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A Vacancy in the Cabinet

New Faces in the War Department

It is little doubt that in a time of war, one so calamitous as the American Civil War, those who manage the efforts from above feel the wounds from battles lost even thousands of miles away. Or at least, so it was for Secretary of War LeRoy Pope Walker, a man trying his best to direct a war with no military experience and declining health.

At the beginning of the war, Walker would make the bold claim that both Washington D.C. and Boston would fall before the end of 1861, so fierce was his confidence in the Southern cause. When Kentucky was lost and Polk's forces were broken, when the White House stood triumphant, when the war seemed far from over, Walker had been aghast, spending a few days attended to by his personal physician due to heart-related issues. Although back in action soonafter, and in better spirits over the following months, Walker's health would be regarded as a liability by Davis.

The fall of Nashville would prove to likewise be the fall of Walker, as news of Lyon's advance sent the man in a fit of momentary panic. While the following reports were more favorable and thus calmed down Walker, who had assumed the worst, the damage was done. In a series of private discussions, Davis inquired into the man's health, suggesting that he would be more happy abroad as a Confederate representative. Walker took the hint and tendered his resignation on April 14th.

And then was left a vacancy in one of the most critical seats on the cabinet. Davis had already prepared for this moment, being the instigator in Walker's resignation, and so had gone down his list of candidates. Owing to his policy in including as many states as possible, Davis took the candidates' residences as a serious consideration, and so it was that a handful of states remained in his eyes, namely North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Virginia.

North Carolina was at first seem as a prudent point, especially given its perceived opposition to Davis in the form of its charismatic governor Zebulon Vance, a man who repeatedly clashed with the national government. However, the stock from North Carolina would be seen as untenable - those who could give recommendations, Bragg and Polk, were captured and dead respectively, while the remaining notable commanders such as D.H. Hill were of vital importance on the front.

Tennessee was another important candidate given its current importance as a battleground; perhaps what the populace needed was a sign of support and inclusion within the cabinet to rally spirits among the divisive populace. Both senators from the state were vocal in their thoughts on the situation - Senator Landon Haynes had warned of Unionist sympathies in the east and was a growing supporter behind restricted conscription, whereas Davis' personal friend Senator Gustavus Adolphus Henry had helped organize the construction of fortifications on the Tennessee and Cumberland rivers.

Davis envisioned Kentucky in much the same light, a state that needed Confederate revitalization to oust Union invaders. Two prominent candidates arose, the first obviously John C. Breckinridge. Previously Vice President of the United States, a senator and representative, and well-connected to the political scene of Kentucky and the South in general, Breckinridge was certainly a striking figure. However, a major detriment to his candidacy served to be his usefulness and the high opinion of him held by General A.S. Johnston, naming him "indispensable".

The second candidate was much moreso a dark horse. Major General Richard Taylor was the only son of President Zachary Taylor, a man who had created fame for himself as the youngest major general in the Confederacy, made more impressive by his lack of military education. Given high praise by Major General Richard Ewell and Lieutenant General Stonewall Jackson himself, Taylor was extremely well-versed in classical and military history. Still, much like Breckinridge, the sterling recommendations of his superiors was spoken with the tone of necessary possession - though Jackson would concede that he would like to see Taylor given a place to put his tactical prowess into more independent action.

And that left Virginia in Davis' purview, the home of the Confederate capital and where Davis would find his man.

George Wythe Randolph was born in Monticello in 1818, the grandson of Thomas Jefferson and Thomas Rolfe, a man whose very veins coursed with that of America. Attending preparatory schools in Massachusetts and Washington, Randolph's early adulthood was spent in as a midshipman in the U.S. Navy, simultaneously allowing him to attend the University of Virginia while in service.

Admitted to the bar in 1840, Randolph would become a successful lawyer, eventually becoming a figure in the Richmond community. As the American Civil War broke out, Randolph was chosen to participate in a special delegation to meet with Lincoln, where it was determined that the man would be resolute against secession. Upon returning, Randolph worked alongside the Virginian state government to
Thereafter, Randolph entered the Confederate army as a major and then a colonel of the artillery, where would participate most notably in the fortification of Newport News and the following skirmishes against Butler under the Army of the Peninsula.

By early 1862, he had become a brigadier general while his wife - Mary Randolph - likewise made the family prominent in Richmond proper, being an active supporter of the Richmond Ladies' Association. It was through a meeting between Mary and Davis' wife Varina that Randolph would be in the mind of the President. And when it was learned that Randolph had prior experience in military reform in Virginia, he became a serious contender and ultimately the choice.

Not holding a position important enough to cause issue, possessing prior and respected experience, and possibly rallying the Virginian and Richmond populace - the same that hounded Davis in papers - Randolph was seen as the right man. Beginning his tenure April 14th, the very same day that Walker departed, Randolph quickly set about transitioning the office to fit him, beginning first with a critical eye to the inefficiencies allowed by his predecessor.

Drafting a number of reports, most notably on proposals for conscription in reaction to the U.S. Enrollment Act. Time had yet to tell the effects of the change in leadership, but for Randolph himself, he began to understand the trials and tribulations of working with Davis. As he struggled with the twin devils of Lincoln and Davis, Randolph's tuberculosis and myriad of health complications because of it began to return, no doubt spurred on by stress. While adamant that he would perform dutifully, it was expected that his tenure would be a short one, especially so if he failed to prove himself in the coming months.

 
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The Stainless Banner

Second Flag of the Confederacy

It was in early 1863 that the Confederate Congress set about the solicitation of a new national flag. The previous design - the Stars and Bars - had at first been popular, as its creator, William Porcher Miles set aside his preferred design, the now-famed battle flag, due to popular support behind a flag reminiscent of the old U.S. flag. But over time, such similarities spoiled public sentiments, with Southern humorist George William Bagby writing, "Every body wants a new Confederate flag. The present one is universally hated. It resembles the Yankee flag and that is enough to make it unutterably detestable." His words were echoed across the nation, as the Stars and Bars were mocked as a poor copy of the reviled flag of the "Yankee Doodle".

Likewise important were the practical considerations; when limp, the Stars and Bars was the subjection of confusion in combat, evident at Manassas. And for the more politically driven, complaints were had about the ideological implications of its imagery; the Stars and Bars, they reckoned, represented the centralized nature of the Union, and thus federal tyranny.

