[Forum Game] - World in Revolution: 1861 Mk. IV

etranger01 · Aug 9, 2017

Le Compte

"Victory, you ask? Territory, you say? 'I shall give you Luxembourg, Majesty, and the Rhineland besides,' Bazaine tells me. 'Only give me three years, and the blood of a million men, and I shall lay them at your feet. I shall break the Germans utterly.' A million of men! Whose sinews could build bridges, whose sweat could manufacture goods, whose hands could mold strong sons! A million men who would never return to their wives, who would not enrich the world with their industry, who would leave behind a nation colder and emptier without them! Call that a victory, if you like, but I shall not. The true victory lay not in what we was to be gained, but in what could have been lost, forever."
- Napoleon III, Emperor of the French, to Eugene Rouher, the "Vice-Emperor"

The Franco-German War was an occasion for some celebration among the people of France. Despite German aggression -- for had not the Prussians massed a great army in Luxembourg? -- France had once again triumphed. Though the Emperor had to surrender Luxembourg itself, never again would the German fortress serve as a knife pressed against the neck of French industry. The settlement was favorable, they said, and therefore France had won.

However, among the French political classes, particularly those government and military officials with detailed knowledge of the war, the Franco-German War was nothing less than cataclysmic. All expectation was shattered. The war had favored not the side with the larger, more professional regular army, but rather to whichever side could muster the most men at the critical point. Though the superior quality and morale of the French soldier had been of some help, it had done little to avail those armies outnumbered three or four to one. More to the point, everyone had expected casualties to be relatively light. The superior range of French rifles, the speed of the railways, all were supposed to contribute to swift, lightly-contested French triumphs. Instead, every battle became a gruesome, bloody affair where tens of thousands were left unable to fight. And that was in the victories!

In effect, France had been forced to relearn the lessons of mass conscription, and it had done so entirely on its own territory. Such lessons were tremendously costly, and there were many who shuddered to consider what carnage would have been wrought by a Prussian army occupying the northeast for the winter. In just ten months of war, France had buried a little over eighty thousand young men. Another one hundred and twenty thousand would never work again. And though proportionately the Germans had suffered even more, with their smaller population, though it was "only" half a percent of France's total population, that was little consolation. It became readily apparent to the Emperor and his generals that the assumptions of the past had to be radically altered.

Fortunately, the French staff was ready to meet the challenge. In just ten months, the lean operation charged with payroll and promotions had ballooned exponentially with the needs of the war. Entire bureaus had appeared out of thin air, each specializing in its own specific field. A joint land-sea planning office had arisen where before there was cold silence between the army and the navy, initially ad-hoc but rapidly solidified after the successes in Hamburg and Ecuador. What had arisen in war would remain in peace, as the French staff office grew to encompass all war-related matters. Though some complained of Prussianization, the staff office never attained the Prussian general staff's autonomy or command functions. Indeed, the staff office remained a largely administrative and advisory body, unique for the close ties between army and navy and for its tradition of rotating its officers frequently into field commands -- generally in Algeria or the colonies, which always needed able officers.

As the Emperor turned his mind away from European maneuvers and towards securing the succession, the French staff office was tasked with developing a new doctrine euphemistically termed 'scientific offense.' In reality a defensive shift, it envisioned the supremacy of long-range rifle fire, close-in support weapons, and artillery creating a battlefield that favored the defender. The bloody experiences in Metz and Luxembourg further confirmed that the headlong charge, though useful for seizing the initiative, could rapidly bog down into bloody attrition. Some of the finest military minds in France turned their attention not towards future conquests, but rather to containment. The next war was inevitable, so it was said, and when it came, the Empire would be ready...

Noco19 · Aug 9, 2017

Symbology of the South
Flags, Seals, and Icons

National Flag of the Confederate States of America

Adopted in 1863 to replace the original "Star and Bars" flag that flew at the inception of the Confederacy, the so-called "Stainless Banner" introduced the battle flag created by none other than now-president P.G.T. Beauregard as canton upon a field of white. Lasting since that point, a major point of criticism over the "Stainless Banner" is its striking whiteness, which makes the flag appear to be one of surrender in a still wind. While an issue, it has yet to be seriously broached by Congress.

The Great Seal of the Confederate States of America

Likewise adopted in 1863, the Great Seal depicts George Washington in a moment of revolutionary triumph. Overhead, the date of 22 February marks the official establishment of the Confederacy with the inauguration of President Davis, but is also the birthday of Washington himself. Washington was so chosen for he stood in the minds of the Southern people as the ultimate model - a military turned political leader who oversaw the dawn of a new, free nation.

Surrounding the Great Seal are the major crops of the Confederacy - wheat, corn, tobacco, cotton, rice and sugar cane.

At the bottom is the motto of the nation, Deo Vindice, meaning roughly "Under God, Our Vindicator." Such a motto reflected the belief of many Southerners that Christianity justified the concept of slavery and that ultimately God was on their side of the War of Secession. In the words of Louisiana Senator Thomas Semmes, the motto likewise represented that the Confederacy "deviated in the most emphatic manner from the spirit that presided over the construction of the Constitution of the United States, which is silent on the subject of the Deity".

The Reverse of the Great Seal of the Confederate States of America

Not established until the aftermath of the War of Secession, the Reverse of the Great Seal was based on a design suggested by Benjamin Franklin. Suggested to be the reverse of the U.S. Great Seal, Franklin submitted the design in 1776, in his own words described thusly:

"Moses standing on the Shore and extending his Hand over the Sea, thereby causing the same to overwhelm Pharoah who is sitting in an open Chariot, a Crown on his Head and a Sword in his Hand. Rays from a Pillar of Fire in the Clouds reaching to Moses, to express that he acts by Command of the Deity.

Motto, Rebellion to Tyrants is Obedience to God."

So taken by the motto, Franklin would adopt it as his own personal motto, and the very same admiration was applied by Southerners in the Confederacy. As Moses led his people to salvation, so too did Southern politicians liken the Southern Cause as a guide away from the tyranny personified in the persons of Abraham Lincoln and the Yankee states of the North.

State Flag of Alabama

Adopted on January 11, 1861, by the Alabama Secession Convention, the state flag of Alabama is unique in that it has two sides. On the obverse stands the Goddess of Liberty, sword in hand. On the reverse is a cotton plant with a coiled rattlesnake, the Latin translating to "Touch Me Not".

Designed by women of Montgomery and revised by Francis Corra, the state flag was flown once at the governor's office but due to intense storm damage, was not flown again until its replacement in 1863.

State Flag of Florida

By the time of the War of Secession, the State of Florida had no official flag, instead taking the Lone Star and Stripes - the Naval Ensign of Texas - as a provisional banner. In late 1861, the Florida legislature empowered Governor Fleming with the power to design an official flag. Using the old Confederate "Stars and Bars", Fleming brought the blue field all the way down, placing the state seal within it.

State Flag of Georgia

Much like Florida, Georgia did not possess an official flag by the time of the War of Secession. Nevertheless, it did fly the state seal adopted in 1777 on a blue banner, likely as homage to the Bonnie Blue Flag. In the period following the war, the Whiggish apparatus opposed the measures undertaken by other states in copying the national flag, and instead formally adopted their unique seal on a field of dark blue.

State Flag of Louisiana

Likewise without an official flag, Louisiana originally adopted the flag of France with seven stars in the blue stripe in the period between secession and entry into the Confederacy. Another flag, a pelican within a star was also used by the secessionist convention. In February 1861, the formal flag of Confederate Louisiana was ratified, retaining the star of the convention as a canton amid a sea of stripes. However, the French and Pelican flags remained in unofficial usage, the latter especially prominent among military forces.

State Flag of Mississippi

Adopted informally at the secessionist convention of Mississippi in January 1861, time constraints delayed the official establishment of the so-called "Magnolia Flag" until March of the same year. Incorporating a variety of features from a red fringe, to a magnolia tree on a white field, to a starred blue field in the canton as a reference to the popular Blue Bonnie Flag, the Magnolia Flag was eclipsed by national flags throughout the war.

State Flag of North Carolina

Connecting the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence of 1775 with the secession of 1861, the first state flag of North Carolina, adopted in 1861, represented its fierce independent streak. During the War of Secession, the North Carolinian flag was prominent, perhaps moreso that any other state's flag in opposition to the national flags of the Confederate government, speaking volumes on the skepticism held by the state over national institutions.

State Flag of South Carolina

South Carolina bore a peculiar status as a forerunner of flags; Major General Nathanael Greene described the South Carolinian Moultrie Flag as the first American flag to fly in the South during the American Revolution. The Moultrie Flag would be hearkened to by the South Carolinian secessionist convention, as they adopted the Moultrie star with the addition of a golden palmetto in a white circle. Aptly known as the Two-Day Flag, the flag was altered two days later with a white palmetto instead of a golden one.

With the fall of Fort Sumter, a variation of the state flag would be furled over the walls, marking South Carolina again as a first - the first Southern flag over occupied territory.

State Flag of Tennessee

Just as in the case of Florida, Tennessee secessionists adapted the "Stars and Bars" in creating their first state flag. Removing the stars, the Great Seal of Tennessee filled the blue canton, depicting two major theaters of importance for the state's residents - agriculture and commerce. The roman numberal representing Tennessee's status as the 16th state of the Union, some have questioned its relevance in the Confederacy, leading to some call of changes to render it XII, as the 12th state to join the Confederacy.

State Flag of Texas

Between secession and Confederate statehood, the secessionists of Texas debated on two flags, one based on the flags of the Texan republic and state, the other more directly mirroring the Bonnie Blue Flag. Ultimately, the former would succeed, the lone star replaced by a sea of fifteen.

One may wonder why it was fifteen stars, a number that exceeded the contemporary eleven states of the Confederacy and even the thirteen that would include ambitious outlooks in securing Missouri and Kentucky. In fact, the fifteen stars represent the standard thirteen Southern states, in addition to Maryland and Delaware, two states whom Texan secessionists regarded as future states.

Ambitious, the fifteen-starred flag was immensely popular in secessionist Texas. A twenty-four feet by ten feet rendition of such a flag was hoisted unto an eighty-five-feet-tall flagpole as early as January, 1861, and women wore fifteen-pointed rosettes in support.

State Flag of Virginia

Tyranny defeated at the feet of the feminine Virtus, sword sheathed, spear at rest; it was the sign of a battle already won, of authority not aggression. Adopted as the seal in 1776, the usage of such iconography on the flag was as appropriate during the American Revolution as it was during its continued usage during and after the War of Secession.

The whip of Tyranny lay useless, first representing the freedom of Virginia from the Intolerable Acts, now representing the freedom of Virginia from the North. The metaphor of freedom from the whipping post as one of secessonist freedom is an irony lost to the South.

KeldoniaSkylar · Aug 9, 2017

The Sultan Tours Western Europe

Queen Victoria and the Sultan on the HMY Victoria and Albert

His Imperial Majesty the Sultan, Abdülaziz, will be the first Ottoman Sultan to tour Western Europe this year. This tour is particularly possible following the signing of the Treaty of Damascus with the French Empire, and the restoration of friendly relations between our peoples and realms. The Sultan's journey shall be as follows:

Istanbul – Messina – Naples – Rome – Milan – Lyon – Paris – Boulogne – Dover – London – Dover – Calais – Brussels – Cologne – Hannover – Berlin Prague – Vienna – Sarajevo – Skopje – Sofia – Istanbul

Admission Tick to the Guildhall Reception of the Sultan

While traveling Europe the Sultan will visit and meet with heads of the nations he visits and speak with business and technological leaders about potential interests in improving the status of subjects and furthering the development of the Ottoman Empire, of particular note, in this regard, will be his appearance at the Guildhall in London. He will also visit educational and cultural centers during his tour.

