Now that was conquest on a truly epic scale! But like always when it seems to get too good to be true for Byzantium I now hope for some trouble from the inside or the outside to keep things interesting.
~Lord Valentine~
~Lord Valentine~
Revival of the Byzantine Empire
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Megas is almost an understatement. Isaac is probably going to get rated centuries later as one of the greatest monarchs ever. Though I'm noticing Cyprus isn't purple... that needs to be rectified, at least for the purposes of a pretty map! 
General_BT said:... Though I'm noticing Cyprus isn't purple... that needs to be rectified, at least for the purposes of a pretty map!
General_BT is right! Especially since a lowly scion of the house of Komnenos still claims the purple on that petty island. A small nuisance but still an insult to the authority of the rightful vicegerent of Christ in Constantinopolis!
~Lord Valentine~
Progress has been slow writing the next set of updates. I've played past Romanos's reign, but every time I sit down to write it out, it's difficult to really get it exactly the way I want it, because both his personality and the events that take place under his and his successor's reign really are interesting enough to make sure I get it right. Rest assured, I'm working on it.
Enewald: As of his death, Isaac holds the record for longest-ruling Roman or Byzantine Empire in history. Augustus, by contrast, lived for only 45 years after the Battle of Actium, and only Basil II comes closest, having technically been (co)emperor for 65 years, though he only really ruled for 49 (compared to Isaac's 53).
Hopefully, the empire won't decay quite as much as it did after either Augustus or Basil II, eh?
Capibara: At this point, that mostly relies on internal matters. Isaac was good enough to crush virtually every significant threat on Byzantium's borders. The Bulgars are gone, the Normans won't be coming back, the Turks are conquered. In fact, the only major threat is the Khwarizmian Empire, but the empire can afford to lose a few provinces in the east without suffering considerably.
Lord Valentine: Well, the Mongols still haven't shown up, and Western Europe might yet attempt to retake Rome, and the aristocracy's always a bit unpredictable, so there will be things on the horizon to keep Romanos and his heirs on their toes.
General_BT: I really lucked out on Isaac. His intrigue rating, as you may notice, was awful, and his military ratings not really anything to phone home about, and with Basil dying early, I expected him to get the "nervous wreck" event. Instead, I got the event that gave him his "Energetic" trait.
Lord Valentine/General_BT: Yes, Cyprus still remains under the rule of the Comnenid dynasty. I contented myself with letting them remain independent, since they posed absolutely no threat to me and don't have nearly good (or pretty) enough courtiers to marry. Though once they seized Baalbeck from the Abbasids, I've been growing steadily more annoyed with their refusal to accept my suzerainty. It may not be long before a Batatzian emperor sends a fleet to put an end to their claim to the throne.
Enewald: As of his death, Isaac holds the record for longest-ruling Roman or Byzantine Empire in history. Augustus, by contrast, lived for only 45 years after the Battle of Actium, and only Basil II comes closest, having technically been (co)emperor for 65 years, though he only really ruled for 49 (compared to Isaac's 53).
Hopefully, the empire won't decay quite as much as it did after either Augustus or Basil II, eh?
Capibara: At this point, that mostly relies on internal matters. Isaac was good enough to crush virtually every significant threat on Byzantium's borders. The Bulgars are gone, the Normans won't be coming back, the Turks are conquered. In fact, the only major threat is the Khwarizmian Empire, but the empire can afford to lose a few provinces in the east without suffering considerably.
Lord Valentine: Well, the Mongols still haven't shown up, and Western Europe might yet attempt to retake Rome, and the aristocracy's always a bit unpredictable, so there will be things on the horizon to keep Romanos and his heirs on their toes.
General_BT: I really lucked out on Isaac. His intrigue rating, as you may notice, was awful, and his military ratings not really anything to phone home about, and with Basil dying early, I expected him to get the "nervous wreck" event. Instead, I got the event that gave him his "Energetic" trait.
Lord Valentine/General_BT: Yes, Cyprus still remains under the rule of the Comnenid dynasty. I contented myself with letting them remain independent, since they posed absolutely no threat to me and don't have nearly good (or pretty) enough courtiers to marry. Though once they seized Baalbeck from the Abbasids, I've been growing steadily more annoyed with their refusal to accept my suzerainty. It may not be long before a Batatzian emperor sends a fleet to put an end to their claim to the throne.
Good show sir. You've played a fair game and made a kick ass story out of it, something I alas, cannot do with CK. So carry on!
Well, there was no Teutoburger during Isaacs late years?
And his son probably won't be crazed.
Btw, is Constantinople now full of marmor?
And his son probably won't be crazed.
Btw, is Constantinople now full of marmor?
Well, after a fair amount of time, I've finally finished my second (of who knows how many) part, chronicoling the rule of Emperor Romanos IV and his son. I wrote the whole thing as one long chapter. However, I will only be posting it one (probably short) piece at a time, once or twice a day.
In any case, and as always, questions, comments, concerns, etc. are all greatly appreciated.
Konig15: Will do!
Enewald: Well, the defeat at the hands of Khwarizmia, while no Teutoburger, was certainly a painful experience. And I believe Constantinople was already full of marble. He may have filled Rome, too, though.
Romanos IV Batatzes rose to the throne of the Byzantine Empire with little fanfare. Despite the dismal mood in Constantinople, where Romanos was residing in spite of his role as dux of Thrake, after Isaac the Great’s death and the general cessation of most urban activity, Romanos was determined to become emperor as quickly as possible. Many in the city argued that out of respect and mourning for Isaac’s passing, Romanos should wait. In spite of this, he went ahead, bullying the Patriarch into anointing him emperor and throwing a lavish celebration for the occasion. The affair was a miserable one; few guests actually showed up and those who did had no desire to celebrate so soon after their great emperor’s death. It was an underwhelming beginning to the new reign.