Thus was born the Stainless Banner, utilizing the popular Battle Flag in its canton upon a field of white. Contention is had to its creator however. William Tappan Thompson of the Savannah Morning News alongside William Ross Postell, a blockade runner by trade, proposed the Battle Flag on a field of white, enthusiastically calling it the "White Man's Flag", representing "the Heaven-ordained supremacy of the white man". However, a very similar design was addressed to Congressman Villeré by General Beauregard, arguing for the Battle Flag to act as Union Jack upon either a field of white or blue.

Regardless of the originator, the Stainless Banner reached floor of Congress, who deliberated on whether a blue stripe ought to be added, but upon Miles' objection, stating the stripe was "destructive of the symmetry and harmony of the design", the original form was accepted. Officially adopted on May 1st, 1863, the Stainless Banner went into production, meant to be at a rate of 2:1 but uniformly made at the naval 1:5:1 by the Richmond Clothing Depot.
 
Big Iron

Confederate Fighting Song

At the Battle of Agua Fria (1863), Confederate troops swapped songs just like this one with their Union compatriots while united in opposition to Navajo raiders. A peculiar trend during the American Civil War was the mutual appreciation for music and the steps made to popularize both sides across the country; it was rumored that even Lincoln was a fan of Dixie. Offending lyrics were changed - while the Southron musicians belted out "I wish I was in the land of cotton, old times there are not forgotten, Look away, look away, look away, Dixie Land", those up North sang "Away down South in the land of traitors, Rattlesnakes and alligators, Right away, come away, right away, come away".

This particular song popularized by myth, the legendary songs exchanged during reunion between brothers would later be redone several times in American media, sometimes substituting Agua Fria for Albuquerque as mistake. Especially in the Union, the song was shifted to be about outlaws, but the boys of the South knew the true lyrics - the death of the Yankee Fed by the handsome Southern ranger!

Lyrics

To the town of Albuquerque rode a rebel one fine day
Though the dusty wind was blowing, pure and clean stood his gray
No one dared to ask his business no one dared to make a slip
for the rebel there among them had a big iron on his hip
Big iron on his hip

It was early in the morning when he rode into the town
He came riding from the south side slowly lookin' all around
He's a’ huntin’ for an outlaw, came the whisper from each lip
And he's here to do some business with the big iron on his hip
big iron on his hip

In this town there lived an outlaw by the name of Yankee Fed
Many men had tried to take him and that many men were dead
He was vicious and a killer though a youth of twenty four
And the notches on his pistol numbered one and nineteen more
One and nineteen more

Now the rebels started talking made it plain to folks around
He was an Arizona ranger wouldn't be too long in town
He came here to take an outlaw back alive or maybe dead
And he said it didn't matter he was after Yankee Fed
After Yankee Fed

The morning passed so quickly it was time for them to meet
It was twenty past eleven when they walked out in the street
Folks were watching from their windows every-body held their breath
They knew this handsome ranger was about to meet his death
About to meet his death

There was forty feet between them when they stopped to make their play
And the swiftness of the ranger is still talked about to-day
Yankee Fed had not cleared leather when a bullet fairly ripped
And the ranger's aim was deadly with the big iron on his hip
Big iron on his hip

Big iron Big iron

When he tried to match the ranger with the big iron on his hip The Big Iron on his hip

___

Note: Special thanks to @sealy300 for banjo picking and vocals; lyrics adapted by myself from Marty Robbin's "Big Iron". Look it up.
 
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The Russian Empire is stating clearly that it finds the recent general actions by the British and French governments to be very troubling. The actions targeting the United States and Mexico have been done in a manner both destabilizing and damaging to international relations. As well these actions are done with a particular bias that accepts causing harm to many while not even improving order and stability.

Clearly nations have their own foreign policy and those should align with their own interests. The Russian Empire would never refuse the rights of a free nation to conduct its affairs as it sees right and proper. However if a resident of a nation sees its neighbor lighting their own house aflame, they should of course speak up. Wrong minded decisions from some can lead to disaster for others that were never intended to be involved. Truly a government is free to sell weapons as well to act against other governments, doing so with some degree of justification. However actions should improve order and security, not jeopardize it. We accept that some decisions were perhaps made in haste. As well we acknowledge that outside factors and forces can coerce a government into making a questionable decision they otherwise would never have made.

To this end we implore both of these governments to change the paths they are currently on. Their actions in northern america have greatly increased tensions in europe. It is the earnest hope of the Russian government that the next major international actions taken, reduce tension and show an eye towards stability.


Alexander Gorchakov ~ Foreign Minister of the Russian Empire
 
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A letter from President Abraham Lincoln to Major General Joseph Hooker.
shortly after the Battle of Antietam.

Good General,

I had been told that you were known by your men as Fighting Joe Hooker, and you won your fame and fortune in the campaigns of Northern Virginia in 1862. And while you have proven your ability to fight and to win in numerous battles in Virginia and Maryland, the survival and continuity of the Republic requires more. Engagement and defeat of the enemy is as always the chief priority, next to the capture of and restitution of order to the City of Richmond; and to that end the defeat of General Lee is paramount.

The fighting at Antietam Creek was proof that you can inflict good casualties on the rebels, which they are not able to sustain in prolonged campaign; and I yet have faith in your ability to succeed where others have failed. General McClellan, in his good nature, proved too cumbersome and lacked the will to give battle; General Rosecrans, despite all his victories in Kentucky and the Unionist counties of western Virginia, proved too aggressive as to be reckless in eastern Virginia. You have the good sense of knowing when to give battle, and for that I and all the Union are grateful for your service.

General Reynolds is promoted to Major General for his efforts and services rendered at Antietam Creek, and, with General Anderson falling ill and resigning his command, you have received a new corps commander. General Hancock too has proven his worth; and the famed Magnificent Kearny is, too, ready and willing to give battle to the enemy, and shows the courage and sense of strategy the Union requires. You have at your disposal a great body of men, perhaps the finest ever to grace the Earth, with a host of skilled generals and officers who have seen one-hundred battles as yourself, and are perfectly willing to go into the smoke and fight the fight. It is not up to me, General, to command these men to victory; it is to you that the great questions of campaign and battle fall.

An officer of your caliber and science should well take note what a defeat in Pennsylvania should mean for the effort and the Republic. Lee must be turned away and victory for the Union secured or we are surely undone. I have fought, Sir, in all the halls of the White House and the Congress for you to retain your command, against the great host of Congressmen and aides and secretaries who wish for your departure. I have assured them that you can secure the victory we so greatly need. Do not make me regret such a decision; for not only shall it be at my expense, but at the expense of the great American people and of this Union and Constitution for which we have all fought so very hard.

