something the Patriarch was interpreting as a bad omen for the Empire. The fragile political stability of the capital had taken a sudden downturn. Entrusting the thematic troops to Tornikes, Alexios and about half of the tagmata quickly returned to Constantinople with the bulk of the loot already stolen from Pecheneg territory. After distributing the spoils to the appropriate members of the clergy and the bureaucrats (along with accompanying threats, no doubt), the Basileus turned back around and finally rejoined his army by the middle of August.

Alexios’ return could not have come at a better time, either. Shortly after taking back command, his spies finally located the bulk of the Pecheneg horde advancing. These 30,000 horsemen were not heading for the Imperial Army, but for the lightly defended Roman city of Cherson on the tip of the Crimean Peninsula. Springing into action, the Romans advanced to cut them off, leaving a chunk of the slowly thematic infantry behind. While Alexios was successful at cutting off the Pecheneg advance, he was forced to engage them while outnumbered by some 8,000 men. While we don’t know many details about the battle, Alexios proved yet again his fitness to be Basileus—Emperor of the Romans. His force absolutely crushed the nomads, forcing them to engage in the heavily wooded area around Ingil.

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The Battle of Ingil, the last and only major battle of the Second Pecheneg War.

Dragging the captured Khan out from under his dead horse, the Romans successfully secured a humiliating peace treaty. The nomads would also be forced to pay a tribute to Rome of 10% of their annual income, handed over 380 ducats worth of solid gold, and agreed to never again muster a threatening military force onto the Crimean Peninsula. Returning home a few months later, Alexios was greeted as a returning hero who had vanquished the raiders from the north, and had not only managed to secure the loyalty of the western armies, but also an important section of the eastern armies as well.
 
Alexios living up to the standards of a true Roman emperor. The newfound loyalty is especially nice
 
Knocking the Khan off his horse had to be sweet
 
Most impressive of the young Basileus.
 
Alexios living up to the standards of a true Roman emperor. The newfound loyalty is especially nice
Indeed! He doesn't live as long as his real-life counterpart, but he still is going to be just as important I think!

Thanks for the comments everybody, really do appreciate it. Any recommendations or something you'd like to see in the updates, let me know!
 
Chapter 6
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Upon returning to Constantinople in early 1079, Alexios’ honeymoon moment did not last long. Almost immediately, news began to trickle in of further raids by Tunisian pirates. The brigands would almost always come at night, raiding small and undefended fishing villages along the southern coasts of Greece, carrying off good Roman citizens (and their gold!) into hellish slavery in the Muslim kingdom. Obviously an unacceptable situation, the Basileus acted quickly, dispatching a squadron of the Imperial Navy to patrol the coasts. While this probably worked to dissuade some of the raids, on-again-off-again piracy from the Islamic lands on the north African coast would be a problem the Empire would deal with for centuries to come. For now though, vocal support and large financial donations to the Navy delivered directly from the Patriarch helped the short term situation. Despite the relatively common power struggles between the two imperial and religious authorities, the Church was always willing to support military efforts to roll back Muslim dominance in the Mediterranean Sea. In turn, Alexios openly praised the Patriarch during a particularly extravagant Mass in May 1080, shoring up relatively weak Patriarch Cosmas I.

Unfortunately, the Basileus did not have a lot of time to focus his efforts on the piracy problem, as he was forced to send his attention east. Sometime in November, a massive revolt broke out in the fortress city of Theodosioupolis. The city served not only as a major logistics hub for the eastern armies, but was fortunately (in this case) not well-fortified. Evidently, Alexios also suffered from the same poor relations with the Anatolian nobility that his Uncle Isaac had, and the Strategos of the Ezerum Theme had chosen to display his discontent with the Basileus by revolting. Gathering about 19,000 troops from the local thematic militias, this unnamed general-governor hunkered down to secure control over the eastern frontier. Alexios reacted quickly, ordering loyal troops from the Armeniakon Theme to crush the rebellion before the traitors captured the fortress city of Trebizond. While it took a few months to organize and move troops, Phrangopoulos outflanked the rebels and crushed them in March 1081, killing the rebellious Strategos and scattering the remaining troops.

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The only major eastern revolt during the 1080s, all of the dead rebels were local soldiers from the Ezerum Theme, significantly reducing the already-weakened capability of the thematic troops to protect and control Rome’s eastern borders.