Unfortunately, that was the last thing Emperor Romanos IV needed at the start of his rule. Soft-spoken, physically unimpressive, often miserly, and, while not cowardly, always shying away from confrontation, Romanos was, by all appearances, nothing like Isaac. For an empire that had lived knowing only Isaac, Romanos was all the more uninspiring to the people of Byzantium. Although only Isaac’s grandson, great things were still expected of him, great things he could not possibly deliver – since Isaac had destroyed virtually any adjacent rival. To make matters worse, Romanos never did particularly excel at anything. He owed his titles to his birth, and his place in the succession because Isaac, for whatever reason, had found the young man good enough for the job. Where Isaac had been fighting, and defeating, enemies on the field of battle since the age of sixteen, Romanos never saw a single battle until the Syrian campaign, and only then from the distant vantage point of the emperor’s retinue. Where Isaac had probably single-handedly killed more people in more places in Europe than most people even saw in their lives, Romanos might have glimpsed a dismembered arm or pool of blood from his lofty vantage point far behind the army. High expectations added to Romanos’s already underwhelming presence and talents, inevitably bred disillusionment.
His uncouth coronation and celebration now behind him, Romanos immediately had to face the first pressing concerns of his reign: dealing with the nobility. All the various strategoi and pronoia (now in a noticeable minority) owed their – or their fathers’ – positions to Isaac’s personal selection. It was inevitable and entirely expected that Isaac’s death would cause at least minor instability in the empire, and the nobility was certainly riled up. Some began to grumble aloud that Romanos was unfit for his position. Incensed by the emperor’s profound rudeness upon his ascension to the purple, Michael Palaiologos, strategoi of the Palmyra theme, quickly distinguished himself as the standard bearer of the anti-Romanos faction, derisively attacking the emperor in widely-distributed letters or openly disrespecting him at court. Before too long, Michael even went so far as to suggest that Romanos, who had no children, was impotent. As was his nature, Romanos chose to ignore Michael, letting rumor after rumor go unchecked. Fortunately, however, the emperor, or rather his brother Arkadios – the presumptive heir to the throne – skillfully applied the throne’s vast wealth and his diplomatic skill to pacifying the nobility, preventing anything substantial from materializing from their muttered grumblings and slights on Romanos’s imperial dignity. It was, however, a disquieting omen of things to come.
In any case, and as always, questions, comments, concerns, etc. are all greatly appreciated.
Konig15: Will do!
Enewald: Well, the defeat at the hands of Khwarizmia, while no Teutoburger, was certainly a painful experience. And I believe Constantinople was already full of marble. He may have filled Rome, too, though.
~~~~ ~~~~
Part II: The Empire After Isaac The Great
Part II: The Empire After Isaac The Great
Chapter I: Replacing Isaac
Romanos IV Batatzes rose to the throne of the Byzantine Empire with little fanfare. Despite the dismal mood in Constantinople, where Romanos was residing in spite of his role as dux of Thrake, after Isaac the Great’s death and the general cessation of most urban activity, Romanos was determined to become emperor as quickly as possible. Many in the city argued that out of respect and mourning for Isaac’s passing, Romanos should wait. In spite of this, he went ahead, bullying the Patriarch into anointing him emperor and throwing a lavish celebration for the occasion. The affair was a miserable one; few guests actually showed up and those who did had no desire to celebrate so soon after their great emperor’s death. It was an underwhelming beginning to the new reign.
Unfortunately, that was the last thing Emperor Romanos IV needed at the start of his rule. Soft-spoken, physically unimpressive, often miserly, and, while not cowardly, always shying away from confrontation, Romanos was, by all appearances, nothing like Isaac. For an empire that had lived knowing only Isaac, Romanos was all the more uninspiring to the people of Byzantium. Although only Isaac’s grandson, great things were still expected of him, great things he could not possibly deliver – since Isaac had destroyed virtually any adjacent rival. To make matters worse, Romanos never did particularly excel at anything. He owed his titles to his birth, and his place in the succession because Isaac, for whatever reason, had found the young man good enough for the job. Where Isaac had been fighting, and defeating, enemies on the field of battle since the age of sixteen, Romanos never saw a single battle until the Syrian campaign, and only then from the distant vantage point of the emperor’s retinue. Where Isaac had probably single-handedly killed more people in more places in Europe than most people even saw in their lives, Romanos might have glimpsed a dismembered arm or pool of blood from his lofty vantage point far behind the army. High expectations added to Romanos’s already underwhelming presence and talents, inevitably bred disillusionment.
His uncouth coronation and celebration now behind him, Romanos immediately had to face the first pressing concerns of his reign: dealing with the nobility. All the various strategoi and pronoia (now in a noticeable minority) owed their – or their fathers’ – positions to Isaac’s personal selection. It was inevitable and entirely expected that Isaac’s death would cause at least minor instability in the empire, and the nobility was certainly riled up. Some began to grumble aloud that Romanos was unfit for his position. Incensed by the emperor’s profound rudeness upon his ascension to the purple, Michael Palaiologos, strategoi of the Palmyra theme, quickly distinguished himself as the standard bearer of the anti-Romanos faction, derisively attacking the emperor in widely-distributed letters or openly disrespecting him at court. Before too long, Michael even went so far as to suggest that Romanos, who had no children, was impotent. As was his nature, Romanos chose to ignore Michael, letting rumor after rumor go unchecked. Fortunately, however, the emperor, or rather his brother Arkadios – the presumptive heir to the throne – skillfully applied the throne’s vast wealth and his diplomatic skill to pacifying the nobility, preventing anything substantial from materializing from their muttered grumblings and slights on Romanos’s imperial dignity. It was, however, a disquieting omen of things to come.