I remain your friend &c.,

ABRAHAM LINCOLN
President of the United States
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Proclamation of the Restoration of the Mexican Empire
By the Grace of God, the son of Emperor Agustín I of Mexico has gathered the true patriots of the Mexican people to restore the true Divinely inspired rule in Mexico. Therefore, the Imperial Army of Mexico under the command of Emperor Agustín II shall restore order to the realm with the righteous aid of our Christian friends in France and Britain so that the rule of God may prosper once again upon these storied shores. Let every citizen know from Chihuahua to Yucatan that the Emperor shall restore the proper authority to Mexico, end the rebellion of Juarez, and be crowned in the Metropolitan Cathedral of the Assumption of the Most Blessed Virgin Mary into Heaven by Pelagio Antonio de Labastida y Dávalos, the Archbishop of Mexico. ¡Viva México! ¡Viva el Emperador!
 
Richard Gatling's Marvelous Invention
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Perhaps one of the great influential weapons of war developed in the nineteenth century came from the mind of man born in a place against which his government, that he attempted to help, wanted to destroy, and who considered his greatest achievements his pursuits in patenting industrial equipment and technology.

The North Carolina-born innovator harbored more sympathies to his federal government than to his home state, unlike most educated men from the South; still, rumors persisted later in his life, and well into the twenty-first century, of his purported membership in the infamous Knights of the Golden Circle. Gatling patented a host of designs for ships and industrial equipment and machines, from screw propellers to steam engines and self-propelled plows. These all came despite his having studied and received an MD in 1850.

The powerful .58 caliber rounds fired by the six-barreled prototype was soon dropped in favor of .30 caliber bullets from ten barrels. The first of these prototypes were destroyed in a factory fire in December 1862; undaunted, Gatling continued with his production efforts, with most of the guns having been produced out of his own pocket, and he continued to fight to have the US Army adopt it for field use; this would not happen until 1866, as the gun's purported ability to fire up to 350 rounds per minute failed to impress the Ordinance Corps, particularly the Chief of Ordinance. While it was not officially adopted for some time after they entered full production, several Union commanders, at sea and on land, saw their usefulness and purchased batches with their own money. Over half a dozen were outfitted on Union riverboats in 1864; General Butler, commander of the Department of the South, ordered twelve guns for his army.

The gun operated on a hand crank mechanism, initially on artillery carriages and later with more convenient designs, with each barrel firing once per full revolution of around a centrally-located shaft. Full paper cartridges with bullet and powder were loaded into an upright magazine; when a bullet was fired, the casing was ejected out the side. The gravity-fed nature of the weapon allowed the next cartridge to fall into place as the barrel rotated, allowing near-continuous fire. While the barrels still risked overheating -- hence why the number was increased over time from six to ten -- there were further problems with the sheer volume of smoke being thrown into the air that would naturally accompany the discharge of some thirty to forty black powder cartridges.


Long after the Civil War had ended, Gatling wrote to a friend: "It occurred to me that if I could invent a machine – a gun – which could by its rapidity of fire, enable one man to do as much battle duty as a hundred, that it would, to a large extent supersede the necessity of large armies, and consequently, exposure to battle and disease [would] be greatly diminished." While his hopes were certainly unrealized -- and dashed quickly in the last years of the nineteenth century, as the great armies of Europe began adopting machineguns en masse -- Gatling's legacy in military innovation and technology remained unmatched.
 
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General Robert E. Lee

An Address to the Weary of Maryland

As the Army of Northern Virginia entered into Pennsylvania, a feat hailed across the Confederacy as the South now firmly had entered the North, General Robert E. Lee read the Northern papers voraciously, keeping abreast of its political scene with great interest. It was, in his eyes, of priority that Southern liberation required a great showing on a Northern battlefield, forcing the hand of the Union to finally recognize the independence of the Confederate States of America. When he had stepped foot into Pennsylvania, it was said that he remarked "Victory in this State shall mean a victory for Woodward" - a reference to the upcoming gubernatorial election.

And just the same, Lee kept it eye on the sentiments of Maryland. While he conceded western Maryland to be of lukewarm sympathies, he held the beleaguered city of Baltimore to be a wellspring of secessionists, one that would quickly hail in the incoming Army of Northern Virginia and usher in a state-wide insurrection. Thus, Lee set aside time to write an address while in Chambersburg, dispatched south and spread by all those who held the flame of Dixie in their heart.

___

To the People of Maryland:
Headquarters, Army N. Virginia
Chambersburg, 12th May, 1863

It is right that you should know the purpose that brought the Army under my command within the limits of your State, so far as that purpose concerns yourselves.

The People of the Confederate States have long watched with the deepest sympathy the wrongs and outrages that have been inflicted upon the citizens of a Commonwealth, allied to the States of the South by the strongest social, political and commercial ties.

They have seen with profound indignation their sister State deprived of every right, and reduced to the condition of a conquered Province.

Under the pretense of supporting the Constitution, but in violation of its most valuable provisions, your citizens have been arrested and imprisoned upon no charge, and contrary to all forms of law; the faithful and manly protest against this outrage made by the venerable and illustrious Marylanders to whom in better days, no citizens appealed for right vain, was treated with scorn and contempt; the government of your chief city has been usurped by armed strangers before its violent ruination; your legislature has been dissolved by the unlawful arrest of its members; freedom of the press and of speech, of the Federal Executive, and citizens ordered to be tried by a military commission for what they may dare to speak; and so it has been that your land has been treated as an enemy nation to be invaded and subjugated.

Believing that the People of Maryland possessed a spirit too lofty to submit to such a government, the people of the south have long wished to aid you in throwing off this foreign yoke, to enable you to again enjoy the inalienable rights of free men, and restore independence and sovereignty to your State.

In obedience to this wish, our Army has come among you, and is prepared to assist you with the power of its arms in regaining the rights of which you have been despoiled.

This, Citizens of Maryland, is our mission, so far as you are concerned.

No constraint upon your free will is intended, no intimidation is allowed.

Within the limits of this Army, at least, Marylanders shall once more enjoy their ancient freedom of thought and speech.

We know no enemies among you, and will protect all of every opinion.

It is for you to decide your destiny, freely and without constraint.

This army will respect your choice whatever it may be, and while the Southern people will rejoice to welcome you to your natural position among them, they will only welcome you when you come of your own free will.
 