Frymonmon · Aug 10, 2017

Events of the World: 1868

Europe

After four years of Conservative rule, voters in the United Kingdom go to the polls once more. The Liberals were led by Robert Lowe, one of the first to rise after the decimation of the Liberal frontbench after the catastrophe at Long Island Bay. Benjamin Disraeli had taken over for the Lord Derby, and maintained competent ministry. The events of Long Island had started to recede from the minds of many, and very few believed that the Conservatives would be able to maintain their massive advantage. The Liberals were able to become the largest party in Scotland and Ireland, while the Conservatives still kept control of England and Wales. The election was notable in that William Gladstone, Henry Bruce, The Lord Hatherley, The Earl Granville, Hugh Childers, and Edward Cardwell were all returned to Parliament, after being swept out in the previous election. The Conservatives captured 248 seats in England, with the Liberals taking 207. In Scotland, the Liberals held 42 seats, with the Conservatives taking 16. In Wales, the Conservatives held 20, the Liberals 13. Ireland returned 54 Liberals and 49 Conservatives. The Universities gave 6 Conservatives and 3 Liberals. Overall, the Conservatives stood at 333 seats, the Liberals standing close behind at 316. By all accounts, the election was not a landslide, despite the 74-seat loss the Conservatives experienced, it just demonstrated the abnormal nature of the previous General Election.

In London, Thomas Harrison, Thomas Bouch, Sir John Fowler, and Thomas Hawksley join forces to establish the Bosphorus Bridge Corporation to study the feasibility of the formation of such a bridge linking Europe with Asia via rail. The project garners significant attention from wealthy interests, and the engineers are able to come up with several radical ideas for the planning of the bridge, such as how to withstand the strong currents of the strait. The bridge would be one of mixed design, the main segment being a suspension bridge, which would allow all marine traffic to pass as they would have normally done. On both shores there would be segments of a beam bridge. The combination of these two structures types meant that the cost could be kept low, and completion would not be very long, with the engineers believing rail traffic could commence before 1880.

In Amsterdam, the KNIL, the Dutch Foreign Legion, was formed. The leadership of the organisation would be Dutch, and membership would be open to all Dutch-speaking foreigners. Membership was also opened to natives in Africa and the East Indies, provided that they convert to Protestantism and they learn Dutch. Enlistment numbers were anemic at best, with the organisation only boasting around one thousand members by the end of the year, the majority of whom came from the Dutch-speaking states in southern Africa.

Despite having been pledged to total neutrality in international affairs, the Belgian government took a particular interest towards the advancement of a domestic armaments industry. Retooling some older factories which were no longer as productive was paid for by the Belgian government and investors from both Belgium and the United Kingdom. Joseph Montigny was contracted for manufacture his own mitrailleuse gun, similar to the one used by the French in the ongoing Franco-German war. One controversial move was to replace some older canon with the mitrailleuse, a unique move given that it fired bullets rapidly, and canon fired large projectiles. Luckily, given Belgium’s neutrality, it seemed unlikely that such a weapon would be used. Composition blunders aside, arms production was up during the year, and Belgians quickly began to seek out buyers for their new products.

Elections take place in the provinces of Antwerp, Brabant, Luxembourg, Namur and West Flanders, which saw the Liberal Party capture 30 seats, with the Catholics taking 33 seats. The surprising strength of the Catholic party was due to the dissatisfaction that the population had with the handling of the Franco-German War. Railway rates had gone up by a significant amount, and several factories went bankrupt. Coal workers went on strike in Wallonia, demanding better wages and better working conditions. The Worker’s Party had been formed with the goal of helping industrial workers and miners, along with other workers in the new emerging industrial economy.

Facing great difficulties with the blockade of Germany, solely because of the amount of coal could be stored in her ports and which ports could even store coal, the navy strongly advocates for the expansion of the ports to sustain a long-term blockade of Germany, expand coaling facilities, and to address shortcomings of the overseas port facilities, to truly bring the Navy up to its status as a global power. The expansion was done rapidly, and it had a substantial impact on the blockade, with blockade runners shut down and most German seaborne trade was shut down.

With the eruption of the Franco-German War, the Emperor announces his support for Mutuals to be formed for members of the Army and Navy. They would be working along the Imperial Mutual, and brought subsidised health insurance to all of those who fought for the Empire, both on land and sea. With such a heavy focus on the well being of his people, the legislature also introduces a series of items that aim to curb the economic hardship of workplace related medical costs and providing small stipends for widows whose husband’s experience an untimely death. Coincidentally, on the same day that the French and the Germans formally sign the peace treaty ending the war, Article 1781 of the Civil Code is repealed, giving greater rights to the employee when attempting to sue his employer for damages.

The French Ministry of the Interior begins to issue new directives on restricting access to form of birth control in France, going so far as to request legislation passed that made all forms of abortion and birth control illegal in the Empire. It was assumed that wealthy women would be able to get around these new restrictions, but were shocked when they found the Ministry of the Interior was clear on their intentions. A further directive was to crack down on prostitution, sometimes called “the oldest profession.” It too was made illegal, and caused a wave of discontent in Paris and other cities as the government attempted to enforce the new directives. The opposition to it had evolved so much and so rapidly that many simply ignored the new laws. Police in most cities refused to enforce the mandate, having either no desire to spend resources on stopping them, or for a need for the latter’s services. Much of the operation of prostitution was driven underground, and cases of venereal diseases increased exponentially during the year, with soldiers being the most common victims.

In a bid to combat insufficient government revenues, Lisbon announces the formation of a new consumption tax, pegged at three percent of the value of any good or service within the country. While the budget projections seem to indicate that the deficit would be closed through the new taxes, there was a fierce opposition to the measures. There were riots against the new taxes, as Lisbon exploded in outrage over such hefty new fines. As it happened, there were elections during the year, which saw the Radicals sweep the board in a landslide, advocating for the government to cut services and spending, prioritising spending areas and not resorting to raising new revenues. António José de Ávila was appointed as the new Prime Minister.

Construction of the Alpine Railway commences in Bohemia, with the goal of connecting Königgrätz with Trieste, running through Prague, and offering a faster way to bring goods from the northern parts of the Empire to the port city, allowing it to be exported abroad. There was also a goal of bringing coal from the mines of Bohemia for trading purposes for ships which traveled the Adriatic. There was a lofty vision of being a stopover port from ships exiting the soon to be completed Suez Canal, but prevailing wisdom indicated the canal was not going to have heavy traffic, and was little more than a closely-guarded vanity project by Napoleon III. Even if it was successful, Tieste was far too northerly to be a convenient stop.

Prime Minister Prim entered Spain into the International Telegraph Union, finally connecting all of the Iberian peninsula with much of the rest of Europe. At the urging of the government, and working with the Portuguese, several companies, telegraph lines are strung up in many cities across Spain, with international connections made with Viana do Castelo and Tavira in Portugal and Perpignan in France. The country’s limited telegraph network was vastly expanded, shorting communication times drastically. Previously, a message from Barcelona to Seville would have taken almost a day with how many stations it needed to go through and the speed of the wires. By the end of the year, it was taking under an hour.

The reforms to the civil service from the previous year were continued across northern Italy, while it severely lags in southern Italy. Regardless of the differences between the two parts of the country, there was a uniform standard of how each office was to collect revenues, as well how each separate department was organised. This is not all the government had been focused on. Schools were opened across the Kingdom, including in southern Italy, and offices were opened in still economically depressed regions which offered very small stipends for the poorest and those without work.

The Italian navy commissions even more warships during the year, accomplished by pouring thousands more into the shipyards to speed up their launching. The government hailed the speed at which the Regia Marina was expanding, and finally took the step towards the acquisition of ironclad warships. The Rattazzi government enters into contracts with French and British shipyards, slated to produce modern ships for the expanding Italian state. The Italians are also able to secure a treaty with Tunis, protecting the Italians in the beylik, and securing trading rights for Italian merchants, much to the ire of the Ottomans.

While most nations were focused on the expansion of railroads, the Austrian government took a different approach to improving connectivity in the Empire. The Empire had an abundance of navigable waterways, some of which had been sorely mismanaged or neglected with the fascination with railways. The previous success of water transportation, along with the increasing traffic on the Empire’s rails, caused the Hungarian government to petition the Imperial Government for funding for improved flood controls on the Tisza river, along with the formation of channels at select port cities, allowing for greater commercial access. Further investments into transportation on the Danube was projected to be the cause of increased commerce between Hungary and the rest of the Empire, binding them closer together than they had before.

As the war raged in Northern France, Otto von Bismarck unleashed a slew of reforms aimed to soften the blow of the horrific casualty lists coming back from the front. The sheer amount of bloodshed from both sides was appalling, and the Reichstag debated legislation to provide insurance and safeguards for the returning veterans. The resulting legislation was the Veterans Insurance Law, which authorised the construction of hospitals across north Germany. It would be used by both veterans and civilians, though the former would be highly prioritised. What the Imperial government would do, however, was help cover the costs of the services, one third, while the constituite state the hospital was located in would contribute another one third. The person receiving the care needed to come up with the remaining one third, whenever they went back to work. The policy created confusion, as the needs of those who very clearly would not go back to work were ignored, and simply left to die, refused treatment, or left to the whims of a field hospital.

With north Germany’s financial situation nowhere near stable as evidenced by the massive amounts of money spent on the army, the Reichsbank is formed in Berlin through legislation championed by Bismarck. The new central bank was given the task of creating a new currency, the Reichsmark, which would be mandated to be adopted by all members of the North German Federation. One of the first acts the bank does is take out a multitude of loans from Viennese bankers to cover the increasing costs of the war, and issue bonds (mostly peddled in Vienna) to finance the war without raising new taxes, many of which were already very high. In some cases, some nations, when they joined with Prussia and adopted many of its customs, saw taxes double. The cost of war was not cheap, but it was very profitable for the elites in the Austrian Empire.

In Copenhagen, King Christian IX is forced to abdicate his throne after a massive wave of unrest washes over the country following the Kingdom’s disastrous intervention in the Franco-German War. The King and Prime Minister had attempted to place the blame on the French, who ignored their plight at the negotiating table, and subjected Denmark to the loss of a significant amount of territory. The new interim government offers the crown of Denmark to the king of Sweden as Karl I. With his acceptance, King Karl becomes the first monarch to reign over Denmark, Sweden, and Norway concurrently since Christian II in 1521.

The news was not taken lightly in Berlin, which declared that they would intervene into Denmark in order to return King Christian IX to the throne. The King, who had already fled to the United Kingdom bound for Greece, denounced the move, saying it was yet another invasion of Denmark, and refused to work with the Germans. His son, Crown Prince Frederick, also renounced his claim to the throne. The Germans established military control of Denmark, while Swedish ships were quickly dispatched to Iceland and Greenland, preventing the Germans from landing their own soldiers there first without a fight. The Danish parliament was able to escape to Malmö, with the physical Crown of Denmark. On December 31st, 1868, King Karl I was crowned the King of Denmark by the Rigsdagen. With zero legitimacy, the Germans announced that the Duke of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Glücksburg would become King of Denmark, ironically also adopting the name of King Karl I. If almost unwillingly, the new German-backed King entered Copenhagen, without a crown, and proclaimed King. A new Rigsdagen of mostly Germans was convened, forming a government that had no popular support.

In spite of the German-backed government of Denmark, the Swedish government authorises payments to the German Empire from the Riksbanken for the payment of the reparations that Denmark owed them. The Riksbanken also sends the payment to the Austrian Empire for their reparations due, though the cannon was not sent on the account the Swedish did not own them, and the Germans seemed to ignore the Austrian requests for the transfer. For those Danish soldiers who had fought in the war, the King announced he would pay their pensions, further inciting anger against the pro-German government in Denmark.

With the sale of the Kingdom of Poland, the Russian Empire lost a significant portion of its industrial base. In a bid to increase the industrial output of the Empire, significant funds are used to build factories in the far eastern portions of the country. One major driving factor of the success of factories in Poland was the availability of cheap and reliable transportation, in the form of good roads or railways, and an abundance of potential workers. The emancipation of the serfs did increase the amount of workers available, but there was not a significant amount available where the Russians were seeking to increase output: the Urals. Already, this region was the centre of large-scale iron production and coal mining. It was reasoned that steel mills (despite being wildly expensive to operate) would be able to flourish here. Coupled with an plan to build armament factories, the region needed an influx of people in order to fulfill all the newly planned jobs, and none seemed to be eminent.