A foolish new ruler, but he has a good heir I believe should he die.
campaigning can be dangerous.
campaigning can be dangerous.
It's the same old story with these great conquerors. They create a empire that is usually to vast and complicated for their successors to consolidate. It'll be interesting to see how long Romanos can hold on to his throne.
~Lord Valentine~
~Lord Valentine~
Enewald: Well, as noted, Romanos doesn't like to get himself into any situation that might be considered "dangerous". And it's only a matter of time before Romanos goes and ruins everything by having a son.
Lord Valentine: The thing is, though, the pressure's not really coming from restless natives or troublesome borders, it's from the nobility, which had already been causing trouble under Isaac Angelos.
Capibara: I can imagine it now: Michael Palaiologos taking Constantinople. What are the odds of that happening?
In the early summer of 1257, something happened to the east. A horde of heavily-armed and highly organized nomads emerged from beyond the reaches of civilization. Traders and merchants, bringing back rumors of a great empire rising in the empty space on the map between Persia and China, called these new arrivals Mongols. It became immediately evident that these so-called Mongols were vehemently hostile to the Khwarizmian Empire. Romanos was all too eager to lend Byzantium’s assistance by dispatching assassins to eliminate the Shah’s finest generals and make the Mongol conquest just a little easier. Before long, however, the magnitude of the situation began to dawn upon Constantinople. This was not just a squabble over border land between two eastern empires; it was a battle for extermination and survival for the Mongols and Khwarizmians respectively. News trickled across the Caspian in the form of desperate refugees, bringing tales of terrible atrocities and rampaging Mongols in the tens of thousands. But by 1259, it was too late. The Golden Horde, the northern prong of the invasion, had successfully gutted the Shah Ertekin’s Caucasian domain and was already skirmishing with the Prince of Moscow, while the Il-Khanate swept along the eastern shore of the Caspian Sea. Khawarizmia recovered admirably, effectively stalemating the Mongols at the gates of Khorasaan, the empire’s capital, but the damage had been done.
As the Khwarizmians crumbled against the Mongol onslaught, Romanos was at a loss how to respond. A debate quickly surfaced regarding how to react. Some, championed by the ever-vocal Michael Palaiologos, demanded that the emperor exploit the weakness of the empire’s sole threat, the only power to ever defeat the Megas Isaac. Supporting him were the nouveau riche, so to speak, of the eastern provinces, military men like Thrakesios, Contarini, and Antiochites, generals who had earned their hard-fought thema. In opposition was the emperor’s brother and chancellor, Arkadios, and most of the European strategoi and pronoia, including Thomas Batatzes, arguing that destroying Romanion’s old rival would only bring a greater, more dangerous rival to the fore. Far better, they declared, to preserve the empire’s military strength for when the Mongols might emerge from the Khwarizmians’ ruins and march further west. Romanos hesitated, vacillating between the two factions, unsure how to deal with the totally unknown Mongol hordes. Indeed, the Golden Horde and Il-Khanate represented two completely foreign quantities, operating unlike anything since the barbarians of Alaric and Attila. For their part, though, neither horde showed much interest in Byzantium, too focused as they were on immediate concerns of conquests in Persia and Russia to turn their attentions on the empire.
Regardless, the empire was quickly growing restless day-by-day. Some action, regardless of which faction it favored, had to be made. Yet Romanos continued to hesitate, unwilling to risk inviting the wrath of a massive horde, yet not wishing to see the Mongols emerge triumphant and sitting astride the empire’s borders. Paralyzed into inaction, Romanos’s brother Arkadios chose to act instead. Hoping to sidestep the entire dilemma, yet demonstrate that the Byzantine Empire was not to be trifled with, Arkadios began making preparations in his brother’s place. In September 1263, the independent sheikdom of Amman, only fifty miles from Jerusalem, fell, opening the path to the Holy Land. By now, the empire was almost on the verge of flying apart. Tuscany declared independence – though only briefly – and Michael Palaiologos continued to agitate against the emperor. It would not be long before more nobles would attempt to break free or usurp Romanos’s position, and Arkadios, if only because he was still next in line for the purple, was determined not to let that happen.
Lord Valentine: The thing is, though, the pressure's not really coming from restless natives or troublesome borders, it's from the nobility, which had already been causing trouble under Isaac Angelos.
Capibara: I can imagine it now: Michael Palaiologos taking Constantinople. What are the odds of that happening?
~~~~ ~~~~
Chapter II: Something Wicked This Way Comes
Chapter II: Something Wicked This Way Comes
In the early summer of 1257, something happened to the east. A horde of heavily-armed and highly organized nomads emerged from beyond the reaches of civilization. Traders and merchants, bringing back rumors of a great empire rising in the empty space on the map between Persia and China, called these new arrivals Mongols. It became immediately evident that these so-called Mongols were vehemently hostile to the Khwarizmian Empire. Romanos was all too eager to lend Byzantium’s assistance by dispatching assassins to eliminate the Shah’s finest generals and make the Mongol conquest just a little easier. Before long, however, the magnitude of the situation began to dawn upon Constantinople. This was not just a squabble over border land between two eastern empires; it was a battle for extermination and survival for the Mongols and Khwarizmians respectively. News trickled across the Caspian in the form of desperate refugees, bringing tales of terrible atrocities and rampaging Mongols in the tens of thousands. But by 1259, it was too late. The Golden Horde, the northern prong of the invasion, had successfully gutted the Shah Ertekin’s Caucasian domain and was already skirmishing with the Prince of Moscow, while the Il-Khanate swept along the eastern shore of the Caspian Sea. Khawarizmia recovered admirably, effectively stalemating the Mongols at the gates of Khorasaan, the empire’s capital, but the damage had been done.