To His Excellency Agenor Gołuchowski, First Minister of the Empire, and Deputy Chairman of the Council of State of the Austrian Empire:

The Ottoman Empire thanks the Austrian Kaiser for his well wishes for the Empire. It is to proscribed belief of the Porte that order must be maintained in the Balkans.

Sincerely,
Mehmed Emin Âli Pasha, Grand Vizir of the Ottoman Empire
 
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To Alexandru Ioan Cuza, Prince of the United Principalities of Romania

The actions of previous Minister have caused much consternation to the Porte, have spawn an international incident with the Austrian Empire, and to a lesser extent the Russian Empire. Although the Porte also wishes for amicable relations, we feel that given the recent indiscretion we must remind you of the status of the Sultan as your suzerain.

Sincerely,
Mehmed Emin Âli Pasha, Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
To Mihajlo Obrenović, Prince of Serbia

The Porte is deeply gladdened to hear about your reaffirmation of the suzerain relationship between Turkey and Serbia, and the expressed intention to not take diplomatic actions or stances contrary to the Porte.

In regards, to the subject of your request, unfortunately the timing of this request is most unfortunate, with the recent incident caused by Romania. Indeed, in private communication, the Austria Empire has indicated that any provocation by either Serbia or the United Principalities will have negative reaction - and potentially war. As such, until tensions abate, your request must be put on hold. I am certain that you understand, that this decision was not taken lightly, and was guided by the events generated by the recent scandal from the United Principalities.

Sincerely,
Mehmed Emin Âli Pasha, Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire
OOC: @Watercress we can talk more on IRC and sorry for the delayed response - I've been sick 3 weeks now :/
 
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Chambersburg


In the Summer of 1863 a Union warship hunting a Confederate commerce raider off Yokohama, attacked a Japanese fleet for harassing the colony of westerners there. United States won its first naval battle against the Empire of Japan. But the Confederates got away. In Paris that year, new paintings by Cezanne, Whistler, and Monet were shown at a special exhibit for outcasts. In Russia, Dostoevsky finished Notes from Underground. And in London, Karl Marx laboured to complete his masterpiece; Das Kapital.

For the first seven months of 1863, Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson had carried out the most remarkable military campaign in history. Smashing huge Union armies at Fredericksburg and Sharpsburg, and winning the undying love of the South. By late August, Confederate luck had changed. They were encamped in Maryland, turning away from Pennsylvania and ideas of a great northern invasion. A thousand miles to the west, Philip Sheridan's siege of the rebel stronghold at Memphis had gone on for so long, that Sheridan himself had taken to subordinating orders for assaults, no longer believing he could even take the town. As July began, the Confederates in the town somehow held on.

To try and ensure a southern Victory, Lee led his army on one more assault, waiting for the right moment to attack. When it came on the morning of July 1st, 1863, it would be in the most ordinary of places. For three days, one hundred and sixty thousand men would make war on each other in the gentle farmland of south Pennsylvania. When the third day was over, it would prove to be the most crucial day of the entire war.

In the South, the war had brought political tensions to a boiling point, and young men marched off, many to never return. And yet, the southern fighting spirit was stronger than ever before. In the North where industry was booming, angry working men would take to the streets to protest working conditions and the war.

In early June, Confederate forces appeared on the outskirts of Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. The worried telegrams south finally alerted Hooker’s Army as to the whereabouts of Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia. About thirty thousand Union soldiers were stationed in Harrisburg, with the VI Corps of Meade and the IV Corps of Hancock having been dispatched to guard the city by General Hooker. Meade took more and more control of the defenses of Harrisburg, seeing as he viewed Hooker as useless, and communication was not fast enough to respond to events occurring on the ground. Meade thus dispatched the 8th Division under Charles Graham south to Columbia, to guard the river crossing from Wrightsville. It would be here that Jackson attempted to cross the Susquehanna. After a day of fierce fighting across the river, he withdrew with significant losses. Opposite Harrisburg, Longstreet was much more successful, capturing New Cumberland and driving the 18th New York out of Oyster Point. Lee ordered a crossing to try and capture the city, while Meade declared it would be held at all costs.

Confederate artillery bombarded Harrisburg from across the river, and Meade responded by blowing the bridges. With no other way to easily cross and capture the city, Lee was forced to retreat, moving back into Pennsylvania. Meade hailed the Battle of Harrisburg a resounding Union victory, inflicting far more casualties on the enemy than they took, but it came at the cost of the rail bridge over the Susquehanna, further isolating east and west.
[-146 Regulars, -1,258 Volunteers to the United States. -583 Regulars, -2,583 Volunteers to the Confederate States]

Hooker had little idea where Lee’s whereabouts were. He was somewhere between Chambersburg and Mechanicsburg, and the Union Cavalry now under Alfred Pleasanton were having trouble attempting to locate the Army of Northern Virginia. Stoneman had been replaced by Lincoln for his setbacks, but that only caused more disorganisation within the cavalry corps. Confederate Cavalry commander Lt. Gen. Pierce Young was able to mask Lee's movements, with Hooker believing Lee was moving south towards Washington, when in reality he was moving to Chambersburg, with the intention of swooping below the Union army, and placing themselves between it and Washington.

Lee's moves were betrayed when a skirmish broke out south of the town of Gettysburg, with elements of Jackson's corps attempting to raid the town for shoes believed to be stored there. Buford's dismounted cavalry engaged with soldiers from Ewell's division, who were repulsed by Buford's capturing of the superior ground. Jackson withdrew his men from the area, and ordered them to march back to Shippensburg, just north of Chambersburg. Hooker, now knowing Lee's location, ordered a full-on assault against the Army of Northern Virginia, determined to drive them from the North, and hopefully destroy them.

Hooker's Army moved to the south of Chambersburg and through South Mountain, preventing any rebel escape into Maryland and Virginia. When the fighting came, it would be in the most ordinary of places. On July 1st, one hundred and seventy thousand men made war on each other in the gentle fields and hills of south Pennsylvania. When the fighting was over, it would be the most important battle of the entire war. Lee's extreme flank, McLaws' Division of Longstreet's Corps, was located just north of Chambersburg. Again, it was the Union cavalry that was involved in the first engagement. Bvt. Brig. Gen. George Custer's division took positions just north of the town, and McLaws' Division attacked them, hoping to take the town before Union reinforcements came into the area. Both sides sent frenzied requests for reinforcements, which were responded to, both sides not wishing to cease operations.