With the countryside quiet for the time being, Alexios was once again capable of focusing on the political front, managing both the intricate court politics of Constantinople as well as attempting to make the Empire’s diplomatic situation a little bit more secure. First and foremost, Alexios continued to solidify his control over the Patriarchy. Often very independent of (and often at odds with) the Imperial Palace through most of the 11th century, Alexios relationship with the frail Cosmos I began a brief period of the Church’s subservience and dependence on the Crown. Despite a warm personal relationship with the man, Alexios was convinced to push for Cosmos’ resignation in May 1081—mostly due to pressure from his mother, Anna Dalassene. Politically powerful in her own right (and one of many women named Anna in the royal family…), she detested Cosmos and pushed for his replacement in favor of her close advisor and monk, Eustratius. [1] Essentially a puppet of Alexios’ mother, Eustratius was probably illiterate and definitely lacked any interest in religious affairs. Both he and the royal family were deeply involved in the prosecution of the head of the Imperial Philosophical School, John Italus. A student of the late scholar-turned-politician Michael Psellos, he was accused and condemned of heresy in 1082, mostly due to the gullible nature of the new Patriarch. [2] The cutthroat politics of the Capital were not getting any less complicated, but Alexios’ firm persecution of a confirmed heretic endeared him to both Church leadership and the clergy alike, significantly increasing their loyalty to the Basileus. A few years later, Alexios would also enact a law confirming that the Patriarch alone could appoint members of the Clergy, another act which improved his standing with the religious establishment. At the time though, it didn’t matter. Patriarch Eustratius was simply a rubber stamp for Alexios and his mother’s decisions.

Religion aside, the Basileus also began looking at opportunities for economic stimulus. Traditionally, the islands of the Aegean Sea were limited to relying almost 100% on fishing to sustain themselves and pay taxes back to Constantinople. Merchants and international trade in general were both extremely important to the Byzantine economy…and looked down upon by the upper classes as a dishonorable pursuit compared to military or agricultural life. Despite this deeply-held prejudice, Alexios allowed the merchants to take control of the island of Crete, as well as enact economic policies that the modern world would call ‘protectionist’. The intent was to provide a more reliable cash flow through the island, which could then be used to fund a small expansion to the Imperial Navy.

Diplomatically, Alexios was also making strides. He renewed the alliance with the Kingdom of Dukjla, continuing to build closer relations with the small Orthodox state. He also had positive interactions with an eastern neighbor, Georgia. Also an Orthodox Christian nation, the Georgians had annexed a small portion of the always-troublesome Armenia in January 1082. By weakening the Armenians, Georgia had also increased the relative security of Rome’s eastern border, which was still recovering from the disastrous Ezerum rebellion the year before. Feeling genuinely secure for the first time in his reign, he set his sights another western target, the Kingdom of Croatia. Briefly a vassal of the Roman Empire during the rule of Basil II, Croatia had been independent since 1025, and was the only Catholic state in the Balkan Peninsula.

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A Slavic tribe, the Croats first took control of the Dalmatian coastline in the 7th century, converting to Christianity shortly after.

Unique among the Slavic tribes of the Balkans, the Croats cemented their religious allegiances towards Rome (and not Constantinople) very early on. By the 700s, the Latin Right had prevailed over the Greek Rite, and the Croatian priests were given permission by the Pope to conduct mass in their native language. Since then, the small Kingdom had often been a thorn in the side of the Roman Empire, flaunting Constantinople’s proclaimed dominance over the Adriatic Sea and western Balkans. The premature death of Croatia’s ruler King Demetrius in March 1082 presented an opportunity for Alexios. Demetrius’ young son Kralj III was still only 15 years old, and his hold on power was weak. With this context in mind, Alexios once again gathered the bulk of the western armies, and set off. His plan was to use the professional Tagmata as a spearhead, supported by the thematic infantry from Thrace. The Basileus and his troops would push for the Dalmatian coast, while Tornikes and his soldiers from Makedonian Theme would slowly advance as a reserve force. By early July, Alexios had reached the coastline, and put the city of Zadar under siege.

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The first phase of the Roman invasion of Croatia in the summer of 1082.

Completely overwhelmed, the small Croatian Army fell back towards their capital at Zagreb, leaving the Romans a free hand to secure the countryside over the next few months. Alexios successfully completed his siege and secured the Dalmatian coast in March 1083, and we have records of the Basileus employing a number of military engineers that had recently been expelled from the Fatamid Caliphate. Not caring about their Muslim faith, records show these mercenaries performed well, and helped increase the professionalism of the Roman Army at the time. Around this time, it appears a large revolt also broke out on the distant island of Malta, but Alexios chose to focus his efforts on finishing the war in front of him. For the immediate future, the Basileus would deal with the closest threat, and turned his army north to march on Zagreb. He ordered Tornikes to continue to push west and engage a small force of local militia which had formed up around Lira.