As the Khwarizmians crumbled against the Mongol onslaught, Romanos was at a loss how to respond. A debate quickly surfaced regarding how to react. Some, championed by the ever-vocal Michael Palaiologos, demanded that the emperor exploit the weakness of the empire’s sole threat, the only power to ever defeat the Megas Isaac. Supporting him were the nouveau riche, so to speak, of the eastern provinces, military men like Thrakesios, Contarini, and Antiochites, generals who had earned their hard-fought thema. In opposition was the emperor’s brother and chancellor, Arkadios, and most of the European strategoi and pronoia, including Thomas Batatzes, arguing that destroying Romanion’s old rival would only bring a greater, more dangerous rival to the fore. Far better, they declared, to preserve the empire’s military strength for when the Mongols might emerge from the Khwarizmians’ ruins and march further west. Romanos hesitated, vacillating between the two factions, unsure how to deal with the totally unknown Mongol hordes. Indeed, the Golden Horde and Il-Khanate represented two completely foreign quantities, operating unlike anything since the barbarians of Alaric and Attila. For their part, though, neither horde showed much interest in Byzantium, too focused as they were on immediate concerns of conquests in Persia and Russia to turn their attentions on the empire.
Regardless, the empire was quickly growing restless day-by-day. Some action, regardless of which faction it favored, had to be made. Yet Romanos continued to hesitate, unwilling to risk inviting the wrath of a massive horde, yet not wishing to see the Mongols emerge triumphant and sitting astride the empire’s borders. Paralyzed into inaction, Romanos’s brother Arkadios chose to act instead. Hoping to sidestep the entire dilemma, yet demonstrate that the Byzantine Empire was not to be trifled with, Arkadios began making preparations in his brother’s place. In September 1263, the independent sheikdom of Amman, only fifty miles from Jerusalem, fell, opening the path to the Holy Land. By now, the empire was almost on the verge of flying apart. Tuscany declared independence – though only briefly – and Michael Palaiologos continued to agitate against the emperor. It would not be long before more nobles would attempt to break free or usurp Romanos’s position, and Arkadios, if only because he was still next in line for the purple, was determined not to let that happen.
At last there seems to be a decent mongol invasion. In my games they are usually destroyed in the border regions within a matter of months.
I really ask myself whether Arkadios has ever considered that to preserve the purple for his family he himself might have to depose his incapable brother.
Also I second Enewald's request for a map.
~Lord Valentine~
I really ask myself whether Arkadios has ever considered that to preserve the purple for his family he himself might have to depose his incapable brother.
Also I second Enewald's request for a map.
~Lord Valentine~
As you've all requested it, here is a map of the Mongol conquests as of 1264.
In blue, you have the Il-Khanate, having taken control over much of the eastern shore of the Caspian, threatening Persia, and controlling a swath of formerly Cuman and Russian land running all the way to Kiev. The Golden Horde is the pale color, having done far worse, as it has lost several wars with its Mongol rival.
The Persian border is hardly fixed in place. Khwarizmia (grey) has refused to go down without a fight, resulting in wild see-saw wars that see the same Transaxonia provinces falling again and again. The border as you see it now does not represent the border as it is at the end of the update, but it's the average.
Romanos was hustled out of Constantinople just days after Amman’s capture at the head of the imperial tagmata. Arkadios, who had taken over the administration of the capital and empire in his brother’s stead, dispatched orders for the armies of the eastern frontiers to mobilize at Amman with the emperor. By the summer, over sixty thousand had gathered when Byzantium’s marshal, Alexios Antiochites, arrived with Romanos in tow. Michael was conspicuously absent, having been sent to far-off Mosul, on the grounds that he was needed there in the event the Azerbaijanis should attempt an invasion from their Persian holdings. Without his influence, the strategoi fell into line behind the emperor. Their destination was obvious to all. Unable to gather an army in time to block the advance, the emir of Azerbaijan retreated, leaving Jerusalem defenseless save for a token garrison. On the 10th of November, 1263, the Byzantine army arrived at the walls of Jerusalem. Romanos ordered Alexios to begin the assault as soon as safely possible; by the next day he was ready. In a bit of irony, the Byzantine force could be seen approaching from the eastern walls of the city, silhouetted against the rising sun as they arrayed themselves for the imminent assault. After a brief resistance, the scant Muslim defenders fell back, dissolving into the city and sacking the emir’s former palace. Far better disciplined than the crusaders of 1099, the Byzantines took the city with a minimum of bloodshed. Unlike Isaac’s jubilant parade through Rome, Romanos paid only a brief visit to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre before retiring to the emir’s former residence; while the fifty thousand Byzantine soldiers celebrated the recapture of the holiest city in Christianity for the first time in over six centuries, the emperor brooded alone.