On that day, the South came from the north and the North came from the south. What started as a minor engagement between the flanks of two armies turned into one of the greatest battles ever fought in the Western Hemisphere. Wilcox's Division and Anderson's Division were the first to arrive for the Confederates, putting pressure on Custer's dismounted cavalry. He was reinforced by the Mansfield's II Corps, providing support for the cavalry which had begun to buckle amidst the rebel onslaught. Hood's Division was in the field next, crossing Conococheague Creek and hitting the II Corps on their left flank. He was followed by Walker's Division, which brought Longstreet's Corps fully engaged in the fighting, pitting the larger Confederate force against the smaller Union corps. The V Corps under Maj. Gen. Winfield Hancock moved into position to the south along Falling Spring Branch, and engaged with Wilcox's division.

By the middle of the day, Jackson's men were starting to come online, with Hill's Division and Hill's Light Division coming onto the field. Early's Division and Ewell's Division were close behind, which would be able to enter into the action the next day. For the Union, the remainder of the Army of the Potomac was now converging on Chambersburg. The III Corps under Bvt. Maj. Gen. Couch was the first to come to the field, and slammed into Jackson's left, before being repulsed. Near the end of the day fighting was occurring across the entire line, with the Union men withdrawing to the south of the town, giving Chambersburg to the rebels.

General Longstreet & General Lee reflect on the first day’s fighting

As the second day dawned on the battlefield, Lee's plan was to attack the Army of the Potomac on its extreme right flank, which was anchored around a small hill in a farm south of the town and extended down and curved west, to meet the Conococheague Creek, forming an 's' shape. Lee wished to attack the small hill, get behind the enemy's lines, and then collapse upon them from the north and east, causing them to fold and buckle.

It was Jackson's men, who were the freshest and marched into Chambersburg during the night, who were given the task of initiating the attack. The ground to the south of the city was not favourable for defense, the better ground was further east, to the north of New Franklin. Hooker could not withdraw for this ground, and was determined to use his larger army to crush Lee. Pierce Young, the Confederate cavalry commander, was already distinguishing himself from it's late leader. Young had provided Lee with excellent intelligence, routed Pleasanton's men as they attempted to ride behind Chambersburg and attack the Army of Northern Virginia from behind, and now rode around the Army of the Potomac once again, giving Lee knowledge of their positions, and even destroying a few of their supply wagons.

The Union Army occupied a ridge that was only about one hundred feet above the rest of the town, not enough to get a good view of Lee's forces. In the early morning, Early's Division demonstrated against the 7th Division of Bvt. Maj. Gen. Jesse Reno, to which fighting was inconclusive, but Reno withdrew his men several hundred feet further east. Jackson, sensing this movement, committed half of his Corps to try and push Reno more. Reinforcements from the centre were called up, as Brig. Gen. Hays' 2nd Division was rushed to help fill the manpower gap. Hooker, wanting to reclaim the offensive, took the 6th and 10th Divisions from his left flank and committed them to the right flank, wishing to push the rebels. Using the knowledge Young had provided, Jackson was able to relay to Lee that the enemy's left was weakened. Lee ordered Longstreet to advance on the line, sending him due south to attack the Union defenses along the ridges.

Longstreet, cautious about such an attack, questioned it, but was overruled by Lee. While the height did not offer a lot of advantage, it was wooded and rocky, giving the Union a sizable advantage against any attack. Longstreet choose Maj. Gen. John Bell Hood to lead the assault, entrusting him with capturing the hills and giving a position on the Union centre, which snaked around to the east and north. Hood disagreed with the assault, he wanted to move around to capture another hill to take it, but Lee wanted the assault to be carried out quickly, to exploit the Union weakness there.

General Longstreet and General Hood argue over strategy


In the end, Lee's genius shone through once again, at a heavy cost. Hood' division charged up the slope three times, under heavy gunfire, but they caused the 9th Division under Brig. Gen. Oliver Howard to withdraw, leaving 5th Division under Bvt. Brig. Gen. John Robinson to be the end of the Union line. Generals Hooker and Mansfield gave him strict orders to not retreat, doing so could endanger the entire war. Under him was the 20th Maine under Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain, who himself and his regiment were the absolute end, the very place where Walker's Division was attacking.

With the advantage of the higher ground, Longstreet ordered trees felled so that artillery could be established, which began to beat down on the 20th Maine. Gambling his own position, Howard ordered an all-out assault. His entire division turned to face the hill, and charged to attempt to retake it. The surprised Confederates were not expecting an attack, and initially were caught off guard from the attack, before Longstreet ordered Hood's Division back into action. The 20th Maine, which during the turning motion now became the 9th's left flank, was tasked with attacking the Confederate right flank, which was being held by the 18th North Carolina under Col. John Barry. Less then one thousand men would determine the fate of the 9th assault, as if the 20th Maine was able to break through, men could pour into the hill and sweep the rebels down off and throw them back to the fields to the south of town.

The 20th Maine came at the tired 18th North Carolina several times, to the point where the Confederates were running out of ammo. The 20th Maine had also depleted their ammunition, but again they attacked, to the point where the 18th North Carolina ran out of supplies to keep fighting. The 20th Maine came once again, to which the 18th North Carolina simply had to break and run. Col. Barry sounded the retreat, as the 20th Maine charged up the hill with nothing but their bayonets fixed to their rifles. The 18th North Carolina ran behind the lines of the 8th Virginia, commanded by Col. Eppa Hunton. He turned his own men, ignoring the attacks that were coming at him from the north, and slammed into the 20th Maine, forcing them back. The 8th Virginia's munitions supply were quickly picked up by the 18th North Carolina, which turned to face the 26th New York, which was coming up at the slope to where the 8th Virginia had been.

With the fighting being so muddled, confusion reigned supreme. It has been disputed historically who ordered the Confederate attack, Longstreet nor Walker has any correspondence of it nor claim to it, but the entire Confederate line erupted in the rebel yell, and surged down the hill, closing in on the 9th like a claw. The entire division was forced to surrender, Howard included. With the capture of the 9th, action on the Union left flank ended for the day.

As fighting was raging at the Union left flank, Jackson was still relentlessly lashing out at the Union right. He pushed the three Union divisions that were opposite him with the full force of his own corps, minus Early's Division, which had been flexed out and brought to the Confederate centre, where there was no action taking place. Elements of Hill's Division joined Early, having also taken part in shattering attacks against the Union. By nightfall, Jackson could still not break the line, much to his own surprise.