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The second phase of the Roman attack, aimed towards securing the surrender of the Croatian capital of Zagreb.

By April 14th, Alexios had defeated the pathetic force the Croatians called a “Royal Army”, and put Zagreb under siege. While it would take time to break through the fortifications, the Basileus briefly turned towards naval matters, ordering the Imperial Fleet in Constantinople to set sail for the Adriatic Sea. Alexios’ hope was that a swift victory in Croatia would allow him to turn around and immediately move to put the Maltese rebels down. Very quickly after arriving in the region, the Roman fleet engaged and decimated the Croats small navy, successfully eliminating the last major piece of resistance outside Zagreb.

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The short battle saw the Roman Admiral Batatzes completely destroy the Croatian Navy, even capturing a transport ship!

With the news of the navy’s destruction and no hope of relief in sight, the young King Kralj III sent an emissary of peace to Alexios’ camp, asking for surrender terms. The Croats were shocked at how stiff the proposed terms were, but they would not lose their independence, so it could have been much worse. The treaty signed on October 27th forced the Croatian kingdom to hand over the border provinces of Bosna and Visoki, as well as 80 ducats worth of gold. They were also forced to transfer all trading rights in the region to Roman merchants, and would be forced to provide 10% of their income each year to Constantinople as reparations. With this conflict settled, Alexios placed Tornikes and his Makedonian troops in charge of patrolling the newly conquered territories—a potentially difficult task as the locals neither practiced Orthodox Christianity nor spoke Greek. Over the next few years, the Makedonian troops on duty would regularly mingle with the local Serbian and Croat populations, significant decreasing the professionalism of the force compared to what it had been during the war.

As the fight in Croatia wound down, the fight in Malta wound up. Sending the local troops from the Thracian Theme home, Alexios took the Tagmata and the Imperial Navy south towards the rebellious island. We don’t have many historical records of the conflict…but we do know it was bloody. The Basileus recaptured the island by August 1083, and was back in Constantinople by November.

One of the first projects the Basileus jumped into upon his return to the Capital was unraveling the increasingly complicated situation in Salerno. A vassal of the Roman Empire since 1067, Duke Gisulf II had just died, leaving no male heirs. His incredibly talented daughter Giovanna had successfully politic’d her way towards temporarily securing power, but found herself in an increasingly tenuous situation. As both a practicing Orthodox Christian and a woman, her informal rule had angered the local nobility, who had long chafed under the indirect rule of a Roman Empire that neither controlled or maintained communion with the Pope in Rome. Duchess Giovanna reached out to Alexios while he was on campaign in Croatia, and offered to peacefully surrender her realm to the Roman state in return for the Basileus’ personal support for her local rule. Agreeing gladly, Alexios visited Salerno in February 1084, conducted a show of force with the local soldiers of the Calabrian Theme, and made it clear that the Roman Empire was in southern Italy to stay for good. The peaceful annexation of the Duchy of Salerno was completed in October 1086, and the Imperial Treasury quickly dispersed gold to build roads and expand the Thematic troops by about 4,000 soldiers.

The next few years saw Alexios return to a focus on peaceful diplomatic matters. He successfully negotiated an official alliance with the Kingdom of Georgia in July 1087, cemented by marrying off some minor Roman nobility to some Georgian princes. He also extended an invitation to Christophoros Phocas, a prominent Orthodox soldier from Hungary to come to the Capital as one of his primary military advisors. Of course, it wouldn’t be too long until Alexios once again looked to return to the military life. As Emperor of the Romans, he needed a conquer territory that mattered, not just backwater provinces controlled by Slavic tribes. With this hope in mind, the Basileus set his sights on a project his Uncle Isaac never even got to start—reconquering Sicily.

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[1] Seriously, Alexios’ mother, wife, and daughter/heir are all named Anna.

[2] Historically, Italus took over as head philosopher in Constantinople when Psellos died, and was famous for being one of the few medieval scholars to dive deeply into the pagan works of classical Greece. The Orthodox Church at the time was unsurprisingly not a fan of his works.
 