A railway connection between Perm and Ufa was planned to help stimulate this growth, but the railroads in the rest of the Empire only stretched as far east as Kazan. Iron and coal production did increase during the year, but there was no progress on the formation of any type of large-scale steel producing plant. The experts of the Bessemer Process in Western Europe and the United States had little inclination or incentives to move to eastern Russia to establish their industries. The completion of the Kazan-Perm line would not be until the end of the decade, and the government was responsible for spending what many considered to be an exuberant amount of money on the project.

With the nearing conclusion of the Franco-German War, the French were quick to announce a new treaty with the Ottoman Empire, one in which sparked a massive protest from St. Petersburg. News of the London-based consortium organised to build the bridge across the Bosphorous was taken as a slight within the halls of the Russian government, with many believing that the French and the British were seeking to help build up the Ottoman Empire, and stop the slow decline that it had been experiencing. The Tsar had been more and more vocal for his support of the Christians within the Ottoman Empire, just as his father had done, eventually sparking the Crimean War.

Thus, the Russian Empire began to make its moves for an invasion of the Ottoman Empire. Soldiers were recruited, and more men were brought into the reserves from the southern military districts abutting the Ottomans. Ample amounts of money was sent to the Romanian government, where they purchased excess rifles from the French, and also engaged in widening roads and the construction of auxiliary railways, clearly aimed at moving large amounts of men. The moves in Romania were well recorded by the press, and word quickly arrived in Constantinople, setting off their own panic. A new war between the two Empires seemed to be inevitable at this point.

Working with naval engineers from the United States, the Russians wrap up their several-year process of naval reforms, having spent much of the year preparing for the arrival of American-built ironclads, and authorising the construction of new ironclads inside Russian territory. An ambitious goal was set of having the new Russian-built ships launched by 1870, but many believed the schedule would slip to 1871. A series of designs were also drawn up for longer-range ships which would not be capital ships, but would be highly manoeuverable, lightweight, and be of great service to the vast Empire.

Russian dockworkers pause while building the new ironclad

The new Greek government announces an increase in tariff rates for manufactured goods, seeking to encourage domestic industrial growth, and economic growth as a whole. With the spike in revenue from the tariffs, along with the healthy state of Greece’s budget, money is heavily invested into tax collection services, wage increases for administrative staff (so as to ensure there was no need to accept bribes), and a general hiring of more workers to ensure services were provided and paperwork completed. For the first time in what seemed to be many years, the Greek state was efficient, growing, and upbeat about the future.

A constant stream of ships, laden with British arms, ammunition, supplies, and cannon made their way to Malta, before continuing on to Crete. The ships, all owned by British firms, fly the British flag until they were underway to Crete, where they raise the standard of the rebel Cretan state. Major General Panos Koroneos takes command of the most organised of rebel forces, bringing his guns to bear on the stronghold of Rethymno, besieging it and forcing the surrender of the Ottoman garrison, a shocking turn of events that the Ottoman commander had not even expected. The Ottoman counterattack came with the army stationed in El Arīsh boarded transportation ships in late November, after the Cretans had consolidated their control over much of the island. While the Ottomans announced clemency for those who laid down their arms, there was very few who actually took them up on that offer. A blockade of the island had finally been established, cutting off further supplies to the rebels. News of the Ottoman crackdown of the rebellion was brutal, with news of the horrors reaching as far away as the United States. The news was followed with vigor in the Russian Empire, further proof of the atrocities the Ottomans perpetrated against their Christian subjects.

With the singing of the Treaty of Damascus, the Franco-Ottoman Railway Board was formed in Constantinople with the goal of coordinating French investments and directing the acquisition of iron and steel (although mostly iron) for the construction of the railway lines. The first line completed under the terms of the treaty was the Angora-Scutari line, forming the Asian terminus of the future Bosphorus Bridge. The Ottoman Empire also joined the International Telegraph Union, greatly improving communication times with the rest of Europe, truly bringing the Empire into the European sphere. Investments flooded into the country, with French, Austrian, and British investors leading the way. Money was spent on railroads in Anatolia and the Balkans, with promoters of the project lauding the future progress that was promised as a result of the treaty.

With the fear of a Russian invasion growing larger by the day, the Ottomans send a delegation to western Europe to recruit officers to improve the standing of the Ottoman General Staff, as well as contracting an Austrian firm to begin the process of converting the older Springfield rifles into breechloaders. Extensive funds were poured into frontier defenses, with every fortress along the Danube reinforced with stronger breastworks, more casemates, and reinforced walls to defend against cannon shots. The Danube River Squadron, heavily based off the Mississippi River Squadron in the United States, was formed and would patrol the river and all possible crossings, while providing support for the fortresses. Heavier guns were purchased from France and the United Kingdom, many being shipped by the end of the year, with installation to take place in the spring.

North America

With the Canadian Supreme Court having issued its findings twice in the case of Klatassine v. Alfred Waddington, the effect was explosive across Canada. Indigenous people were now allowed to become British subjects simply by existing within the borders of Canada. The Anti-Reform Party in British Columbia saw its popularity explode, with similar parties being formed in Ontario, Quebec, and New Brunswick. Nowhere was the opposition stronger than in Ontario, which had its own law for naturalising indigenous men as British subjects, and the criteria was exceptionally strict. The man the case revolved around, Alfred Waddington, remained imprisoned, but the Anti-Reform Party made it clear his name was to be put forward in the 1869 British Columbia provincial election.

The Government is able to enter into negotiations with the Hudson Bay Company and affect the purchase of Rupert’s Land, its charter being shifted to the Government. Offices and localities under the authority of the HBC transfer to the control of the federal government. With the Canadian Pacific Railroad already forging its way across the country, settlement had already exploded along the railroad tracks, with settlers never being quiet too far behind the construction crews as they chopped their way through the untamed wilderness.

What the purchase of Rupert’s Land did do was ignite a national frenzy. Francophone and Anglophone politicians gave fierce debates in Parliament over what to do with the issue of the new land that was annexed. There was an ongoing debate on what to do with the Red River Colony, it now being a constituent part of Canada, and had a connection with the rest of the country through the Canadian Pacific Railroad. Many Anglophone politicians had believed that allowing a new province to enter Canada centred around the mostly Métis people of the Red River Colony would signal the ascension of another Francophone province. Francophones, understandably, endorsed this motion. The Prime Minister and many Conservatives saw little choice but to pass the Manitoba Act (Loi sur le Manitoba), which transformed the Red River Colony into the Province of Manitoba. The land granted to the new province was only a minor expansion around what the Red River Colony had owned previously, but the Manitoba Act granted the Métis land rights and gave legal title to all lands currently cultivated.

With an extant, if nascent, administrative structure remaining from the Red River Colony, it was enough to hold elections. Two parties vied for control of the province, the Francophone Métis Party led by Louis Riel and the Anglophone Canadian Party led by John Schultz. The Métis still had a numerical majority in the province, and they easily won the most seats for the provincial legislature. Louis Riel became the first Premier of Manitoba, and he made it clear that the new government would work to preserve Métis rights, the rights of the indigenous population (who were now British subjects), the rights of the Catholic church, and a drive to ensure French was the native language of the province. Settlers still flooded into the province, enticed by cheap land and new opportunities. Some settlers continued beyond Manitoba, following the railway’s trek west, setting up homes outside the control of the new Manitoban government.

Louis Riel and the Government of Manitoba

Halifax is put on the government’s sights when a large amount of money was authorised to expand the facilities of the commercial docks of the city. A large number of coal deposits were constructed, with accompanying transportation equipment, along with lengthening several of the docks and building further ones. There was also ground broken on a shipyard to focus on the construction of freight ships and other commercial vessels. While the expansion was done through a series of acts, they were all grouped together and known as the “Halifax Act.” THe purpose of the acts was to make the port city the primary port by which Canadian exports left the country during the winter, providing the shortest distance to Europe of any major North American port. With ample support from the government, Halifax was becoming the primary port of entry for immigrants and commerce in the winter months. The high prices on the Intercolonial Railway, owing to congestion it faced from exporters, caused many to continue to ship their products out of Boston.

The USS New Ironsides sets sail for the first time from her Philadelphia shipyard. It was the first modern, European-style ironclad that the United States Navy put to sea, only possible after constant pushing by Secretary Welles for a better type of ironclad warship. There was a constant desire in the Naval department to improve the ability of the United States navy to protect her shores after the British invasion of Long Island. The various tactics taught in naval schools were to be updated according to Welles’ guidance, amidst other reforms. The War Department was also preparing for the return of the military mission from France following the war against Germany, but they did not arrive by the end of the year. The strengthening of the U.S. Navy was very much focused on the renewed interest in the Monroe Doctrine, with many politicians in Washington turning their eye abroad to Mexico and South America, weary of the constant European presence.

U.S. Marshalls were sent into Maryland, Missouri, and Kentucky to former plantations and in communities with high amounts of former slaves. They had two goals, to protect employees of the Freedmen’s Bureau, and to protect the former slaves, as violence against them had increased dramatically. There is some progress made in protecting both, but it was clear there was much larger action needed. Secretary McClellan, who was running for Vice-President, quickly adopts a different tone towards the Freedmen’s Bureau, by channeling more funds to it and sending soldiers into Kentucky to crush some of the strongest opposition to the government’s policies. A full armed skirmish took place in southern Kentucky between the U.S. Army and members of the KKK, although they fled into Tennessee (and thus, the Confederacy), to escape capture by the Americans. The Tennessee militia was able to capture two of the men, and handed them over to the U.S. Army. The Confederate army crossed the border into Kentucky once again, not to engage in warfare, but this time to hand over criminals to the United States.

The 1868 Presidential Election was considered by many to be a referendum on the Radical Republicans, the Presidency of Daniel Voorhees, and the future path of the United States. Standing strong for the old guard of the Democratic Party was Samuel Randall, solidly against Civil Rights and embodied the older strain of Whiggism. He was strongly in favour of tariffs, and resisted the increasing power of the federal government. During the series of debates between Randall and former President Abraham Lincoln, Randall attacked Lincoln for his expansion of power during his term in office. President Lincoln’s nomination was a cause for concern with the Republicans, showing the domination of the moderate Republicans and the shaky power of the radical Republicans.

When the election took place and the results started to tick in, President Lincoln was returned to office in a landslide, Randall had only won Kentucky and Maryland, losing Delaware and Missouri, both of which were believed to be locked down for him. President Lincoln swept the nation, with his promises for reconciliation and his vision for forging a new future for the United States. His election was met with a shrug in the Confederacy, with many unconcerned with the return of the man whom they seceded to get away from in the first place. One Richmond paper wrote that, so long as “Butcher Abe” didn’t resume attacks against the Confederacy, then there was no reason for anyone in the country to be concerned about him. Upon his election, Lincoln sent letters to each Confederate state stating clearly that the incoming administration would welcome them back into the Union, and offered incentives for them to do so. Not a single letter was responded to. Former President Jefferson Davis was asked by Lincoln to attend his inauguration, hoping that the former Confederate President would be a sign of peaceful relations between the two countries. Davis, who hosted Lincoln in late 1865, agreed, and made plans to travel north to Washington in February.

Results of the 1868 U.S. Election

The surprising victory of former President Lincoln over Secretary Randall also included a massive victory for Republicans up and down the ticket. 153 Republicans were elected, and only 31 Democrats managed to secure House seats. The Democrats actually made gains in the Senate, but the elections of the year still ended with Republicans holding 40 seats and the Democrats holding 10 seats. It was clear the Democratic Party needed to change. The emerging strain of thought within the party was one of indifference towards Civil Rights, pledging to uphold the current laws of the United States, but moving no further. They were strong proponents of laissez-faire and were against the traditional strain of protectionism that Republicans strongly championed. Noticeably, the leading voice directly after Randall’s defeat was former General John Palmer, who announced he would be running for the Governorship of Illinois, stating that he would fight for the United States and the Constitution, but would not be beholden to the policies of the Republican Party.