As July 3rd, 1863 arrived General Robert E. Lee unveiled the most ambitious battle plan of the entire war. On all fronts his men would engage the larger Union force, and seek to destroy them. General Longstreet protested the move, while General Jackson vigorously endorsed it. A particular exchange was recorded between Longstreet and Jackson, with Longstreet expressing his wonder onto how, exactly, the Army of Northern Virginia would capture the larger Army of the Potomac. Jackson responded simply by saying, "Kill 'em. Kill 'em all."

On the other side of the battlefield, General Hooker's staff was in disarray. Confidence in Hooker was non-existent. He was desperately attempting to win the battle, while those around him were accustomed to the revolving chair of Generals that President Lincoln had embarked on. Hooker wanted an attack, and General Couch of the III Corps simply refused to listen to the order. Couch, along with General Kearny Jr., were upset at Rosecrans departure, and the maneuvering Hooker used to claim leadership. Kearny Jr. was also without half his strength, his 9th Division having been captured in yesterday's fighting. General Meade, who had essentially coordinated the defenses of Harrisburg alone, himself was attempting to build a following to take command of the Army of the Potomac. Only Reynolds, Mansfield, and Hancock supported Hooker's plans for an attack. Showing Hooker's weak grasp of the army, and the culture that Lincoln had installed in the Army of the Potomac's command structure, it was decided a defensive position would be maintained.

The overarching decision was to let Lee come to them, to which the General gladly obliged. Renewed action by Jackson against the Union line on the right were little more than demonstrations, but it was enough to convince them to bring up men to defend against the feint. The move worked, for Longstreet's men were focused on a dual assault, in the Union centre and on the Union left, from the hills they captured the previous day. During the early stages of the fighting, Confederate Maj. Gen. John Walker was shot off his horse, and declared dead shortly after. Command of his division passed to George Pickett, who was eager to engage in assault against the entire Union line.

Confederate guns open on the Union line


As the Confederate guns pounded away at the Union centre, Walker's and McLaws' Divisions were given the directive to advance against the Union line, which was covered by little more than some small foliage and some wooden fences. The men only had to cross two fields before engaging the Union centre. The first to reach was Lewis Armistead, who took over Pickett's command in Walker's Division. Placing his hat atop his sword so his men could follow him, Armistead lead his Virginia boys slicing through the centre of the Union line. The 12th Division, which was under Bvt. Brig. Gen. Sickles, was the centre of the Union line. Sickles panicked, and ordered that his men withdraw and attempt to form an L shape to defend against the rebels. His confused men quickly ran from their lines, and opened a huge gap in the Union line.

The gap was noticed by Pickett, who called for more reinforcements for the assault. Longstreet ordered ten more regiments to follow Pickett, and soon, the Union line was wavering even more, as the Confederate poured more men into it. Sensing that this was a legitimate break in the line and not simply a trap too try and lure the Confederates into attacking, Longstreet threw everything he had in reserve into it, and pressured Anderson's Division to continue to attack the Union left. As the situation continued to unravel for the Union, Hooker ordered a redeployment of his forces to the east. All men to the south of the Confederate breach would retreat as quickly as possible, before turning and moving north to join the bulk of the army. The Confederates captured hundreds of men retreating from the field, and continued to hammer away at the collapsing Union forces.

While the Confederates began to celebrate what they thought was a victory, Jackson's lines, which were depleted and were offering nothing more than a distraction to the enemy, suddenly began to collapse themselves. Hooker's men engaged in several assaults against Hill's Division, which was forced to retreat into the town. Where there was certain disaster for the Union, suddenly saw the northern portions of the Army gain several successful advances. Jackson was forced from the field, and the Confederates withdrew to their centre, where they had split the Union Army in two. Fighting between the two sides ceased, neither with enough strength or organisation to continue the fight.
[-547 Regulars, -23,827 Volunteers to the United States. -3,057 Regulars, -18,473 Volunteers to the Confederate States.]

Back in their respective commands, the battle was seen as a victory, but a mixed one. Lee had not achieved his goal of destroying the Army of the Potomac, but he had forced them from the field and they were badly bruised. Hooker meanwhile had stopped his army from being routed, and won a late victory against Jackson, forcing them from enveloping his entire army. He had not, however, destroyed Lee's army. Nevertheless, Lee made the decision to withdraw to the south, instead of engaging Hooker once again. Historians have suggested that Jackson's sudden troubles at the battle rattled Lee's confidence, causing him to lend his ear to the much more cautious Longstreet, who wanted to redeploy south, leaving Pennsylvania.

Robert E. Lee after the Battle of Chambersburg


With Lee’s withdrawal from Chambersburg, he had not won the battle, but he had not lost it either. Using night as a cover, along with Young’s cavalry, Lee moved south from Chambersburg and back towards Maryland, the majority of his army crossing into Hagerstown by July 5th. Lee then moved to Frederick, before moving ever closer to Washington. Hooker kept chasing Lee, and ordered frenzied engagements to try and slow Lee’s moves to the south. The Army of Northern Virginia was in between Washington and the Army of the Potomac, and Hooker desperately moved thousands of men on a forced march around Lee’s Army. The 12th Division under Bvt. Brig. Gen. Daniel Sickles (who had moved his men to allow the Union line to collapse at Chambersburg) was the first to arrive in Rockville, Maryland. Lee’s Army needed to regroup, and encamped at Germantown, Maryland. The delay gave Hooker enough time to bring the majority of his men down between Lee and Washington, sparing the reputation of the beleaguered Sickles. Hooker, who had been goaded into attacking by President Lincoln and the War Department, resigned his command in protest. Command passed, temporarily, to George Meade of the VI Corps. Reynolds spent much of the month constructing defenses, preventing Lee from being able to strike out from his position and enter into Washington.

In Virginia, General Sykes was replaced by Bvt. Maj. Gen. William Averell for what was determined to be "incompetence, and lacking mental abilities to accomplish the most basic of military tasks..." The new General was astute of his surroundings, and understood that any attacks would have to take the unfavourable terrain into account. He split his force up into several small commands, and tasked them with moving south towards Charleston. Averell's plan was simple, mask his movements to surprise the city with a large force to dislodge the Confederates and prevent reinforcement. What Averell had not planned for, however, was the Confederates already having ample men to face him. He assaulted Charleston several times during the summer, all of which ended in failure (and Confederate reinforcements after the first assault). The entrenched Confederates were incredibly stubborn in their decision to maintain control over all of Virginia, and the Union simply was unable to get any traction in the region.
[-427 Regulars, -678 Volunteers to the United States. -978 Volunteers to the Confederate States.]