Romanos was quick to remind his soldiers that there was still a war to be fought. After a week in Jerusalem, Romanos ordered the army to march in pursuit of the fleeing Azerbaijani emir Mursel Ildegurzid, who was amassing what army he could to counterattack the Byzantine invasion to the southwest. Jaffa fell on December 13, Hebron a month later, and Kerak in March of 1264. In all that time, Mursel desperately avoided a confrontation, biding his time until the opportune moment. On April 3, the emir badly outmaneuvered the Byzantine force at Monreal, escaping Alexios’s trap with embarrassing ease. Unphased, Romanos and Alexios continued to snatch up castles and cities while the Azerbaijani armies roamed largely intact. That changed on August 7 at the Battle of Negev. Outnumbered two to one, Mursel’s army was all but destroyed, losing approximately six thousand of his eight thousand. But the majority of those casualties had been the infantry, expendable conscripts, while the cavalry remained intact. Flushed with victory, Romanos moved to finish the emir off at Ascalon. The two armies met on October 19. Using most of his army as bait, Mursel sent Alexios on a wild goose chase, leaving the emperor, who, as usual, was watching the battle from a far-away vantage point, dangerously isolated. At the head of some five hundred cavalry, Mursel swept through the emperor’s camp, cutting a bloody swath through Romanos’s substantial bodyguard before making off with the badly-injured emperor before help could arrive.
Alexios was aghast. A Roman emperor had been kidnapped right out from underneath him by a heathen potentate, one of the greatest humiliations the dignity of the purple and the empire as a whole could suffer. The list of possible humiliations and tortures the emir might subject the hapless emperor was endless. For days, the Roman army stood paralyzed, its strategoi understandably unsure how to proceed. Abandoning the Holy Land was impossible, but Romanos’s execution or humiliation at the Muslim emir’s hands was unacceptable. Succession issues also had to be considered; Arkadios was acting as regent in his brother’s absence, and the emperor’s sons, Bardas and Vukan, were still just children. How too would the nobility react, especially Michael Palaiologos. Finally, on October 22, an envoy from the emir arrived, demanding an exorbitant ransom equaling a quarter of the empire’s annual revenue. While not seeming substantial, the amount would have been enough to buy the loyalty of every non-Christian in the Middle East for a jihad to reclaim Jerusalem, a force easily capable of doing to Romanos what the Turks had done to the last emperor to bear his name. For several hours, Alexios barricaded himself in his tent, weighing his options. Swallowing his pride and realizing just how badly the empire needed Romanos at the moment, Alexios agreed to the emir’s terms. True to his word, Mursel freed Romanos, who had suffered several grievous wounds in the abduction. Driven half-mad by his humiliation, Romanos demanded Alexios pursue the Azerbaijani forces and throw them out of the Holy Land for good. Alexios did not hesitate to comply; Ascalon fell shortly, and what little remained of the emir’s Levantine forces evaporated, leaving Mursel to flee eastward and take refuge in his Persian lands, loaded with more gold than he could know what to do with.
The Byzantine army lingered in the Holy Land well into the next spring, establishing frontier defenses, imperial administration, and an accommodation between the various religions competing for primacy in Jerusalem and elsewhere. However, Romanos took little part in or notice of the events around him. On the verge of making a recovery in mid-November from his injuries, Romanos took severely ill. For months, the emperor was too sick to even be moved, slipping in and out of a feverish coma. Letters crisscrossed the empire between Arkadios in Constantinople and Antiochites in Jerusalem as the regent’s concern grew. The strategos’s letters dashed any hopes of the emperor’s speedy recovery, and Arkadios was preparing himself as best he could to weather the inevitable succession.
Finally, on March 17, 1265 Romanos died, his body exhausted and his spirit broken from the months of suffering from both his wounds and fever. He was only 41 years old, and had ruled for only ten. History has not treated Romanos IV well, branding him a coward, incompetent, and weak-willed. There is a kernel of truth in such accusations: Romanos never engendered much confidence or respect in those around him, and avoided confrontations if at all possible. The fact he never led from the front only furthered this misconception. Yet his war in the Holy Land speaks otherwise, and even when captive, Romanos never begged for mercy, nor debased himself to save his life. He was unlucky enough to be the successor to Isaac Megas, and unlucky enough to rule during the Mongol invasion of Khwarizmia and Russia. In better times, Romanos could have been a perfectly adequate caretaker. He was simply born at the wrong time.
In blue, you have the Il-Khanate, having taken control over much of the eastern shore of the Caspian, threatening Persia, and controlling a swath of formerly Cuman and Russian land running all the way to Kiev. The Golden Horde is the pale color, having done far worse, as it has lost several wars with its Mongol rival.
The Persian border is hardly fixed in place. Khwarizmia (grey) has refused to go down without a fight, resulting in wild see-saw wars that see the same Transaxonia provinces falling again and again. The border as you see it now does not represent the border as it is at the end of the update, but it's the average.
~~~~ ~~~~
Chapter III: "Next Year in Jerusalem"
Romanos was hustled out of Constantinople just days after Amman’s capture at the head of the imperial tagmata. Arkadios, who had taken over the administration of the capital and empire in his brother’s stead, dispatched orders for the armies of the eastern frontiers to mobilize at Amman with the emperor. By the summer, over sixty thousand had gathered when Byzantium’s marshal, Alexios Antiochites, arrived with Romanos in tow. Michael was conspicuously absent, having been sent to far-off Mosul, on the grounds that he was needed there in the event the Azerbaijanis should attempt an invasion from their Persian holdings. Without his influence, the strategoi fell into line behind the emperor. Their destination was obvious to all. Unable to gather an army in time to block the advance, the emir of Azerbaijan retreated, leaving Jerusalem defenseless save for a token garrison. On the 10th of November, 1263, the Byzantine army arrived at the walls of Jerusalem. Romanos ordered Alexios to begin the assault as soon as safely possible; by the next day he was ready. In a bit of irony, the Byzantine force could be seen approaching from the eastern walls of the city, silhouetted against the rising sun as they arrayed themselves for the imminent assault. After a brief resistance, the scant Muslim defenders fell back, dissolving into the city and sacking the emir’s former palace. Far better disciplined than the crusaders of 1099, the Byzantines took the city with a minimum of bloodshed. Unlike Isaac’s jubilant parade through Rome, Romanos paid only a brief visit to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre before retiring to the emir’s former residence; while the fifty thousand Byzantine soldiers celebrated the recapture of the holiest city in Christianity for the first time in over six centuries, the emperor brooded alone.