In California, José María Jesús Carbajal announced the formation of the Mexican Government in Exile. Republicans who had fled to the United States quickly pledged their allegiance to Carbajal, and a network was established across the country, including chapters in the Confederate States of Mexicans in Arizona, Texas, and Baja California. Their position was clear, the Empire of Mexico was an illegitimate organisation that was propped up as a colonial administration for the United Kingdom. They claimed Mexico was an occupied territory, being transformed into a British colony.

With the Taiping Rebellion having ended just the year prior, and a rebellion still ongoing, the flood of Chinese immigrants into the United States, and increasingly Canada, the Confederacy, and Mexico, had gone from a trickle to an outright deluge. It was estimated that one fifth of California’s seven hundred thousand people were Chinese. There were nearly a thousand Chinese workers in Arizona, who worked on ranches and in mines, almost ten percent of the territory’s population. They were faced with a rising tide of racism in both countries, as California politicians from both sides of the political aisle were supportive of closing off further influxes of immigrants. But it was Chinese labour that was helping to build the Transcontinental Railroad, and many more were miners. In their own Chinatowns there were bankers, successful businessmen, restaurant owners, shopkeepers, tanners, and so on, all the necessities of a functioning community.

Chinese workers in northern California

President Beauregard appoints John C. Breckenridge as Secretary of War, allowing him control of the peacetime War Department, free to implement changes and reforms as he saw fit, moulding it away from the heavy-handed control of former President Davis, and expanding the standing army by an even greater number, to face the threats of the indigenous out in the West. There would be forty thousand men throughout the Confederacy, with the largest increase of soldiers being sent west to form the Pacific Department, to guard the newly annexed territory, and in the Eastern Department to shore up the fight against the Indians. The War Department also sold off many of the remaining government-owned ships on the Mississippi, many being transformed into merchant ships by those who purchased them.

Perhaps the most impactful change that President Beauregard made to the Federal Government was the formation of the Department of the Interior. Albert Pike, the famous Confederate emissary to the indigenous inhabitants of the Indian territory, was made the Department’s first Secretary. The new Department of the Interior was responsible for all indigenous matters, becoming the defacto government over the Indian Territory. The Indian Peace Commission was subsumed into the department, and the functions normally operated by the War Department and the State Department in the territory were placed under Pike’s control. The indigenous leaders were grateful to be working with someone with whom they already had a strong working relationship with.

The Patent Office was also shifted to the Interior Department, along with some basic administrative functions of maintaining the affairs of the Arizona and Baja California territories. It also assumed all control over the unorganised territory that was once part of the Mexican state of Sonora, providing the basic levels of administration that were handled previously by the Mexican government. One of the department’s first moves was to establish the Comanche Reservation out of the northern half of the unassigned lands in the Indian Territory.

Travelling to New Orleans, Isaias Hellman and Pío Pico meet with Charles Morgan, President of the Confederate Pacific Railroad. The deal was simple, to secure Leesport as the terminus of the Confederacy’s transcontinental railroad. Morgan had only intended for the railway to stretch to Tucson, and monopolise all traffic that was flowing to the west. With the annexation of Baja California, there was a new opportunity for Morgan, to expand his railroad from the Gulf to the Pacific, taking control of the fastest route between the two oceans. When the men from the Leesport Company approached him, it did not take much to convince him of the merits of the idea. It was called the Sunset Route, first proposed in the United States nearly twenty years ago, and it was one of the reasons why the United States has enacted the Gadsden Purchase. Bonds were selling fast to raise the money to fund the route across Texas and then to Leesport. Morgan also announced his intentions to link the American towns of San Diego and Los Angeles to his line, hoping to become the leading railway to service southern California.

The Confederate Army finally is able to get traction over the Comanche tribes of the Texan panhandle, forcing the surrender of a large band of warriors in the northern portion of the state. Their terms of surrender were harsh, Lt. Gen. Bedford Forrest’s demands forced them to abandon all weapons they had and march into the Indian Territory, taking up land allocated for them in the northeastern Indian Territory. Where the Confederate had success in Texas, Lt. Gen. Taylor’s men were surprised whilst out on a patrol, and were ambushed, losing nearly one hundred men. Fort Stanton was also attacked, and the walls breached, before the Apache were pushed back.

The Imperial Mexican Army was finally expanded from its low levels, signally their intention to take further control of their country from the British, who had previously provided the bulk of Mexico’s defense. With the call set forth to expand to three regiments of around three thousand men, to be stationed in the north, central, and southern parts of the Empire. General Miguel Miramón was placed in charge of the Imperial Army, and formulated the plan to recruit soldiers and secure new barracks for where they would be stationed.

After consultation with British investors, the Imperial Government is able to secure funding for a railroad from Guadalajara to Puerto Victoria, which would allow Mexico to export goods to Pacific destinations quickly, but it also opened up the possibility for Chinese immigrants to easily gain entry to the Mexican interior, as many began to settle in Mexico City, in search of a better life.

In response to the uprising in Cuba, the liberal Spanish government responds with a large number of concessions. Cuba was elevated to a Viceroyalty. The Cuban Constitution of 1868 was authorised, providing for an elected body that rules alongside the Madrid-appointed Viceroy. Slavery in central and eastern Cuba was abolished, while western Cuba would maintain slavery for the next decade. Both the United Kingdom and Spain would provide compensation for slave owners to surrender their slaves, which resulted in a rush of claims, including by owners in eastern Cuba. Over a million pounds were paid out to claimants, much of which was reinvested into sugar and rum production in Havana, greatly bolstering the economy of the city.

The Cuban Diputación passes a slew of legislation, establishing the Cuban Coast Guard, aimed at securing the vast coastline of the island. With the acquisition of several ships from the Confederate States, the coast guard consisted of six ships, and was paid for by taxes levied on Cubans, the first wholly Cuban military force sanctioned by the Spanish.

For several years, Dominican patriots had been engaged in a minor struggle between the Spanish occupying force in the territory, with no major engagements even warranting informing Madrid. The Army had been acting autonomously from the problems the Spanish government faced, being mostly self sustaining and responsible for tax collection on the island. For four years, the island had been controlled by General José de la Gándara after the death of Pedro Santana, both ruthless dictators who imposed harsh laws and strict punishments. When news was spread across the island of the benevolent nature by which the Spanish had treated the uprising in Cuba, the Dominican patriots quickly adopted a new plan of action, with their moves only sped up by the arrival of thousands of new Spanish forces in the Caribbean, spread out between the three islands.

Biding their time in the mountains and gathering men, along with clandestine shipments of arms from overseas, an army of ten thousand guerrillas descended on Santo Domingo and assaulted the capitol building, overwhelming the small Spanish force in the city, a garrison of only around five hundred. Santo Domingo was captured, and the former Dominican flag was raised, in an event known as El grito de Capotillo. The following day the guerillas announced the formation of the Government of the Dominican Republic, and José Salcedo was named President. Furcy Fondeur took the position of Minister of Foreign Relations, and Gregorio Luperón was named the commanding General of the Dominican Army.

The revolution spread rapidly across the island, and were incredibly well armed. There were few supporters of the Spanish left on the island, after the cruel treatment afforded to them by the Spanish military rulers. Luperón’s forces defeated the Spanish at San Cristobal, and again at Dajabon. The last Spanish holdout at Monte Cristi also fell to the rebels. In the span of three months, the Spanish had been resounding defeated on the western part of the Dominican. Minister Fondeur quickly traveled to the United States to meet with Secretary Horatio Seymour. Demonstrating the successes of his movement, the United States extended diplomatic recognition to the Dominican Republic. Admiral Porter assembled a fleet of ships, along with one thousand Americans, and traveled to Santo Domingo, making port in the harbour and making it clear its recognition of the rebel republic was not simply one of show.

The successful revolt in the Dominican, along with American intervention, caused Puerto Rico to erupt in a similar move for independence. On September 23rd, the Grito de Lares was read in the town of Lares. The revolt was planned by Ramón Emeterio Betances and Segundo Ruiz Belvis, and they proclaimed the Republic of Puerto Rico. Well armed and lead by Manuel Rojas, the Puerto Rican Liberation Army captured Mayagüez, where they were able to captured the port facilities and the small coastal fortress which guarded the docks. The revolutionaries, having secured a port, asked for volunteers and arms from abroad, much of which they were able to accomplish. Several Confederate-flagged ships unloaded old weapons and munitions, before being destroyed by the Spanish Caribbean fleet, causing a great deal of diplomatic tension between the Confederate States and Spain. Confederate sailors had been killed (or captured, then killed) for supporting the Puerto Rican rebellion. Furthermore, Confederate merchant vessels had been sunk, and their owners quickly lobbied the government for a response against the Spanish. Tensions were high as radical politicians from the Democrats and the Whigs demanded action against Spain, as many had greedily set their eyes upon Cuba. With the Spanish having been embarrassed by the jarring string of defeats in the Dominican, they were quick to respond to the Puerto Ricans, bringing in ten thousand soldiers who were stationed in Cuba, and ruthlessly cracking down upon the rioters. Much of the population heralded the Spanish move, as the majority of Puerto Ricans were against the notion of independence. The Spanish captured Betances and Belvis, and forced the surrender of the Puerto Rican Liberation Army. Hundreds, if not thousands, of American-manufactured weapons were found amongst the surrendering army, all assumed to be surplus from the War of the Rebellion.

South America

General José Santos Gutiérrez Prieto and several of his officers travel to France to observe the ongoing Franco-German War, with the goal of improving the overall armed forces of the country. There seemed to be a rise of Conservatism on the continent, nowhere closer than in Venezuela, where the liberal Juan Crisóstomo Falcón was overthrown in a military coup headed by General José Tadeo Monagas, who installed himself as President. President Mosquera also sends agents to the United States, purchasing a large amount of surplus weapons from the War Department.

The Conservatives continued their policy of abstaining from the Presidential election, which resulted in a landslide re-election for President Mosquera, himself running against the radical liberal Eustorgio Salgar. Mosquera was able to campaign on his highly successful intervention into Ecuador, freeing them from the grasps of their highly reactionary government and allowing Ecuadorian liberalism to flourish.

News of the Napoleonic coup in Ecuador was a sudden, jarring, event that immediately caused trouble in Mexico City. The British military command dispatched the Royal Navy ships stationed on the Pacific coast of Mexico, and established a blockade of the Kingdom, preventing any and all supplies from reaching the nascent Napoleonic kingdom. The British signalled their intent to continue the blockade into the next year, and would only drop if if the liberal, republican government was restored.

The Peru-Bolivian Confederation was officially proclaimed in the late Summer, asking for the unity of the Peruvian and Bolivian people against the foreign invasion from Chile. Thousands flock to the call to arms, and President Prado promises new elections to be held to elect the Confederation’s President. Paying little mind to his own rise to power, Pardo decries Melgarejo as a tyrant, seeking to turn Bolivia into little more than a puppet of the forces of Chile. Weapons from the Confederate States, United States, and the United Kingdom flood in, providing enough arms for the entire army.

With Peru-Bolivia signing the Treaty with Paraguay over the disputed land, President Lopez is persuaded by promises of personal wealth alongside future economic concessions to intervene against the Chileans fighting to break up the Confederation. Before the Paraguayans could march any significant force to assist the Peru-Bolivians, the joint force of Melgarejo and the Chileans under General Banqueda capture the city of Sucre, which is proclaimed liberated from Peruvian occupation. The Paraguayans march towards Cochabamba and La Paz, splitting their forces to reinforce the defences of the two cities. While the Chileans don’t make any significant attacks towards these two cities, they would face a significant resistant fighting them should they advance.