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Another solid chapter
 
Chapter 7
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Wasting no time, Alexios immediately began preparations for his coming campaign. From the Roman perspective, this war would be one of liberation, as the population of Sicily was still mostly Orthodox Christian and Greek-speaking. However, this island had been under the control of Muslim rulers since 902, and that left them over 200 years to dig in and fortify their position. The Basileus made no assumptions that the invasion would be easy, especially once he took stock of the diplomatic situation.

The Sicilian Emir (understanding his relative vulnerability) had successfully secured defensive treaties with both the Sultanate of Algeria and the Seljuk Caliphate. While the Empire could easy project enough power across the seas to fight both the Sicilian and Algerian Muslims at the same time, it would be a completely different story to do that while fending off massive Arab invasions in the east. While the Basileus and his advisors worked on this problem, the Imperial Army and Navy began to mobilize. It was not until (Strategos of the Cilician Theme) presented an idea that Alexios made his decision to instigate the war. Nestongos’ idea was to utilize the more numerous eastern armies to quickly seize and fortify some of the Fatamid’s territory in northern Syria. This would allow the army to both protect Antioch from a siege, and use it as a logistics base to support their front line. Still unsure of the overall loyalty of troops from the eastern themes, Alexios made the decision to promote Nestongos to command of the Cilician soldiers, and also take overall command in the region. It would be up to Tornikes and his Makedonians to coordinate the western front.

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The initial Roman plan of attack into Fatamid territory, aiming to secure a defensible front line.

For the western front, the Romans would only be able to deploy roughly one third of the troops that they had in Anatolia, which would make detailed planning all the more important. In the Basileus’ first war council in June 1088, Alexios laid out his vision; positioning the raw recruits from Calabria right at the tip of the Italian boot. There would be no way for the Sicilian Emir to miss this very obvious deployment, and he would hopefully move his army to the northeast of the island in order to counter any Roman attempt to cross the narrow channel. Meanwhile, the Imperial Navy would quickly move in and deposit the Makedonian infantry on the southern coast of Sicily. With the fleet stationed offshore, the Algerians would be unable to provide any support to their allies on the island. Foolproof, right? With his decision made, Alexios ordered all available merchant ships to be drafted into service, and the drums of war grew louder. As a final measure, in a special celebration of Mass on November 28th, the Basileus and Patriarch jointly consecrated a newly painted icon of the Archangel Michael, and declared the Roman Empire to officially be the defender of the Orthodox faith. Three days later he declared war on the Emirate of Sicily.

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Icons such as this painting of St. Michael were extremely important to medieval Romans, and still remain an important part of Orthodox Christianity.

As expected, this declaration of war was met with the same from both the Fatamids in Egypt and the Hammadids in Algeria. The Romans wasted no time initiating the action, with the unsuspecting Sicilian fleet ambushed and completely destroyed by the Greek Fire-wielding Roman ships. Within 10 days of the war stating, Roman troops had returned to Sicily for the first time in two hundred years. By February 1089, the Emir ordered a retreat from Messina towards his capital at Palermo, probably afraid that the Romans would cut him off from the city. With the northeastern tip of Sicily open, the Thematic troops from Calabria slowly began trickling over.

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The western armies quickly secured control over the eastern half of Sicily.

Around the same time, Alexios crossed the Fatamid border, marching into the Syrian desert with about 36,000 soldiers. By January 12th he had occupied Latakia, and by mid-May had secured the surrender of Tripoli, while the other two portions of his army reached their goals of Homs and Tadmor by July. Despite pushing over 150 miles into Fatamid territory, the Romans had yet to encounter any major Arab response force…something that made Alexios’ increasingly nervous. Where was the massive horde of Muslim armies that had been raiding and causing havoc on the Romans’ eastern provinces for the past three hundred years? Despite the anxiety, reports from the Sicilian campaign only got better each time a courier arrived.

Tornikes’ strategy was paying off, and had secured the eastern half of Sicily by the end of February. Deciding to end the war quickly, he gathered both his Makedonian and Calabrian forces, and marched on Palermo. Unfortunately, upon arriving at the Emir’s capital and setting up a siege, the Romans discovered that Algerian reinforcements had managed to sneak onto the island after all. With this addition of forces, Palermo was now defended by over 15,000 Arab soldiers. Suffice to say, the city was going to be a tough nut to crack, and Tornikes also had to worry about the tens of thousands of Greek-speaking Christians being held hostage behind its walls.