The Army of Eastern Tennessee was formed under the command of Maj. Gen. Richard Taylor, with Brig. Gen. Alfred Mouton joining his command under him. With the men raised from the new conscription act, along with volunteers willing to defend their homeland, the Army of Eastern Tennessee was beginning to take shape. It was poorly trained and not the best equipped. Their centre of operations would be Knoxville, and had the sole purpose of simply slowing Grant's advance and ensuring that the railroad link from Virginia to Chattanooga was not severed.

Further west, there is little action during the Summer as General Lyon’s Army of the Tennessee becomes occupied with attempting to establish their supply lines from being constantly raided by Bedford Forrest's cavalry. Uprisings in Nashville and rural areas of Tennessee see telegraph poles downed and bridges blown, as the pro-Confederate population rises up against the Union occupiers. So little attention did the Union pay to placing garrisons in occupied towns that the city of Clarksville on the Cumberland River ripped down the Union flag over city hall, replaced it with the Confederate flag, and organised two regiments of volunteers to defend the city. The men were able to escape before a column from Lyon’s Army of the Tennessee marched into the city to restore order. They escaped south to board a train and found there way to the Memphis Garrison, arriving in time to engage in operations against Mitchell’s cavalry which sought to cut the rail linking Memphis to Corinth. General Smith knew that this link was extremely vital to Memphis being able to stand, and sent his men in order to secure the line, digging in behind an earthen mound which was built to defend the tracks. The Union wasn’t expecting the defense of the line, and was beaten back badly in their attempts to cut it.
[-242 Regulars, -247 Volunteers to the United States. +447 Volunteers to the Confederate States.]

Despite the rail link not being cut, and with General Smith having erected an impressive series of earthworks and defensive trenches, General Sheridan orders an assault against Memphis, redeploying the 2nd and 4th Divisions commanded by Bvt. Maj. Gen. John McArthur and Bvt. Brig. Gen. General WHL Wallace respectively. With Confederate support mostly nonexistent for Memphis, the majority of the Confederate interest in the region was in eastern Tennessee, General Sheridan called for an all-out assault against Memphis, believing it to be the best course of action to destroy the rebel stronghold.

On July 4th, 1863, Union engineers completed a tunnel under a portion of the Memphis earthworks slightly to the north of the Noncoonah creek. They loaded hundreds of pounds of explosives into the tunnel, sealed it off, and lighted the fuse. The resulting explosion created a huge crater in Smith’s lines, and he was befuddled as to what had happened. Before the Confederates could gain their bearings once again, the 2nd and 4th Divisions surged into the crater, marching straight into the Confederate defensive positions, but they could not scale the massive wall the explosion had created. With this distinct advantage, the Confederates quickly began to pour fire down on the trapped Union soldiers. An all-out brawl broke out within the crater, as Smith ordered the trapped men to be treated without mercy, firing cannon and grapeshot into the crater when the cannons were turned to face them. The fighting went on for two hours before whatever remnants of the Union army withdrew to the north, their mission a complete abysmal failure. For the rest of July, and into August, Memphis would remain the firm rock on the Mississippi, being able to beat back a constant onslaught of fire from the land and the water, with the Mississippi River Squadron unable to make headway against Memphis - little could actually be done when Confederate gunners were still firmly entrenched in Memphis and firing at the Union vessels.
[-345 Regulars, -4,631 Volunteers to the United States. -972 Volunteers to the Confederate States.]


Charge of the 2nd and 4th Divisions at the Siege of Memphis


General Grant does little with his privileged position in the month of May and early June, instead his stalling allowed a new rebel Army to move into the region. With orders to advance south into Tennessee, Grant’s moves are watched and hampered by General Forrest and General Taylor’s new Army of Eastern Tennessee. Grant makes it as far south as Clinton, Tennessee, before he engaged with Taylor’s new army. It was nothing more than a skirmish, but Grant exercised caution, as he was operating in tandem with General Lyon. General Johnston also took the summer to restore his own forces, calling upon more volunteers and strengthening his positions. While both sides were able to launch an offensive during the summer, they were more than ready to launch one during the autumn months.

In Arkansas, two new forts are constructed in the Union-occupied territory north of the White River. The forts, named Fort Halleck and Fort Liberty, were of wooden construction, and located right on the river’s edge. Lt. Gen McCulloch, in charge of Trans-Mississippi operations, did nothing against the forts. There was little strategic gain for the Confederates to reclaim the territory, and instead he spent much of the summer on operations in raiding Sheridan’s men across the Mississippi, constantly crossing the river, and moving north at some of the most inopportune moments for Sheridan. McCulloch didn’t stop here, he also ordered raids against Halleck’s men in Arkansas, capturing cannon and horses several times, and causing a panic when they captured the entire 22nd Illinois Volunteer Infantry.
[-1,368 Volunteers to the United States. -247 Regulars, -267 Volunteers to the Confederate States.]

The Union saw great success in the summer in the Indian Territory, where General Curtis marched into the territory, and continued to gather native fighters who were opposed to their government’s alignment with the Confederacy. Despite much of the bad news coming from the east, this meant little to the enraged natives who had seen much of their hard work in persuading the United States government to simply leave them alone brought war to their doorstep once again. Despite Confederate success and goodwill with the natives, most of the tribes not part of the “Five Civilised Tribes” rejected any alliance they had with the Confederacy, and rose up, joining the Union ranks in droves, paving the way for Curtis to move in. The Confederates paid little attention to the territory, leaving its defense to only a couple hundred Confederate soldiers and the local native militias.

From the Cimarron to the source of the White River, the Union and their natives allies captured territory and expelled any pro-Confederate natives from the region. With gracious conditions given to those natives who did surrender, thousands did, and many simply turned around and joined the Union army, seeking to liberate the rest of their territory. This did not mean opposition simply dissipated, however. The “Civilised Tribes” still stood firm by their alliances with the Confederacy, and vowed to fight on for the rebellion.
[+3,217 Regulars to the United States.]