The Confederation’s forces were able to amass an army three times the size of the Chilean Ejército de los Andes, which moved into Peru and captured the port town of Iquique. It was here that the Confederation found its first major victory, surrounding the entire Chilean army and bombarding it, finally engaging in a full-scale assault against the city and the stubborn Chileans. What resulted was a total bloodbath between the two armies. The Chileans refused to surrender, despite being surrounded, and the Confederation’s forces had the numbers. While Iquique was finally taken, the Confederation’s forces were in shambles, putting off any future assault into the Atacama until the next year. The Chileans, likewise, were stunned at this loss and capture of a main field army, and vowed to engage in yet another offensive.

Fighting at the Battle of Iquique

The Chilean navy had established a blockade over Peru’s coastline, engaging with the Confederation’s smaller ships and forcing many back into port. After discussions with the United Kingdom, the Confederation’s navy received a huge boost with the purchase of numerous ironclads, of an older design, but nevertheless it provided enough firepower to destroy the Chilean blockade. The Confederation pursued the Chilean ships, winning the Battle of Atacama after scoring several shots and ramming the lead Chilean ship. As it sank, the Peruvians captured Chilean Rear Admiral Patricio Lynch, while the rest of the fleet retreated to Valparaíso.

Prime Minister Torres resigns due to poor health, with Manuel Pinto de Sousa Dantas taking his place. The new Prime Minister announced a slew of changes with Brazil’s tariffs, increasing tariffs on industrial goods and other imports by four percentage points, and slashing tariffs on coal imports. The coal tariffs being slashes was lauded in the United Kingdom, but British merchants were very irate with the constant increases in Brazilian tariffs, and many petitioned the government to put pressure on the Brazilians, as merchants pull out of the country, citing unprofitability.

With the change in government, and new tariff structure in place, industrial and railroad expansion begins to take off across the Empire. Private investors begin to pool money together to create local rail spurs to villages and towns to bring crops to market, as well as to double and triple track some lines, allowing for even faster service than before. The Imperial government embarks upon a hiring spree, bringing in thousands of new civil servants to administer the Empire’s vast land, in some cases the far flung territories of the Amazon had staffs of over one hundred people, all working in Rio de Janeiro. The government also formed the Imperial Railroad Police, tasked with the enforcement of law on the rails and being a general oversight body for the railroad industry as a whole.

Education reforms come to Argentina, with the passage of a Statutory Law of Public Education, requiring children to attend school up to the age of 12. Federal funding was extended to each province to support school construction and the training of teachers. Instead of taking the Brazilian approach and forming a complex system of licensing, the Argentinians focused on traditional methods of training teachers, which had been working flawlessly. Funding was increased to encourage the provinces to open secondary and military schools, many of which accepted the Federal funds to expand their educational system. Public libraries were opened, nearly one hundred, with another two hundred slated to open by 1870. The two universities in Córdoba and Buenos Aires saw some changes to their academics, claiming top professors from Italy and Spain to come and help with reforms, removing the focus on theology, and having a much greater focus on science and mathematics.

Taking advantage of the chaos unfolding between Peru-Bolivia and Chile, Argentina captured the Puna de Atacama, enforcing their claims to the region, angering both Chile and Bolivia. Furthermore, the Argentines marched across the border into Bolivia, capturing Bermajo, Yacuiba and Tarija, clashing with the forces loyal to Melgarejo, but easily sweeping aside the local militia. The territory was proclaimed to have been liberated, and administration quickly extended to the region. The mountain passes between Chile and Argentina were reinforced on both sides of the border, as tensions remained high. The armies of both nations were camped on opposite sides of the passes, in many cases both sides being able to see each other.

The National Congress passes the Ley Nacional de Educación 1868, which promised basic education for every single child in Chile, making four years of education mandatory, learning about basic subjects such as reading, writing, history, and arithmetic. High salaries for teachers was announced, hoping to entice teachers from other South American countries and Spain. Education was becoming an increasingly large budget item as the construction of new schools, purchasing of books, and hiring of teachers was taking place. Much of the Chilean education reform was modeled after the successful model that was pioneered in Brazil. Teachers would only be authorised to teach when they obtained a license to do so, passing a government course. With the ongoing war against Peru-Bolivia, and general lack of teachers, there was little actual progress made. The reforms were expected to be completed before the decade was over, according to many of the optimistic projections by government planners.

Asia & Africa

With the attempted overthrow of the Khedive, and successful affirmation of Egyptian independence (from the Ottoman Empire), Isma'il Pasha sets into motion reforms for the Egyptian Army, seeking to root out its key weaknesses the military leadership identified during the campaigns in Ethiopia, the Sudan, Africa, and against the rebellion in Cairo. The Khedive decided that it was important for the leadership to change first, before any changes were brought to the lower rankers.

To bring about these changes, new military academies would be formed across Egypt, with only the best officers teaching at the Egyptian Military Academy at Aswan, the oldest and most prestigious of them all. It was here where the likes of Kemper Pasha taught alongside French officers who fought with Napoleon I and Egyptian officers who fought alongside Mohammad 'Ali Pasha. All current officers would be rotated in for new training, in order to try and ensure that there was no breakdown in command as there had been previously. In order to remain an officer, one needed to pass written exams, oral exams, and even physical exams (something that not even Confederate, or Union, officers at the height of the war could pass). The officers would learn Arabic as their primary language, with French being their secondary language.

Any officer who was found to excel at the new training would be permitted to travel to France, to be educated among the ranks of Napoleon’s finest marshals. Loyalty, however, was to be specifically tied to Egypt and to the Khedive, ensuring none of the officers would join in rebellion against the Khedive’s rule. A new message was sent to armament factories across Egypt, that the army would be equipped with Tabatiere rifles, converting the old Minie rifles, and Chassepot rifles. All Mini rifle production was halted, and older Minie rifles were brought in and the conversion process to Tabatiere rifles was begun. Chassepot rifles were begun to be manufactured in some of Egypt’s most advanced factories, aided by French engineers who traveled to the lower Nile to assist their allies. The Tabatiere rifles were only to be the holdover for the army, to be phased out by 1870, and much of the excess was sold to willing buyers in the south. While the Khedive had ordered that no rifles were sold to the Ethiopians, the Ethiopians had made agreements with Somali tribes to purchase the rifles from Egypt under the guise of fighting against Ethiopia.

With the highly successful education of Egypt’s officers underway, extensive training was begun among the country’s military, with almost no area or scenario left untouched. Regiments were trained in all regions of the country, preparing for war like Egypt never had before. While the costs were mounting for Egypt’s reforms, they were showing significant signs of improvements. There was a harmony amongst the men, with little regard for religion separating them, the one thing uniting them, service to the Khedive and to Egypt.

The army operating in Tripolitania is able to secure much of the coast from the bedouin fighters who occupied them, having been inspired and spurned on by the Egyptians to revolt against the Ottoman government. Where they find success in the populated towns and cities, they have little success in suppressing the revolt in the sparsely populated interior.

The Ottomans find limited success against the Wahhabi fighters in Arabia, as hundreds flock to the Saud’s call to arms to purge their land of the Turkish invader. The Ottomans were using a large force, which carried with it a large logistical undertaking. The Saudis were able to take advantage of this, by lashing out against the Ottoman columns where they appeared, and raiding the supplies of the Army where they were found. It seemed unlikely that the Ottomans would be able to suppress the revolt easily, and being embroiled in a campaign in Arabia was not high on the Sultan’s list.

While the Khanates of Central Asia had been able to hold off for far longer than many observers had believed, the fortunes of war were quickly changing. Military leaders in the field were replaced, new weapons had been brought in, along with a large influx of new soldiers. Thousands of Russians simply moved in and overwhelmed the small garrisons, many of whom had believed that a sort of negotiated peace was possible given their previous military successes in the war. One of the final, pivotal, battles of the war took place in Samarkand, where Russian soldiers stormed the city and is defenses, with Konstantin von Kaufman leading the charge. For his bravery and his actions, he was named the first Governor of Turkestan.

Russian troops taking Samarkand

With the Boshin War drawn to a successful conclusion and the Emperor’s role as undisputed leader of Japan solidified, the new regime set about immediately to establish a new proper government, so as to begin to properly administrate the nation and begin the promised program of modernization and development. Dignitaries and ambassadors of the Emperor, handpicked by the Emperor himself with advice from his closest advisors, were sent to Choshu and Satsuma domains, requesting all the daimyos’ land be ceded to direct control by the Emperor in exchange for a seat as governor of their respective provinces and for a share of each province’s annual rice-tax revenue. Both immediately accepted; within two weeks, all but six other domains had ceded control of their lands to the Emperor. All remaining domains were in the northeast; however, the presence of the armies of Saigo and Kuroda so close pressured them into handing over the lands anyway. An increasing number of samurai were worried about the move, on top of the fact that stipends to samurai retainers were paid by the central government, and no longer by the samurai lords themselves.

As these events unfolded, British railroad investors, their countrymen’s arms investments to the Imperials having been proven to be wise indeed, began to fund the construction of a railroad from the city of Edo to Yokohama. The Emperor renamed Edo to Tokyo, or “Eastern Capital”, and made it the new capital of the Japanese Empire, moving, seemingly forever, away from the ancient imperial capital of Kyoto. By the end of the year, the small railroad was complete, and new plans to expand this rail network across the country were drawn up almost immediately.

Rail development made remarkable progress in Japan; in the background are ships carrying goods for trade, primarily from the United Kingdom, France, and the United States

Fighting in Atjeh is resoundingly in favour of the Sultanate's forces. The KNIL is deployed as the sole fighting force in the region. The Sultan had announced a complete mobilisation of his forces to fight the Dutch, and the KNIL was woefully unprepared to fight against them. The city of Padang fell to Atjeh’s forces, with the Dutch being thrown out and most symbols of the colonial administration being burned.

Other Events

January 9 – Penal transportation from Britain to Australia ends with arrival of the convict ship Hougoumont in Western Australia after an 89-day voyage from England. There are 62 Fenians among the transportees.
February 13 – The British War Office sanctions the formation of what becomes the Army Post Office Corps.
February 16 – In New York City the Jolly Corks organization is renamed the Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks (BPOE).
February 24 – The first parade to have floats takes place at Mardi Gras in New Orleans.
March – French geologist Louis Lartet discovers the first identified skeletons of Cro-Magnon, the first early modern humans (early Homo sapiens sapiens), at Abri de Crô-Magnon, a rock shelter at Les Eyzies, Dordogne, France.
March 23 – The University of California is founded in Oakland, California, when the Organic Act is signed into California law.
March 24 – The Metropolitan Life Insurance Company is formed.
March 27 – The Lake Ontario Shore Railroad Company is organized in Oswego, New York.
March – The first transnational women's organization, Association internationale des femmes, is founded.
April 1 – The Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute is established in Hampton, Virginia.
May 26 – Fenian bomber Michael Barrett becomes the last person publicly hanged in the United Kingdom.
May 29 – The Parliament of the United Kingdom passes the Capital Punishment Amendment Act, thus ending public hanging.
June 2 – The first Trades Union Congress is held in Manchester, England.
June 10 – Mihailo Obrenović, Prince of Serbia is assassinated in Košutnjak, Belgrade.
June 20 – Fort Fred Steele is established to protect the western terminus of the Union Pacific Railway.
July 1 – The cable-operated West Side and Yonkers Patent Railway in Manhattan becomes the first elevated railway in the United States.
July 27 – The United States Expatriation Act ("An Act concerning the Rights of American Citizens in foreign States") is adopted
August 18 – The element later named as helium is first detected in the spectrum of the Sun's chromosphere by French astronomer Jules Janssen during a total eclipse in Guntur, British India, but is assumed to be sodium.
September 18 – The University of the South holds its first convocation in Sewanee, Tennessee.
October 1 – Chulalongkorn starts to rule in Siam.
October 6 – The City of New York grants Mount Sinai Hospital a 99-year lease for a property on Lexington Avenue and 66th Street, for the sum of $1.00.
October 28 – Thomas Edison applies for his first patent, the electric vote recorder.
November 2 – New Zealand officially adopts a standard time to be observed nationally.
November 18 – New Orleans public schools mandate French as the main language of education.
December 9 – The world's first traffic signal lights are installed at the junction of Great George Street and Bridge Street in the London Borough of Westminster.