As summer turned to fall, the Fatamids finally responded, with an initial force of 7,000 Arabs spotted heading for Damascus. Sensing an opportunity, Alexios moved inland from Tripoli, hoping to surprise and cut off the advancing Arabs before they reached and consolidated their forces at the fortified city of Damascus. Unfortunately for the Basileus, the Fatamids got wind of the maneuver, and pushed north along the Mediterranean coastline—heading right for Tripoli, now without a Roman army to protect it. Immediately after realizing his blunder, further reports began to pour in of 15,000 more Arabs advancing towards Tadmor. Alexios quickly ordered the Thematic troops stationed there to withdraw and link up with the third section of the Roman army near Homs. Despite this attempt to consolidate his own front line, it left a large gap on the Roman right, which was quickly exploited by the more mobile cavalry-heavy Arab armies. In an effort to outflank the Fatamids, the Romans found themselves almost surrounded by January 1090. Lifting the siege of Damascus, Alexios and the Tagmata dashed north to link up with the rest of the army at Homs. Once consolidated, the Romans would make a strategic withdrawal north towards Hamah, aiming to beat the Arabs to the province and prevent their supply lines from being cut. As the Romans moved out, a final scouting party reported they had located the bulk of the Fatamid army…and it was slowly following them north. To make matters worse, the Arabs had already arrived in Hamah, and were beginning to secure the countryside. Evidently, a chunk of the troops that the Romans had been skirmishing with the past few months were in fact hired soldiers from Yemen. By the end of the month, the Arabs had moved over 46,000 troops into Syria, outnumbering the Romans by nearly a third.

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By the beginning of January 1090, the eastern armies were in danger of being surrounded by the Fatamids and their Arab allies.

In an episode of extremely good timing, Alexios also received another message in January, this one again from Tornikes. Announcing he had finished the siege of Palermo and liberated the city, he also admitted that the victory was not as complete as he would have liked. While the Emir and his family had escaped, there was still a significant problem of Arab raiders roaming the mountainous island, causing chaos among the Roman occupation force. While Tornikes had enough troops to keep a lid on the situation for now, he could not also guarantee the safety of Roman territory in southern Italy. The local recruits from the Calabrian Theme had to be sent home to guard their homeland—the longer they were gone the more likely it was the neighboring Normans would invade. With the primary goal of the war accomplished, Alexios judged that the situation in Syria was not secure enough to justify such an aggressive position. The Romans needed to break out, and the only way to do that was advance on the Arabs in Hamah. Alexios ordered his Tagmata and Nestongos’ Cilician Thematic troops into battle, leaving the Armeniakon reserves as a rearguard. Involving 24,000 Romans and nearly 17,000 Arabs, the Battle of Hamah would determine not just the war itself, but also the fate of Alexios’ rule. Even if he personally survived, he would be unlikely to politically survive a situation where the bulk of the eastern armies witnessed him retreat in defeat.

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An illustration of the Cilician Theme’s cavalry which won the day at Hamah.

Consuming most of the afternoon on January 29th, the Battle of Hamah was a bloody, but ultimately clean-cut affair. While the Romans had been outmaneuvered strategically in this case, they were keenly aware of the tactical capabilities of the Arabs’ cavalry armies. Alexios aimed to prevent the Arabs from securing any wiggle room to maneuver, and moved the mounted Tagmata in early to pin the Fatamids against the banks of the Orontes River until the bulk of the Thematic infantry could arrive. The Arabs were forced to stand in fight, or risk being encircled and destroyed themselves. After a few hours of jostling back and forth, Nestongos eventually found an opening on the enemy’s left flank, and personally led a cavalry charge which broke the back of the Arab forces. Supposedly, barely more than half of the Fatamid force escaped the battle alive. When news of the defeat reached the Fatamid Caliph, he ordered the aggressive push against the Romans to be delayed, which gave the rest of Alexios’ forces a chance to catch up to the Basileus, consolidating a more defensible front line between Antioch and the captured Arab fort of Halab. By April 1091, almost all of the territory the Romans had conquered at the beginning of the war was back in Arab hands.

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Over 7,100 Arabs lost their lives in the Battle of Hamah, compared to just 4,100 Romans.