Romanos was quick to remind his soldiers that there was still a war to be fought. After a week in Jerusalem, Romanos ordered the army to march in pursuit of the fleeing Azerbaijani emir Mursel Ildegurzid, who was amassing what army he could to counterattack the Byzantine invasion to the southwest. Jaffa fell on December 13, Hebron a month later, and Kerak in March of 1264. In all that time, Mursel desperately avoided a confrontation, biding his time until the opportune moment. On April 3, the emir badly outmaneuvered the Byzantine force at Monreal, escaping Alexios’s trap with embarrassing ease. Unphased, Romanos and Alexios continued to snatch up castles and cities while the Azerbaijani armies roamed largely intact. That changed on August 7 at the Battle of Negev. Outnumbered two to one, Mursel’s army was all but destroyed, losing approximately six thousand of his eight thousand. But the majority of those casualties had been the infantry, expendable conscripts, while the cavalry remained intact. Flushed with victory, Romanos moved to finish the emir off at Ascalon. The two armies met on October 19. Using most of his army as bait, Mursel sent Alexios on a wild goose chase, leaving the emperor, who, as usual, was watching the battle from a far-away vantage point, dangerously isolated. At the head of some five hundred cavalry, Mursel swept through the emperor’s camp, cutting a bloody swath through Romanos’s substantial bodyguard before making off with the badly-injured emperor before help could arrive.
Alexios was aghast. A Roman emperor had been kidnapped right out from underneath him by a heathen potentate, one of the greatest humiliations the dignity of the purple and the empire as a whole could suffer. The list of possible humiliations and tortures the emir might subject the hapless emperor was endless. For days, the Roman army stood paralyzed, its strategoi understandably unsure how to proceed. Abandoning the Holy Land was impossible, but Romanos’s execution or humiliation at the Muslim emir’s hands was unacceptable. Succession issues also had to be considered; Arkadios was acting as regent in his brother’s absence, and the emperor’s sons, Bardas and Vukan, were still just children. How too would the nobility react, especially Michael Palaiologos. Finally, on October 22, an envoy from the emir arrived, demanding an exorbitant ransom equaling a quarter of the empire’s annual revenue. While not seeming substantial, the amount would have been enough to buy the loyalty of every non-Christian in the Middle East for a jihad to reclaim Jerusalem, a force easily capable of doing to Romanos what the Turks had done to the last emperor to bear his name. For several hours, Alexios barricaded himself in his tent, weighing his options. Swallowing his pride and realizing just how badly the empire needed Romanos at the moment, Alexios agreed to the emir’s terms. True to his word, Mursel freed Romanos, who had suffered several grievous wounds in the abduction. Driven half-mad by his humiliation, Romanos demanded Alexios pursue the Azerbaijani forces and throw them out of the Holy Land for good. Alexios did not hesitate to comply; Ascalon fell shortly, and what little remained of the emir’s Levantine forces evaporated, leaving Mursel to flee eastward and take refuge in his Persian lands, loaded with more gold than he could know what to do with.
The Byzantine army lingered in the Holy Land well into the next spring, establishing frontier defenses, imperial administration, and an accommodation between the various religions competing for primacy in Jerusalem and elsewhere. However, Romanos took little part in or notice of the events around him. On the verge of making a recovery in mid-November from his injuries, Romanos took severely ill. For months, the emperor was too sick to even be moved, slipping in and out of a feverish coma. Letters crisscrossed the empire between Arkadios in Constantinople and Antiochites in Jerusalem as the regent’s concern grew. The strategos’s letters dashed any hopes of the emperor’s speedy recovery, and Arkadios was preparing himself as best he could to weather the inevitable succession.
Finally, on March 17, 1265 Romanos died, his body exhausted and his spirit broken from the months of suffering from both his wounds and fever. He was only 41 years old, and had ruled for only ten. History has not treated Romanos IV well, branding him a coward, incompetent, and weak-willed. There is a kernel of truth in such accusations: Romanos never engendered much confidence or respect in those around him, and avoided confrontations if at all possible. The fact he never led from the front only furthered this misconception. Yet his war in the Holy Land speaks otherwise, and even when captive, Romanos never begged for mercy, nor debased himself to save his life. He was unlucky enough to be the successor to Isaac Megas, and unlucky enough to rule during the Mongol invasion of Khwarizmia and Russia. In better times, Romanos could have been a perfectly adequate caretaker. He was simply born at the wrong time.
And now the big question remains: Will there be a smooth succession or will Byzantium stand divided in the hour of peril?
~Lord Valentine~
~Lord Valentine~
Lord Valentine/Enewald[/b]: That's precisely what everyone else seems to be wondering. Romanos's rule has placed the empire in a precarious balance. Will Isaac's efforts all be for naught? Or will Romanos's successors save the day?
When news reached Constantinople of the emperor’s passing, not surprisingly, few mourned his passage. For the Church and the nobility, far more important matters were at hand, such as Arkadios’s imminent rise to the purple. Nobles, Michael Palaiologos included, began jockeying for the presumed emperor’s good favor. It was typical Byzantine politics all around.