Casualties

Dominican War of Independence: -647 Regulars from Spain
Puerto Rican War of Independence: -330 Regulars from Spain
Tripolitania/Crete/Arabia Rebellion: -486 Regulars from the Ottoman Empire
Apache-Confederate War: -129 Regulars from the Confederate States
Comanche-Confederate War: -24 Regulars from the Confederate States
War of the Pacific: -312 Regulars, -4,520 Volunteers, -1 Ironclad from Peru-Bolivia. -5,214 Regulars, -2 Ironclads, -5 Sail Frigates from Chile.

Product of New Hampshire

Frymonmon · Aug 10, 2017

1869

Great Powers
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland
Government: Constitutional Parliamentary Monarchy
Leader(s): Queen Victoria/Prime Minister Disraeli
Population: 31.477 m. 0.86% Growth
Gross Domestic Product: $136,793 m. 0.98% Growth ($4,345.86 per Capita)
Trade: $ 55,591.39 m.
Infrastructure: Excellent Equipment & Training
Player: Maxwell500

Dadarian · Aug 10, 2017

SUPREME COURT OF THE KINGDOM OF CANADA

CITATION: R v. the Province of Ontario, [1869] 7 S.C.R. 2, 1869 SCC 7

DATE: 18690218

DOCKET: 7

BETWEEN:

Her Majesty the Queen

Represented by Her Majesty's Canadian-Indian Subjects and the Supreme Court of Canada; Appellant

v.

the Province of Ontario; Respondent

CORAM: Taschereau C.J. and Ritchie, Strong, Richards, Fournier, Henry, Elliott JJ.

JOINT REASONS FOR JUDGMENT: N/A

(paras. 1 to ?)

CONCURRING REASONS: N/A

(paras. ? to ?)

CONCURRING REASONS: N/A

(paras. ? to ?)

Administrative Law -- Judicial Review -- Review of Enacted Legislation -- What is the Strength of the SCC over Enacted Legislation.

Administrative Law -- Judicial Review -- Review of Enacted Legislation -- Can the SCC strike down dutifully enacted Federal Legislation.

Administrative Law -- Judicial Review -- Review of Enacted Legislation -- Can the SCC strike down dutifully enacted Provincial Legislation.

Administrative Law -- Judicial Review -- Review of Enacted Legislation -- Does the Gradual Civilization Act meet the current laws of the Kingdom.

Administrative Law -- Judicial Review -- Review of Enacted Legislation -- In what parts, if at all, is the Gradual Civilization Act still good law within the confines of the Province of Ontario.

______________________________

R v. the Province of Ontario; Introduction Summary.

Facts:

That, without exception, the Gradual Civilization Act currently enforced in the Province of Ontario clashes with the established precedent of Klatassine v. Waddington regarding the citizenship of Her Majesty's Canadian-Indian subjects.
That, without issue, the Province of Ontario continues to practice the Gradual Civilization Act as good law.
That, as a result, the Province of Ontario's own laws and legislation and the Kingdom's own law do clash.

Issues:

What is the SCC's ability to effect and affect legislation within the provinces, as in the Gradual Civilization Act.
Is the SCC able to strike down active federal legislation.
Is the SCC able to strike down active provincial legislation.
Does the Gradual Civilization Act still legally applicable good law within the Kingdom.
What portions of the Gradual Civilization Act, if any, are still good law in which to continue to be applied in the Province of Ontario.

baboushreturns · Aug 10, 2017

Bismarck's Agenda-Foreign Policy

His Royal Majesty, King Karl I of Denmark

-The Copenhagen Conundrum: With the humiliating defeat of the Danish state in 1869, the situation on the Empire's northern border quickly deteriorated. Although Bismarck had originally hoped for a harsh peace against the incalcitrant Danes, and welcomed the annexation of Schleswig and Holstein. It had been the Kaiser urged on by Field Marshal Moltke and the Prussian military establishment who, had pushed so hard for a peace that would humiliate Denmark. Called der Roterfrieden or Red Peace by the socialists, many on the left and some moderates believed the peace went too far, worrying openly that it would only insure more bloodshed in the years to come. Bismarck himself too, worried what the results might be in Denmark, predicting in a letter to Kaiser Wilhelm that there might be a new war with the Danes inside ten years. Yet there was nothing that could be done to stop the emboldened Kaiser who thought the treaty a fitting end to the Danish problem.

However, Bismarck's worst fears were soon played out. Inside of two weeks, King Christian IX abdicated his throne, which soon was offered up to King Karl of Sweden-Norway. To the Germans so recently stabbed in the back by the overambitious Danes, this result was unacceptable. A unified Scandinavian state had the potential to turn a relatively minor Danish threat into one which could tie up hundreds of thousands of men in the event of any future war and; could, perhaps allow for the occupation of all of northern Germany given the right circumstances. These concerns were only further magnified by the presence of some 50,000-60,000 Swedish troops within Holstein during the 3rd Schleswig War. Therefore on the orders of Field Marshal Moltke, with only limited consultation from Bismarck the Fifth Army under Prince Albert of Saxony, silently slipped across the border into Denmark on December 23rd.

Marching unopposed through Jutland, scattered units of the demobilizing Danish army met the forward elements of the Fifth Army with shock, the Danes on mass surrendered their weapons to the invading Germans and by December 26th the first scattered units of the German army had arrived by ship in Copenhagen. However from there the situation grew only more complex. Upon the arrival of the 5th Army, the Germans learned that King Christian had fled Copenhagen well over a week ago, along with most of his family. When efforts to reinstate Christian to the throne failed, and it seemed that there would be no government to rule Denmark, the Kaiser personally reached out to Duke Karl, of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Glücksburg for help. The Duke who was in fact an older brother of King Christian readily accepted the Kaiser's offer and soon arrived in Copenhagen to preside over the formation of a newly 'elected' Rigsdagen. As January of 1869 approached, Otto von Bismarck hoped to shore up the situation in Denmark. Seeing no easy path ahead he decided to commit to the government of King Karl I and made the choice to support it unilaterally in an effort to create a stable German ally and buffer state to the north. He had much work ahead of him.

________________________________________________________

Communique to Vienna,

The restored Glucksburg dynasty wishes to reach out to the Kaiser and, to his government in order to reassure them, that all articles of the Treaty of Jutland will be adhered to. We are pleased to report that the artillery will soon arrive within the Empire's borders. Furthermore it is his Majesty's hope that the Kaiser may offer speedy recognition of the new government and finally, that good humor may return to Austro-Danish relations once more.

Signed,

Crown Prince Friedrich of Denmark

Nax24 · Aug 10, 2017

The End of Regeneration

After all the efforts done by the Regeneration Movement, all the strives, all the cash spent, all the ministries brought up and brought down, all the achievements obtained, were now washed away in a flood of activism and a rejection of the political movements that propagated Regeneration. Indeed, the death of Regeneration was two-fold. The first part came after the announcement of the new consumption tax. The people rose up in Lisbon in January of 1868 upon hearing of the government's passage of the tax. The Janeirinha, as the riots became called, drastically weakened support for the coalition governments of the Historic and Regenerator parties. As such, the Radical Party became stronger, and in the 1868 elections, the Radicals won a landslide victory against the Progressive Electoral Commission, nabbing over 68% percent of the Chamber of Deputies, with the Historic and Regenerator Fusion only obtaining 32%.

With the victory of the Radicals, and the Janeirinha riots, Regeneration was dead. A new era was coming for Portugal, one that rejected the works of Herculano and all advocates of modernization for fiscal pragmatism. Yet, the founders and supporters of Regeneration still laid in the background, waiting for a chance to reasert themselves back into power and continue on the dream of modernization.

--------------------------------------------------

28.º governo da Monarquia Constitucional

(From Left to Right: Partido Regenerador (13 seats), Partido Histórico (9 seats), Partido Radical (142 seats))

Prime Minister: Conde de Ávila

Minister of the Kingdom: Conde de Ávila
Minister of Ecclesiastical Affairs and Justice: Visconde de Seabra
Minister of Finance: José Dias Ferreira
Minister of War: José Maria de Magalhães
Minister of the Navy and Colonies: José Rodrigues Coelho do Amaral
Minister of Foreign Affairs: Conde de Ávila
Minister of Public Works, Trade and Industry: Sebastião do Canto e Castro Mascarenhas

Cloud Strife · Aug 10, 2017

Various Announcements in the Reichsgesetzblatt for Quarter 1, 1869;

With regards to the situation in the Danish lands, given the competing claims of two separate entities over the forenamed territory, the Imperial Government shall postpone the collection of war indemnities from the Danes to avoid having the acceptance of any such indemnities as being considered as a recognition of either competing claim. The Imperial Government wishes a speedy resolution of the situation, with recognition of facts on the ground, without further escalation by outside parties.

It is also announced that negotiations between the Imperial Government and that of the German Empire are underway in regards to the potential continuation of the defense pact made first with the Kingdom of Prussia, and then reconfirmed with the government of the former North German Federation.

Lastly, it is also announced that Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian Joseph of Austria is appointed the Palatine of Warsaw, and that Archduke Karl Ferdinand of Austria-Teschen shall become Palatine of Galicia-Lodomeria, and that the territories of Warsaw and Galicia-Lodomeria shall form the two constituent units of the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland under the rule of our Kaiser, Franz Joseph of Austria.

aedan777 · Aug 10, 2017

Twice within the past half decade war has broken out between France and Denmark on one side, and Prussia and its successor states on the other. Many hundreds of thousands of young men lie dead and buried from these conflicts, to the sorrow of all involved. Recognizing the destructive nature of these conflicts, the Kingdom of Italy remains opposed to further armed conflict between the involved powers, taking solace only from the relatively short period of time each war lasted. It was hoped that with the Treaties of Luxembourg, Kiel, and Jutland peace and order might be restored to Europe.

Yet barely has the ink dried from these treaties and conflict between some of the signed parties has broken out. The German Empire has invaded the Kingdom of Denmark, on no legal grounds and without a declaration of war. They claimed their mission was to restore the former Danish King Christian IX to his throne, but he refused their overtures, as did his son Crown Prince Fredrick. It is the opinion of Italy that the government of Denmark lawfully offered the Danish crown to the King of Sweden, Karl XV, following the abdication of the crown by King Christian IX. There was thus no need, and certainly no desire, for the German Empire to invade Denmark to restore King Christian IX to the throne.

To be certain, the Kingdom of Denmark remains bound by the Treaty of Kiel with Germany, even in union with the Kingdoms of Sweden and Norway. If King Karl of the Scandinavian kingdoms had accepted the Danish crown and indicated an intention to renege on the obligations of the Treaty of Kiel, in his capacity as the King of Denmark, then there might be grounds for German action to enforce the terms of the Treaty. However this cannot be said to be the case. The Swedish government approved the use of funds from the Swedish Riksbanken to pay for Danish indemnities owed to the German and Austrian Empires. The Swedish government also evidently did not violate the demilitarization of Jutland, enforced by the Treaty of Kiel, evidenced by the fact German soldiers occupied the region without a fight.

It can be recognized that the union of Scandinavian crowns might trouble German interests, particularly those of the Customs Union enforced between Germany and Denmark by the Treaty of Kiel. However, without even a violation or nullification of the Customs Union by the United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, there is no basis for action against Denmark. Even if there was a violation, or an indication of a violation forthcoming, diplomacy should have been the course of action sought, not military occupation and enforcement of a new government. Has not enough blood been shed between Germany and Denmark in recent times?