Meanwhile, the Sicilian campaign had expanded. In order to find a conclusion to the muddle Tornikes had found himself in, the Strategos of the Makedonian Theme came up with a daring plan—launch a small expeditionary force onto the Algerian coast, and force a peace treaty to end the conflict. Evidently the plan did succeed, as we have reports of a few thousand Roman cavalry making their way to North Africa and threatening the Algerian capital of Al-Djeza. Not wanting to risk their poorly defended city from being burnt to the ground, the Algerians conceded in early February, agreeing to turn over the Sicilian Emir and his family to the Roman Army. Furthermore, they would be forced to hand over 104 ducats of gold, and pay 10% of their income to Constantinople as penance for the war. Tornikes’ scheme had worked with minimal casualties, and gave Alexios the diplomatic leverage he needed to secure an end to overall hostilities with the Arabs.

Continuing the trend of good timing, Tornikes’ victory in the west was reported to the Basileus just as his army was beginning to lose fighting effectiveness. With the campaign dragging into its second year, the Thematic troops’ constant deployment away from home had caused significant economic penalties all over the Empire—eventually leading to a huge problem with delayed or missed salary payments. Seeing the current stalemate for what it was, the Basileus send an emissary to the Caliph. Alexios offered to leave Fatamid territory in peace under the condition that they allow the Romans a free hand in Sicily. The Caliph responded with a refusal, insisting that he would use Fatamid troops to reconquer the island for Islam if the Romans chose to annex it, and that he would call on as many Islamic nations as possible to join him. Alexios was fully aware that his Empire could not survive a protracted war with the entire Muslim world, and that holding the entire island would probably be untenable due to the constant threat of Norman invasion from the north. He chose to compromise, reducing his demands to just one third of Sicily—the ancient city of Syracuse and its surrounding countryside. The Caliph (probably dealing with similar internal problems of maintaining his army at full force for so long) agreed, and hostilities ceased on March 9th. As he sent his armies home, the Basileus boarded a ship west, aiming to deal with the Sicilian Emir himself.

The Basileus arrived to find the situation just as tenuous as Tornikes had described it. Despite the majority of the island’s population being Christian, the significant amount of Arab immigration over the previous two centuries had formed a core of loyal Muslim subjects. Without massive purges, it was unlikely the Romans would be able to hold the western half of the island without significant military investment—something Basileus was unable to guarantee would be possible. Over the course of the summer, Alexios hammered out a deal with the Emir, eventually settling on terms by August 1091. As mentioned above, the Romans would take direct control of the southeastern third of the island. The Emir would also be forced to hand over 10% of his yearly income as well—but most importantly was forced to annul his defensive treaty with the Fatamids. Despite a brief liberation by the Imperial Army, the Greek Christians living in the other two thirds would not be able to rely on the Empire to protect them for the foreseeable future.

While Alexios had not secured the victory he wished, it was still a victory which expanded the Empire, enriched the treasury, and endeared him to the eastern armies as a leader who could go toe to toe with the Arab menace without getting them all killed.
 
This is awesome. One of the best-written AAR's I've ever read. Please continue! Will you be playing all the way until 1820?
 
Hamah was a solid victory. Will be interesting to see what direction Constantinople will go from here
 
This is awesome. One of the best-written AAR's I've ever read. Please continue! Will you be playing all the way until 1820?
You're too kind! Thank you so much. I plan to carry it on through the end, yes-- although I'm going to try and transfer it to regular EU4 when we hit 1444.

Hamah was a solid victory. Will be interesting to see what direction Constantinople will go from here
Indeed! I think west, as east is quite scary...
 
Chapter 8
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As Alexios returned to the capital in August 1091, he found a political situation that required a massive effort of consolidation and reform. In his 21 years on the throne, the Basileus (now approaching 50 years old) had managed to significantly shore up the Empire’s defenses, increase the morale of both the western and eastern segments of the Imperial Army, and somehow survive the constant viper’s nest that was Constantinople’s political intrigue. [1] We will go more in detail in following chapters about the military and cultural evolution of the Empire during Isaac and Alexios’ time on the throne—so for now, we will focus on the more mundane day-to-day management policies and events that characterized Alexios’ final decade as Basileus.

With the new militia forces standing up and starting to patrol southern Italy and portions of Sicily, Alexios felt relatively comfortable leaving the newly conquered city of Syracuse in the hands of the local authorities. This is probably a good thing, as despite the Basileus’ nature as a workaholic, he was fully engrossed in economic policies as soon as he returned home. Over the course of the last two decades, Alexios had built up an unrivaled intelligence network in the region, a capability that the Empire had not seen since the “Bureau of Barbarians” that ceased operations under the reforms of Emperor Leo III. [2] Sometime in 1091, this network of spies was able to secure a complete copy of the Fatamid Sultan’s latest maps—revealing the exact location of the holy city Mecca.