But whereas his brother had spent the majority of his life outside Constantinople in the Batatzes family’s Thracian thema, Arkadios had grown up in the court of Isaac III – which the emperor had been mostly absent from – and had learned well from his experiences, establishing himself a respectable network of friends, agents, and courtiers that impressed even the more influential and wealthy nobles. It had been for that reason that Romanos relied so heavily on Arkadios to keep the pronoia and other nobles in line, and to act as regent while he was away in Palestine. His regency had been one of noticeable tranquility. Arkadios had favored no noble or courtier beyond his due, and acted judiciously in the inevitable court scandals that surfaced, promoting strict adherence to protocol and the letter of the law. While this hardly engendered much popularity, it fostered respect and effectively pinned potentially upstart nobles in place, lest they appear to be blatantly violating the laws of the empire.
It was because of his penchant for abiding strictly by the rules that caused Arkadios to surprise all his peers. Rather than assume the purple for himself, he ensured that Bardas, Romanos’s three-year old son and legal heir to the throne, became the next emperor. Most of the nobility quietly consoled themselves with the knowledge that Arkadios chose to retain his role as regent and caretaker to both Bardas and Vukan. Thus, on April 1, 1256, Emperor Bardas I was presented to the empire. Once again the Batatzian dynasty had left the Byzantine Empire with a minor on the throne.
Unfortunately for little Bardas, who impressed few with his jittery behavior and complete trust of anyone who might be present, the nobles who did not console themselves quickly made themselves known. Not willing to let death end his vendetta against Romanos, Michael Palaiologos continued to stir up dissent, demanding that in a time where Mongol hordes lurked to the north and east, and potentially rebellious Muslims in the Holy Land, a child-emperor was the last thing Byzantium needed. Safely beyond Arkadios’s reach in his theme in Syria, Michael generally made himself a thorn in the Batatzes’ side, serving as a rallying point for all those disaffected with Constantinople’s current rulers. Michael was quickly joined by fellow strategos Thomas Pateranos. Pateranos convinced Michael that it was imperative Bardas be removed in favor of Arkadios. Their cause was aided by the sudden death of Vukan in early May under mysterious circumstances. The boy’s mother blamed vengeful Moors, who had provided Mursel with large quantities of troops and weapons during the war for the Holy Land. Just two days later, Tvrtko Asen declared independence, inciting numerous Bulgarian boyars into open revolt. Ever since the death of Isaac III, the Bulgarian lords had been chafing under Byzantine rule, and the Asen dynasty still held pretensions of independent kingship. Now, all at once, Bulgaria had exploded into violence.
The sudden Bulgar revolt sent the empire into turmoil. Sensing an opportunity to reassert its fading cultural distinctiveness, the Turks began battling with Greek settlers and their lords, while many central Italian villages, spurred on by Catholic priests, threatened to isolate Rome. The Duke of Spoleto declared his independence. The chaos soon spread, causing a breakdown in trade and communication. Loyal nobles gathered their retainers and thematakoi to defend themselves, while disloyal vassals plotted against the child-emperor.
The whirlwind collapse of central authority left Arkadios and much of Constantinople in utter bewilderment. It seemed any and all pent up resentments of imperial authority were coming to the fore in violent form. For Michael and Thomas, the disastrous situation was only further confirmation that something had to be done about Romanos’s progeny if the empire were to survive much longer. Both strategoi were also convinced that the current circumstances were the result of Romanos’s legacy and the presence of a boy barely out of diapers on the throne, and not simply the results of Byzantium’s massive expansion and overextension. The two quickly gained a third, Isaac Antiochites, who had served as a general under the Megas in Syria. The trio secretly approached Arkadios and beseeched the regent to do what was best for the empire and depose his nephew and assume the purple. Arkadios was horrified and repulsed at the idea. Had the empire not been in the throes of civil unrest and on the verge of anarchy, Arkadios would probably have executed the conspirators on the spot. Instead, he emphatically refused their entreaties and stormed out of the meeting. But the situation continued to deteriorate, fueled by cries even by some of the rebels that Arkadios be made emperor.
Desperate to save Byzantium from ruin, the conspirators searched for more supporters in the hopes of persuading Arkadios. That solution came from Naples of all places. Thomas Batatzes, last surviving legitimate son of Isaac Batatzes and dux of Naples, joined the conspiracy. He traveled in person to Constantinople and approached his nephew. Using all his diplomatic skill and influence as Isaac’s son, he demanded Arkadios set aside his petty qualms over moving against a member of the family and do what was necessary for the well-being of the empire; Thomas’s words struck home, exploiting the only thing more important than his sense of justice, his patriotism. The rule of law was on the verge of breaking down, and to sit idly by while it happened was thereby out of the question. The five men came to an agreement quickly on June 6, and Bardas and his mother Viola were taken prisoner. After agonizing over their fate for some time, Arkadios at last determined that the two be sent to a monastery. In all, the reign of the son of Romanos IV lasted barely two months. The day after the bloodless palace coup, as Arkadios was the sole pillar propping up the empress dowager and her son, Arkadios was anointed by the Patriarch and made emperor. At last, it seemed, the chaos could be brought to an end.
~~~~ ~~~~
Chapter IV: On the Brink
When news reached Constantinople of the emperor’s passing, not surprisingly, few mourned his passage. For the Church and the nobility, far more important matters were at hand, such as Arkadios’s imminent rise to the purple. Nobles, Michael Palaiologos included, began jockeying for the presumed emperor’s good favor. It was typical Byzantine politics all around.