In summary, no legal basis exists for the ongoing German occupation of Denmark. Denmark, as a widely accepted sovereign state, has recognized rights to conduct their own government and determine domestic policy. The Danish offer of their crown to King Karl XV was thus entirely within their rights, following the abdication of King Christian IX. No revolution forced the crown from his head, and the institution of the monarchy was not cast down. In doing so, the Danish government was not in any violation of pre-existing agreement with the German Empire. No justification for the following German invasion and occupation of Denmark can thus be said to exist, and certainly none can be found for the unilateral imposition of a new king for Denmark by the German military.

In conclusion, the Kingdom of Italy finds it impossible to condone the German invasion and occupation of Denmark, nor can it recognize the German-appointed, would-be King of Denmark. Instead it must recognize King Karl XV of Sweden as the lawful King of Denmark, and urges Germany to withdraw its military forces from Denmark and negotiate an agreement with the United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark to ensure continued compliance with the Treaty of Kiel, as well as other precautions the German Empire sees fit to secure its existing territories, within reason. The continued imposition of an unpopular German-backed government in Copenhagen is only likely to create further bloodshed, tensions, and animosity in the region, as well as potentially Europe as a whole.

For the sake of European peace, stability, and prosperity, Italy asks Germany to reconsider and rectify their recent violations of Danish sovereignty.

Emilio Visconti Venosta
Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Kingdom of Italy

99KingHigh · Aug 10, 2017

Enter Reform (I)

Four years ago, awashed with the deepest sentiments of anguish and discontentment, Britain had proceeded into general election with the consternation of a defeated power. The disaster at Long Island Bay had aggravated the basest furies of the electorate, and the Liberal ejection from its generational grasp on power was suddenly realized. Not half a decade had passed from the defeat at Long Island Bay, but the fortunes of the English consciousness had been dramatically reversed. Military victories in Mexico, diplomatic triumphs in the Americas, the preservation of prosperous economy despite the undulations of the recognition crisis, the unchallenged dominion of the Royal Navy, and prudent restraint in the outbreak of continental warfare, consolidated the new political establishment and rejected implications of possible grand strategic alteration. Throughout the Franco-Prussian War, England, concerned as it was by the spillover from the Suez, remained aloof from the conflict. Disraeli and his Ministry proceeded confidently into the electoral season, assured that the system that had returned them four years ago would return them again.

But the system that had persevered since the Great Reform Act had not been altered to the advantage of the Conservative Party. The majority faction remained complacent in the aspirations of their political process, and had largely been distracted by pecuniary difficulties and external affairs. In the mid-Victorian era there was immense scope for elaborate calculations in that now vanished political dimension of electoral reform, and it was not singularly a matter of the franchise. There was the question redistributing seats; and here the Conservatives had a real grievance, for the counties, on a population basis, were heavily underrepresented compared with the boroughs; although this could not be used to the majority government that could not concede that the population had any relevance in determining the representative system. As the outright “victors” of the previous election, the presentation of reforms to the Conservative Party was received only with peculiar skepticism. The issue of reform, however, could not be repressed within the personalities. When Lord Stanley, who had been invited after his father’s resignation to cross the House and join the conservative Liberal Party, asked the Prime Minister what was the Conservative line on reform, Disraeli replied, “my idea, is to strengthen the moderate as opposed to the thorough-going reformers.” Disraeli was not convinced to the principle of reform—aristocratic flatterer he was—but neither was he opposed either, preferring instead to depend upon the partisan geography for inspiration. There were also, obviously, the Conservative skeptics to democratic compromise. The Prime Minister’s chief motivation had to be to avoid trouble with these skeptics; Lord Cranborne (Robert-Cecil), Lord Carnarvon, and General Peel, the members of the Cabinet known to be the most cautious over Reform.

Lord Stanley, Foreign Secretary, and the most progressive of the Conservatives

The opposition benches had harangued the Ministry with some unexpected vivacity. In the Lords, the pacifistic Lord Granville dissented against the bellicosity that Lord Stanley had demonstrated with regards to the Emperor of the French, and preferred diplomatic approaches everywhere except Ecuador, where the Houses were united in their support for the Lyons Doctrine. In the Commons, Lowe advanced against the ministry on economics, but refused to concede to the reformist proclivities of his compatriot in the Lords. He was a pugnacious, quarrelsome, Wykehamist albino who sat for Lord Lansdowne’s pocket borough, Calne. He hated democracy; his reasons were essentially cool symmetrical ones of intellect, a sort of reverse Benthamism. He had also been influenced by his experiences in Australia and America, and perhaps by the accident of having been hit over the head during an election riot in 1860. He had a first-class, if rather donnish, brain, and an acidic sardonic mode of speech. The rivalry between Lowe and Disraeli was an oratory extravagance; there was no intimacy between them. Aside from a physical short-sightedness there was nothing to unite them. Lowe, so Northcote was told, “has no dislike for Disraeli, but a good deal of contempt for him.” His brother, James, had been Lowe’s fag at Winchester, and as Disraeli noted some years before, was accustomed to say “No one knew what a bully was till he knew him.” He was a sort of Francois Guizot; there was a brutal doctrinaire intellectualism to him that was everywhere abrasive to Disraeli’s intuitive, romantic, flexible oppurtunism. Later in life, when Disraeli was asked if there was one person he would refuse to shake hands, he paused to think. “Only one,” he replied, “Robert Lowe.” Robert Lowe was convinced that the Liberal humiliation could only be salvaged by an ineluctable faith in the classical whiggism that venerated meritocracy before any appeal to democracy. Bright compared them to the inmates of the Cave of Adullam: “everyone that was in distress and everyone that was discontented.” So the name stuck, and the leaders of the Liberal Party remained “Adullamites.” Lowe’s political ascension had been much owed to the influence of the late Lord Lansdowne, and he retained a flexible core of “old Whigs” to command the Liberal Party.

The Leader of the Liberal Party, the Rt Hon. Robert Lowe, MP.

There was a curious cabal of liberal aristocrats that led the vanguard of the Liberal Party. Earl Grosvenor, soon to be The Marquess of Westminster, and later the first Duke of Westminster, was an integral supporter of Lowe, as was Lord Clarendon, Lord Grey, Lord Shaftesbury, Lord Dunkellin, and Lord Elcho. In the Commons, Lowe’s frontbenchers included Sir Robert Peel (former Irish Secretary), Edward Horsman (former Irish Secretary), Marquess of Hartington (Under-Secretary for War), Samuel Laing (Financial Secretary to the Treasury), William Henry Gregory, Lord Ernest Bruce, Sir Robert William Duff, and other sympathetic liberals from the Palmerston ministry. It is indisputable that a great many backbenchers remain affected by the progressive entreaties, but the backlash against the Russellites and Gladstonians precipitated a dominance of those who claimed the legacy of the long-serving Palmerston; the Prime Minister who had once been satirized as “more tory than the tories” in the famous slight against the Restoration Ultra-Royalists, who had been called “more royalist than the king.” There were significant impediments to their progress, least of all the famous disdain of Queen Victoria to Mr. Lowe, and his arrogance in economy and oration. And to the contrary, there were certain points of optimism, predominantly the extraordinary exertions that Lowe was prepared to endure for the triumph of his position. He proceeded with typical confidence into that election of 1868, determined to unshackle the Liberal Party from the restraints of the past and march optimistically into an election in which few encouraging accounts could be given.

The Adullamites: Lord Grosvenor (top-left), Lord Elcho (top-right), Edward Horsman (bottom-left), Marquess of Hartington (bottom-right)

Contrary to the hopes of the Liberal Party, although ironically to their advantage, the past rebounded from its cavernous exile. The fortuitous reappearance began with the November election of President Lincoln in the United States, who was washed into victory on the vapor of the democratic system. The venerations of liberty, and his influential persuasions, conjured the electoral grievances of a certain class of excluded subjects, amounting to seven million out of the eight million adult males in Great Britain. Deprived of the vote, and neutralized by the aristocratic victory in the Confederate States, the election of President Lincoln signalled an opportunity for the Russellite proponents of electoral reform to advance anew against the status quo. Granted, the brief intermission between the US Presidential Election in November and the General Election in December did not afford the reformists much time, nor was it blessed to have anything but the contempt of the Liberal Party. Late in November, the Universal League for the Material Elevation of the Industrious Classes formed the “Reform League,” drawing heavily from personages from the First International, as well as among the respectable classes, including Edmond Beales and Sir Wilfrid Lawson. Despite a rapid accretion of metropolitan influence in London, the provincial constituencies remained dominated by local interests in conflict and rhetorical disputes over national economic duties, and not the issue of reform. But a small cadre of former Gladstonians, including the man himself, predominantly dependent on Lord Granville for political sustenance in Parliament, latched onto the issue. Their residual unpopularity of this progressive group from the Long Island debacle remained potent enough to not attract the popular limelight, but the Reform League was keen to have a constituency that had parliamentary aspirations.

The Leader of the Gladstonian remnant, Lord Granville.

The December election was thus dominated by controversies in foreign affairs and economic politics. Lord Stanley was thought to be especially vulnerable to a defection, unpleased as he was by Disraeli’s predominance in foreign affairs, and the elevated rate on customs. Likewise, the Liberal Party fought the election on economics, and featured an endorsement of an equilibrium between indirect and direct taxation. Lowe also intensified the Liberal enmity to trade unions, and believed the collective movement was a threat to order. As a man of company law, Lowe saw social participation through the investment of capital, and not on returns of labour. He was apprehensive that if social participation shifted from investment to labor exertion, that Parliament, which existed on the foundation of property ownership, would fall victim to a change in the social organization. He remained a dogmatic in his political economy; in Ireland, if a tenant’s plight was caused by his insatiable demand for land, the only remedy was to reduce it. This could only be done by finding some would-be tenants alternative employment. If Ireland could not attract investment in manufacturing, the only solution left was mass emigration. Compensation for improvements would “put into action a set of causes which must infallibly drag Ireland down to the fearful position she held before 1846. You will give her back her lost millions, to be swept away by another famine.”

Scenes from Ireland (c. 1870).

He remained ineluctable in all regards, and though he thoroughly despised the Conservative Party, the old appellation to Palmerston might have also held true for Lowe. For example, when the Tories, concerned that the re-emergence of the protection issue might bode poorly for their partisan unity, as it had done over the Corn Laws, decided to defend the incrementalist protectionism that had followed the budgetary calamities of the American Civil War, and excused these customs not as a principled change, but as a necessity for revenue, they were obliging principally the political economy of the Liberal leader. Lowe believed that at the most basic level the abolition of tariffs was an economic good no matter the policies of the trade partners. But he therefore disliked the concept of multilateral, negotiated trade agreements, such as the one signed with the Confederate States; he believed that even to contemplate treaties that made trade into a negotiated affair was to send out an economically illiterate message and fix the protectionists in their delusions. It was essentially a concession to reciprocity if the only advantage could be procured in mutual reductions.

Lowe disapproved of the tariff agreement with the Confederate States of America on philosophical grounds.

Lowe was thus distinguished as a staunch defender of free trade, and this was explained in a quip he made after the abolition of the Corn Laws: “overleaps the ordinary achievements of legislation as the Arc de Triomphe towers over the low-lying buildings at its feet.” Determined to rekindle the old Palmerstonian coalition between the Radicals and the Whigs, Lowe had to double-down on the adhesive of economic liberalism. In an electoral speech he proclaimed: “the grand principle of Free trade - far more valuable than Free Trade itself - that no one class in the country should be made tributary to another class.” It was the classical style of liberalism that Lowe hoped would redeem the Liberal Party; democracy was eons away from his political consideration. It was a shrewd tactic in an election contested on tariffs; Disraeli’s philosophical record on protection had always been with the aristocracy that he envied and adored. He had bitterly opposed the repeal of the Corn Laws, and remained a true disciple to Lord Derby’s protectionism.