The foundation of this intelligence enterprise was mostly traveling traders, who were often a fantastic source of information for what was happening in the cities of the Empire’s neighbors. Bizarrely, this utility does did not change Alexios’ personal and intense distaste for trade as a profession. As a member of the ancient Anatolian aristocracy, the Basileus and most of the Komnenoi dynasty believed the only two honorable professions of a Roman citizen to be the military or agriculture. Despite the literal piles of gold the Roman trade network brought to Constantinople, the 1090s saw a significant decrease in the political influence of the merchant classes. This refusal to recognize the economic and social value of the capital’s massive trade markets forced Alexios to continue to look for funds by directly taxing both the free peasantry and the noble families. And the tax regime by all accounts was strict, heavy, and all around brutal to anyone who had two coins to rub together.

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In the early middle ages, the backbone of the Empire’s economy was free peasants working their own land. By 1100 though, the majority of farms in Anatolia were combined into large estates owned by aristocracy. These nobles would pay peasants to work on their land, eventually creating a type of quasi-feudalism.

The Basileus was certainly capable of using this wealth successfully though. Starting in 1094, he completed another stretch of road improvements, adding two routes outward from Constantinople; one running north along the Black Sea coast to the Danube River, and one heading south along the Aegean Coastline of Anatolia towards Rhodes. Originally designed so the Imperial Army could react to barbarian incursions faster, the road network only increased Constantinople’s status as the major regional trade hub in southeastern Europe. The Basileus was also known to donate tax revenue to certain noble families when asked, which allowed him to build short-term coalitions between the other major dynatoi noble families [3] of the realm such as the Douki, Angeloi, Skleros, and others. The last major project Alexios undertook with this cash was the construction of a new armory complex attached to the city walls, probably for the use of the Tagmatic troops garrisoned in and around the royal palace.

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One of the 11th century armories that Alexios constructed during the later part of his reign.

Outside of mundane policymaking, the Basileus also dealt with two major foreign policy events during the first half of the 1090s. First, the King of Hungary finally croaked in October 1093, leaving no clear line of succession, and the Arpad dynasty that had ruled the Kingdom for the previous century came to an unceremonious end. As one of his final acts, the elder King Solomon willed a portion of his state to one of his nieces, who was married to the son of a junior member of the Komnenei clan. The marriage Isaac I had negotiated in 1060 had born fruit, as Ulaszlo Komnenos, a distant relative of the Roman Emperors now sat on the throne of Hungary.

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Ulaszlo Komnenos (a distant relative of Alexios) was crowned King of Hungary on October 12th, 1093. Unfortunately for everyone involved…he was a Catholic.

The second series of events kicked off in January 1096, as the Pecheneg Khanate—long a menace to the Empire’s northern border—finally began to collapse. Over the past century, the horde of barbarians had not just been harassing the Romans, but also smaller eastern European duchies as well. Finally having enough, Preslyav, Galicia, and Novgorod threw off the yoke of the nomads. The ruling Khan was killed in battle, and his tribe’s entire treasury looted. Unable to control their own borders, the Wallachian and Moldovan tribes on the northern banks of the Danube immediately declared independence and killed as many Pecheneg families as they could get their hands on. Still controlling a wide swath of territory, the individual Pecheneg clans bickered amongst themselves for a few years, and eventually suffering a string of massive defeats at the hands of the Kingdom of Georgia in 1102. Curiously enough, as the tribe’s remnants (only controlling portions of modern-day Ukraine) eventually converted to Orthodox Christianity, finally abandoning their barbarian paganism. All-in-all, Alexios was able to secure a few years of relative peace, continuing to direct his attention to economic and spiritual matters, eventually securing the Mesopotamian city of Edessa’s conversion to the Orthodox faith in 1095.

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An 11th century illustration of the Pechenegs fighting the Wallachian and Moldovan rebels, a war they would eventually lose.

This tranquility was short-lived though, as frantic messages reached the Imperial Court in October 1097 that a large revolt had broken out in Roman-controlled Sicily. Aggressive efforts to convert the Muslim population of Syracuse had completely backfired, and 12,000 Arabs revolted, scattering most of the 8,000-strong garrison stationed in the city, and slaughtering every Christian clergyman they could find. Despite the severity of the revolt, reports tell us that Alexios and his Tagmata sailed to Syracuse and quickly put down the revolt by the end of March 1098—blinding hundreds of captured Arabs and force-marching them to the border with the rump Emirate of Sicily. Right before returning home, Alexios’ ever-present spies brought him perhaps the most interesting news he had heard yet—that a new institution of thought called “Scholasticism” [4] had appeared in Genoa. While the Basileus himself had no need for lofty philosophical talk, he probably mused that the dusty academics in the Imperial University of Philosophy would surely find use for such thoughts.