But whereas his brother had spent the majority of his life outside Constantinople in the Batatzes family’s Thracian thema, Arkadios had grown up in the court of Isaac III – which the emperor had been mostly absent from – and had learned well from his experiences, establishing himself a respectable network of friends, agents, and courtiers that impressed even the more influential and wealthy nobles. It had been for that reason that Romanos relied so heavily on Arkadios to keep the pronoia and other nobles in line, and to act as regent while he was away in Palestine. His regency had been one of noticeable tranquility. Arkadios had favored no noble or courtier beyond his due, and acted judiciously in the inevitable court scandals that surfaced, promoting strict adherence to protocol and the letter of the law. While this hardly engendered much popularity, it fostered respect and effectively pinned potentially upstart nobles in place, lest they appear to be blatantly violating the laws of the empire.
It was because of his penchant for abiding strictly by the rules that caused Arkadios to surprise all his peers. Rather than assume the purple for himself, he ensured that Bardas, Romanos’s three-year old son and legal heir to the throne, became the next emperor. Most of the nobility quietly consoled themselves with the knowledge that Arkadios chose to retain his role as regent and caretaker to both Bardas and Vukan. Thus, on April 1, 1256, Emperor Bardas I was presented to the empire. Once again the Batatzian dynasty had left the Byzantine Empire with a minor on the throne.
Unfortunately for little Bardas, who impressed few with his jittery behavior and complete trust of anyone who might be present, the nobles who did not console themselves quickly made themselves known. Not willing to let death end his vendetta against Romanos, Michael Palaiologos continued to stir up dissent, demanding that in a time where Mongol hordes lurked to the north and east, and potentially rebellious Muslims in the Holy Land, a child-emperor was the last thing Byzantium needed. Safely beyond Arkadios’s reach in his theme in Syria, Michael generally made himself a thorn in the Batatzes’ side, serving as a rallying point for all those disaffected with Constantinople’s current rulers. Michael was quickly joined by fellow strategos Thomas Pateranos. Pateranos convinced Michael that it was imperative Bardas be removed in favor of Arkadios. Their cause was aided by the sudden death of Vukan in early May under mysterious circumstances. The boy’s mother blamed vengeful Moors, who had provided Mursel with large quantities of troops and weapons during the war for the Holy Land. Just two days later, Tvrtko Asen declared independence, inciting numerous Bulgarian boyars into open revolt. Ever since the death of Isaac III, the Bulgarian lords had been chafing under Byzantine rule, and the Asen dynasty still held pretensions of independent kingship. Now, all at once, Bulgaria had exploded into violence.
The sudden Bulgar revolt sent the empire into turmoil. Sensing an opportunity to reassert its fading cultural distinctiveness, the Turks began battling with Greek settlers and their lords, while many central Italian villages, spurred on by Catholic priests, threatened to isolate Rome. The Duke of Spoleto declared his independence. The chaos soon spread, causing a breakdown in trade and communication. Loyal nobles gathered their retainers and thematakoi to defend themselves, while disloyal vassals plotted against the child-emperor.
The whirlwind collapse of central authority left Arkadios and much of Constantinople in utter bewilderment. It seemed any and all pent up resentments of imperial authority were coming to the fore in violent form. For Michael and Thomas, the disastrous situation was only further confirmation that something had to be done about Romanos’s progeny if the empire were to survive much longer. Both strategoi were also convinced that the current circumstances were the result of Romanos’s legacy and the presence of a boy barely out of diapers on the throne, and not simply the results of Byzantium’s massive expansion and overextension. The two quickly gained a third, Isaac Antiochites, who had served as a general under the Megas in Syria. The trio secretly approached Arkadios and beseeched the regent to do what was best for the empire and depose his nephew and assume the purple. Arkadios was horrified and repulsed at the idea. Had the empire not been in the throes of civil unrest and on the verge of anarchy, Arkadios would probably have executed the conspirators on the spot. Instead, he emphatically refused their entreaties and stormed out of the meeting. But the situation continued to deteriorate, fueled by cries even by some of the rebels that Arkadios be made emperor.
Desperate to save Byzantium from ruin, the conspirators searched for more supporters in the hopes of persuading Arkadios. That solution came from Naples of all places. Thomas Batatzes, last surviving legitimate son of Isaac Batatzes and dux of Naples, joined the conspiracy. He traveled in person to Constantinople and approached his nephew. Using all his diplomatic skill and influence as Isaac’s son, he demanded Arkadios set aside his petty qualms over moving against a member of the family and do what was necessary for the well-being of the empire; Thomas’s words struck home, exploiting the only thing more important than his sense of justice, his patriotism. The rule of law was on the verge of breaking down, and to sit idly by while it happened was thereby out of the question. The five men came to an agreement quickly on June 6, and Bardas and his mother Viola were taken prisoner. After agonizing over their fate for some time, Arkadios at last determined that the two be sent to a monastery. In all, the reign of the son of Romanos IV lasted barely two months. The day after the bloodless palace coup, as Arkadios was the sole pillar propping up the empress dowager and her son, Arkadios was anointed by the Patriarch and made emperor. At last, it seemed, the chaos could be brought to an end.
Enewald said:
By Byzantine standards I think they where quite sensible and productive so far. After all it seems as if they only wanted a firm Emperor, capable of holding the empire together and not personal aggrandizement.
This however makes me suspicious. Powerful dynatoi who want a strong emperor ? That just doesn't sound right.
~Lord Valentine~
Hope the Empire can recover soon, otherwise their enemies could see this as a chance to strike