Nonetheless, Disraeli attempted to salvage his disadvantage through dependence on his contemporary record of what he described “the retention of a moderate network of revenue,” describing the maintenance of higher tariffs. He was not confident in his efforts, and his opinion of his prospects fluctuated. He told Lord John Manners ‘that it was very doubtful whether we should a majority in the new Parliament,’ but he forwarded to the Queen a more sanguine estimate from the party committee in charge of the elections. The committee predicted that the new House would give the Conservatives a tiny majority: 330 against a Liberals score of 328. The returns were not far from this presumption; the Liberals took 316, and the Tories took 333 seats. Disraeli stood with a majority of the tiniest margins, and another election seemed imminent. The opposition backbenches were stronger for the election; Lowe’s position improved, although Gladstone and other grandees had been returned, he nonetheless was proven on the rise. Gladstone’s unpopularity persisting despite his return, the progressive faction rallied around Lord Granville in the Lords, and Hugh Childers in the Commons. Behind the scenes, Gladstone pulled the strings, eager as he was to use the yet unnoticed issue of reform to force a split in the government and force another election...

aedan777 · Aug 10, 2017

The Regia Marina

Formed with the unification of Italy, the Regia Marina (It. Royal Navy) began 1861 as an unremarkable force. A mere 18 ships of the line and frigates, with a further 34 supporting vessels, and a disorganized structure from the many unified states, the Italian Navy was not going to have its praises sung any time soon. The main potential enemy of Italy, Austria, had a larger navy in terms of major vessels, and superior quality across the board. If Italy had entered a war with Austria over possession of Venice, it is unlikely the Regia Marina would have been a boon to the war effort.

However, forces were soon at work in the Kingdom of Italy to resolve the issues plaguing the Regia Marina. Minister of the Marine Carlo Pellion di Persano began to oversee a unification of the Regia Marina's command structure in 1861, attempting to bring the disparate commands and officer styles into a unified whole. Though the navy saw general neglect from 1862 through 1864 due to the cotton crisis and the massive build up of the Italian army, 1865 saw a spike in funding for the Regia Marina, beginning a major effort at naval expansion. di Persano's reforms came into force at this time as well, seeing the Regia Marina become a more competent and rapidly expanding fighting force. Unlike the Army, which saw a decline in size and funding following the Treaty of Prague and the liberation of Venetia, the Regia Marina continued its growth, constructing dozens of new ships each year, out of a desire to see Italy become the premier power in the Mediterranean.

The growth of the Regia Marina reached its apex in 1868, with the acquisition of Italy's first ironclads, the last major European power to adopt the new beasts of the sea. At the dawn of 1869, the Regia Marina boasted 58 major vessels, and 107 supporting vessels, more than three times the size it had been at unification in 1861. Not only had the navy grown significantly by internal standards, but internationally the Regia Marina was now the world's fifth largest navy, an impressive feat for the young nation. Though still an inferior naval power to the massive navies of France and Britain, the Regia Marina had high hopes that its power projection in the Mediterranean would only continue to grow.

However, di Persano and his admirals came to realize, particularly in the wake of the struggles France suffered trying to blockade Germany, and the significant costs associated with Italy's new ironclads, that the supply structure of the Regia Marina was woefully outdated. The huge expansion of the Italian navy in large part was a result of steam ships, which would require significant reserves of coal. Italian port facilities had gone untouched since unification, making them quite insufficient to meet the full needs of a vastly expanded Regia Marina. To rectify this, expansions and upgrades were ordered for bases of the Regia Marina across the nation. Railroads would be extended in southern Italy as well to support the port capacities of southern cities such as Bari and Naples.

In addition, the city of Taranto was chosen to be the new base of operations for the Regia Marina. With a natural harbor, a central placement in the Mediterranean, and ample distance from foreign naval bases, it was considered ideal for the purposes of the Regia Marina. Rather than commit Italy's naval power against a specific nation, Taranto would allow for relatively quick deployment to either the western Mediterranean, the eastern Mediterranean, or the Adriatic. With sufficient distance from foreign bases, the activities at Taranto would be less susceptible to foreign spies, and the possibility of a sudden attack by an enemy nation would be greatly reduced.

The recent expansion of the Regia Marina had brought much acclaim in Italy, and plans to prudently continue the increase of Italian naval power were warmly received. Within one decade Italy had gone from a minor naval power to a serious force to be reckoned with, and the most extreme and fanciful proponents in the Regia Marina hoped that with one more Italy would become the premier naval power in the Mediterranean. Even if that lofty ambition was not to be reached, the Regia Marina was undoubtedly strong enough to be kept in consideration by any power with designs in the Mediterranean.

etranger01 · Aug 11, 2017

Treaty of Copenhagen (1869)

Article One - Definitions
I. The undersigned nations on one side and the union of the Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark (henceforth "the United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark") hereby agree to uphold and maintain pacific relations, including constructive diplomacy and fruitful commerce.

Article Two - The United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark
II. Karl of the House of Bernadotte, presently King of Sweden as Karl IV and King of Norway as Karl VI, is hereby acknowledged as King of Denmark in perpetuity as Karl I, with all rights of succession.

III. The United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark shall be bound by all treaties, debts, and obligations incurred by its composite states, except as specifically noted elsewhere in this document.

IV. The United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark shall affirm their commitment to repayment of the 324 million marks (2b statbucks) owed by the Kingdom of Denmark to the German Empire, to be repaid in yearly installments over ten years' time. The United Kingdoms shall reaffirm the cessions of Schleswig and Holstein, the Danish West Indies, and the vessels of the Royal Danish Navy to the German Empire. All other unresolved or outstanding clauses of the Treaty of Kiel (1868) are to be considered null and void.

V. Should the union of the Swedish, Norwegian, and Danish crowns ever be internally altered or dissolved, in part or in full, the terms of this document shall apply to any successor or successors.

Article Three - Neutrality
VI. The United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark shall be rendered permanently neutral and shall not engage in any form of military aggression, nor in any military alliance, nor in any diplomatic or political effort which might violate that neutrality.

VII. The United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark may not, either jointly or collectively, be permitted to maintain a standing army of more than fifty thousand soldiers, nor to maintain a navy larger than sixty vessels. The United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark may not mobilize any conscript force except in response to foreign invasion. The United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark may not under any circumstance close or authorize the closure of the Sound to foreign traffic. The United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark shall not permit the movement of external military forces through their territory, and occupation of or transit through Swedish-Norwegian-Danish territory by external military forces shall be considered a breach of neutrality.

VIII. The United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark may not be part of any economic, military, or political alliance, union, or network outside its composite states, including customs unions and treaties of alliance, which might violate its neutrality. This clause shall be non-binding in any instance of an economic or political agreement whose membership is general, open, and voluntary; or in any multilateral economic treaty that does not compromise neutrality or require adherence to non-voluntary or external standards.

IX. The undersigned powers shall serve as guarantors of Swedish-Norwegian-Danish neutrality and shall jointly intervene should Swedish-Norwegian-Danish neutrality be violated in any fashion. The undersigned powers shall be called to defend Swedish-Norwegian-Danish neutrality in any instance of outside aggression or forced violation of neutrality.

[X] The United Kingdoms of Sweden-Norway-Denmark
[X] Lord Stanley, Foreign Minister
[X] Edouard Drouyn de Lhuys, Foreign Minister of the Empire, on behalf of His Imperial Majesty Napoleon III
[X] Hermann von Thile, Foreign Minister for the German Empire
[X] Alexander Gorchakov, Foreign Minister of the Russian Empire
[X] Emilio Visconti Venosta, Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Kingdom of Italy
[ ] Austria

aedan777 · Aug 11, 2017

etranger01 said:
Treaty of Copenhagen (1869)

[X] Emilio Visconti Venosta, Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Kingdom of Italy

jacob-Lundgren · Aug 11, 2017

Treaty of Copenhagen (1869)

[X]Alexander Gorchakov ~ Foreign Minister of the Russian Empire

Luftwafer · Aug 11, 2017

[X] Representative from the United Kingdoms of Sweden-Norway-Denmark

baboushreturns · Aug 11, 2017

Treaty of Copenhagen (1869)

The German Empire hopes that through the settlement of the Danish question and, by extension the Scandinavian one, mutual good will and, trust will once again characterize a relationship that has been so eroded by recent events. May peace reign eternal.

[x]-Hermann von Thile Foreign Minister for the German Empire

Noco19 · Aug 11, 2017

Slidell-Lhuys Agreement

GENERAL PROVISIONS of commercial transfer.

§ 1. The Government of the French Empire shall authorize the sale of three Provence-class warships to the Government of the Confederate States of America.

§ 2. The warships shall be priced at the cost of their construction, with a discount for their years of previous service.

§ 3. A selection of French crewmen shall remain with the warships for six months’ time to train their Confederate replacements.

GENERAL PROVISIONS of naval cooperation.

§ 1. The Government of the French Empire shall dispatch a delegation of naval officers and necessary staff to deliberate with their counterparts within the Confederate States Navy to discuss and proliferate joint findings and reforms of naval importance.

[X] - John Slidell for the Confederate States of America
[X] - Edouard Drouyn de Lhuys for the French Empire

etranger01 · Aug 11, 2017

Slidell-Lhuys Agreement

[X] - Edouard Drouyn de Lhuys for the French Empire

99KingHigh · Aug 11, 2017

etranger01 said:
Treaty of Copenhagen (1869)

Article One - Definitions
I. The undersigned nations on one side and the union of the Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark (henceforth "the United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark") hereby agree to uphold and maintain pacific relations, including constructive diplomacy and fruitful commerce.

Article Two - The United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark
II. Karl of the House of Bernadotte, presently King of Sweden as Karl IV and King of Norway as Karl VI, is hereby acknowledged as King of Denmark in perpetuity as Karl I, with all rights of succession.

III. The United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark shall be bound by all treaties, debts, and obligations incurred by its composite states, except as specifically noted elsewhere in this document.

IV. The United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark shall affirm their commitment to repayment of the 324 million marks (2b statbucks) owed by the Kingdom of Denmark to the German Empire, to be repaid in yearly installments over ten years' time. The United Kingdoms shall reaffirm the cessions of Schleswig and Holstein, the Danish West Indies, and the vessels of the Royal Danish Navy to the German Empire. All other unresolved or outstanding clauses of the Treaty of Kiel (1868) are to be considered null and void.

V. Should the union of the Swedish, Norwegian, and Danish crowns ever be internally altered or dissolved, in part or in full, the terms of this document shall apply to any successor or successors.

Article Three - Neutrality
VI. The United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark shall be rendered permanently neutral and shall not engage in any form of military aggression, nor in any military alliance, nor in any diplomatic or political effort which might violate that neutrality.

VII. The United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark may not, either jointly or collectively, be permitted to maintain a standing army of more than fifty thousand soldiers, nor to maintain a navy larger than sixty vessels. The United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark may not mobilize any conscript force except in response to foreign invasion. The United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark may not under any circumstance close or authorize the closure of the Sound to foreign traffic. The United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark shall not permit the movement of external military forces through their territory, and occupation of or transit through Swedish-Norwegian-Danish territory by external military forces shall be considered a breach of neutrality.

VIII. The United Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark may not be part of any economic, military, or political alliance, union, or network outside its composite states, including customs unions and treaties of alliance, which might violate its neutrality. This clause shall be non-binding in any instance of an economic or political agreement whose membership is general, open, and voluntary; or in any multilateral economic treaty that does not compromise neutrality or require adherence to non-voluntary or external standards.

IX. The undersigned powers shall serve as guarantors of Swedish-Norwegian-Danish neutrality and shall jointly intervene should Swedish-Norwegian-Danish neutrality be violated in any fashion. The undersigned powers shall be called to defend Swedish-Norwegian-Danish neutrality in any instance of outside aggression or forced violation of neutrality.

[X] The United Kingdoms of Sweden-Norway-Denmark
[ ] UK
[X] Edouard Drouyn de Lhuys, Foreign Minister of the Empire, on behalf of His Imperial Majesty Napoleon III
[X] Hermann von Thile, Foreign Minister for the German Empire
[X] Alexander Gorchakov, Foreign Minister of the Russian Empire
[X] Emilio Visconti Venosta, Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Kingdom of Italy
[ ] Austria

[X] Lord Stanley, Foreign Minister

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