Unfortunately for Alexios, he would have no well-earned vacation when he returned to the palace, as his fleet had not just brought home reports of a squashed rebellion from Sicily…but the Plague as well. Shortly after the fleet’s return, a particularly brutal strain of Bubonic Plague wracked the city for over a year, rapidly spreading from rats that had stowed away in booty looted from Muslim communities in Syracuse. The sickness came and went quickly, but not before nearly killing the great Emperor himself. While Alexios eventually recovered, to his horror he found that his only son did not. As a direct result of the Basileus’ military successes, his 14 year-old son (and probable heir) John had withered away and died in February 1101. Physically and mentally broken, the Basileus was essentially bedridden for a year, and the extended Komnenoi clan began to tear themselves apart over what they believed was now an open succession.

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An illustration of the plague which ravaged through Constantinople from 1100-1101.

The situation was made all the worse when another panicked messenger arrived at the palace just after New Years, 1102. The Armenians in the eastern borderlands had come down from the mountains with a host 27,000-strong, and were marching on Trebizond. While this news snapped Alexios out of his depressive state, he was far too physically weak to make the journey, let alone lead an army. With his favored son recently deceased, he turned to the only other member of his extended family that he felt he could truly trust; his son-in-law Nikephoros Bryennios. Marching west and gathering what Thematic troops he could, Bryennios eventually met and defeated the rebels before they were able to complete the siege of Tebrizond. Despite a quick route, about 80% of the Armenian army survived, and it took another six months for the Romans to chase them back across the border. Finally returning back to the capital in September, it was not a moment too soon. The ageing Alexios was fading fast, and had only held on in order to bring his daughter Anna and her husband Bryennios together. Giving them his blessing, the Basileus offered up his ring to Anna, ordering the Patriarch to crown her and her husband as rulers. Once accomplished, the Basileus formally abdicated, retiring to one of the numerous monasteries around Constantinople where he died on October 11th, 1102.

It is difficult to overstate the importance Alexios I played, not just in securing his family’s position as rulers of the Roman Empire, but also in stabilizing an extremely precarious political situation. Continuing what his uncle Isaac had started, Alexios finished instituting significant reforms in the armed forces, secured the western and eastern borders, and oversaw a flourishing cultural rejuvenation in Constantinople. Through his 32 year-long reign, he had turned an upstart family of rebels into a lasting dynasty.

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Alexios I Komnenos, born April 1048, died October 1102

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[1] Historically, Alexios dealt with dozens of rebellions and assassination plots throughout his reign. Byzantine court politics made Game of Thrones look like a child’s day care, all things considered. Unfortunately, there’s really no way to replicate that in EU4 besides rebels spawning.

[2] Responsible for the diplomatic dealings with all ‘barbarian nations’, the skrinion tōn barbarōn was an office of the Byzantine bureaucracy that existed from around the 400s through the mid-late 700s. There’s some evidence to indicate it also had a secondary purpose as an espionage agency or secret police, but the details are sketchy.

[3] A Greek term meaning “the powerful”, the dynatoi were essentially the noble ruling class of the Empire, these families were constantly jostling and scheming for power. Game of Thrones metaphors still valid. However, the legal status wasn’t technically hereditary, so smaller and newer clans could rise up and take the place of older fading families.

[4] In the Expanded Timeline mod, there’s of course way more institutions. This one gives some extra Tolerance of the True Faith when you embrace it.
 
An inglorious end, but a worthy reign nevertheless. :)
 
And so the reign of the best Roman Emperor in generations had come to an end
 
A very significant turnaround all told.
 
Very nice update. I like how even though you have mostly good rulers, they aren't all Napoleons or Peter the Greats. Byzantium isn't just blobbing immediately, and it seems as though you are actually trying to roleplay all of your decisions in-game, instead of just using text to explain away all of your game-y strategies or even pretending like your mechanic-manipulating super-strategy is somehow logical in a realistic world. There is a depth to this AAR I have not otherwise encountered. And I like it.
Keep up the admirable work!