Since nearly the start of the war, the Confederacy had active operations in the Arizona territory, led by Brig. Gen. John Baylor. He had, however, been receiving less and less reinforcements, and supplies were starting to dwindle. Kit Carson opened the summer campaign season by driving down the Rio Grande and attacking any rebel forces he saw. Seeing no real way to hold on, Baylor ordered the retreat from Mesilla into El Paso, Texas. Baylor and Carson didn’t even meet on the field of battle. Confederate authority in eastern Arizona collapsed, and Union control restored to the region. Upon hearing the news of Baylor retreating from the territory, General Sibley himself surrendered his fort and his army, although most of them being native men, they were paroled, and not taken prisoner. Sibley was allowed passage back to the Confederacy due to his bloodless surrender of his men, and the Union being far more focused on the Navajo rebellion raging to the north.
[-904 Volunteers to the Confederate States.]

With the rebel threat to Arizona now gone, the full might of the United States was placed against the Navajo. Villages were burned, and an all-out campaign was waged against the Navajo, not matching anything they had experienced before. Ruthless in its execution, the Union was able to put down the rebellion by the middle of August, although it came at a heavy price for the Union, and for the Navajo. The renewed Union occupation of the land was anything but lenient.
[-654 Volunteers to the United States.]

The nascent Union blockade slowly began to get stronger. The town of Fernandina was captured, and while Butler was going to make a move against Jacksonville, Confederate reinforcements arrived, warding off any attacks he was going to make, given the wording of the orders he received from Washington. The major fighting came from the Union blockade attempting to circumvent the crucial Confederate naval base at Key West, Florida. Butler had his eyes on capturing Pensacola, but in order to do so he would have to sail past Key West, where a near majority of the rebel navy was located. The Union navy deployed several monitors to join the fight, but rough seas forced half to remain behind in Port Royal.

The Battle of the Florida Straits took place over a month, from late July to early August, and it determined who would control the waters south of Florida. The rebel ironclads purchased from the French were operating under anti-blockade duties, and they engaged the oncoming fleet of Butler, which was destined to steam towards Pensacola and Mobile. The move was ambitious, but ambition is what the Union needed to begin to properly enforce a blockade.

Unfortunately for the Union, they underestimated the strength of the Confederate ironclads. The CSS Fredericksburg, CSS Stonewall, and CSS North Carolina were operating out of Key West, along with their auxiliary support ships, and several frigates. The numerically inferior Confederate navy engaged with the Union navy for several hours at a time, before breaking off and engaging again a few days later. The highlight of the entire ordeal was when the USS Nahant (unintentionally) rammed and sunk the CSS Fredericksburg. The USS Nahant was pulled down with the massive ship, with a loss of nearly half her crew. Inspired by plans against the USS Monitor in Virginia, Confederates also boarded the USS Catskill and USS Nantucket, and sabotaged their ventilation systems, rendering them inoperable. The Union decided to scuttle the ships rather than let them fall into the hands of the Confederates.

The Union was the decisive loser of the engagements, losing ship after ship against the powerful, and fast, Confederate ironclads. They had proved, however, they were not invincible. During fighting where the monitors had been engaging with the Confederate ironclads, they were able to land shots that broke through the ship’s hull, causing repairs to be needed in Key West. But still, the Union could not penetrate any further than Key West, and it was thought to be unlikely that they would ever enforce a blockade in the Gulf should the island not be taken.
[-3 Ironclads, -12 Screw Frigates, -11 Minor Vessels to the United States. -1 Ironclad, -3 Sail Frigates, -24 Minor Vessels to the Confederate States.]

With a Confederate army encamped in Maryland, the lack of men in the Department of Maryland, and still boiling resentment with the Union, riots broke out across eastern Maryland, calling once again for secession from the Union, and entrance into the Confederacy. Baltimore burned as hundreds of men formed roving mobs which assaulted soldiers and police, and overpowered them to steal their guns and form their own control over the city. The mob marched on Annapolis, where they burned down the legislature and the governor's mansion, but not before their occupants had escaped to the west, running towards Washington. John Wilkes Booth even called for Maryland to secede during one of his sets in Washington. The move found him arrested and thrown in jail by Union soldiers who were protecting Salmon Chase, Secretary of the Treasury, who was in attendance that evening.

With the news of the Summer's fighting displayed in nearly every newspaper in the Union, and with Confederate paper's praising the Army of Northern Virginia for giving Virginia nearly a year to rest from Union occupation, the Democrats (most importantly their Copperhead faction) were outspoken in their opposition to the war. A growing anti-war coalition was forming. Clement Vallandigham was the voice of this movement, talking constantly on how Lincoln could not, and would never, conquer the South. It was time, in his opinion, that a negotiated settlement come to end the war. During the middle of a speech to a gathered crowd in Columbus, Ohio, Vallandigham was arrested. He was tried on treason charges, and then banished to the Confederacy. Vallandigham, no friend of the south or slavery in the slightest, boarded a steamer in Louisiana and made his way to British North America, where he would protest his treatment and write prolifically against the Lincoln administration. The move was harsh, but it mostly silenced the Copperheads.

The Russian fleets in New York and San Francisco depart the United States, with the Pacific fleet making port in Mazatlán, showing support to the government of Benito Juárez. The two Russian fleets make their way back to their respective home ports, ending the Russian overseas adventure, but it did make its position known in its respect and support for the current administrations of the United States and Mexico. As one foreign fleet leaves, another one arrives - permanently. The Austrian Imperial Fleet makes its way into New York Harbour, where two Drache-class ironclads and one Kaiser Max-class ironclad are sold (at great profit to the Habsburgs) to the United States navy.

In the Confederacy, President Jefferson Davis and Secretary of War George Randolph made a case to the Confederate Congress (and the states) that Richmond needed to enact conscription. Like their Union counterparts, Richmond needed the ability to demand military service of able bodied men if they were to win the war. In a close vote, the Conscription Act of 1863 was passed. All current terms of enlistment of enrolled soldiers were extended to two years from their enlistment date, and all white males between the ages of 18 and 35 who were citizens of a Confederate state residing within the Confederacy were subject to military service for two years, unless released by the President at an earlier date.

There were, of course, exemptions included in the bill. Men who served in the national and state government were excluded. Those who worked in industry or mining were exempt, as well as those in communications, transportation, anything that directly served the public, such as teachers, ministers, and druggists. Also allowed were paid substitutes. In order for the bill to pass, an amendment was added which exempted all persons who owned more than twenty slaves. If the owner himself was too old, that protection would extend to his overseer. The move was hated by Governors Brown or Georgia and Vance of North Carolina, who refused to honour the conscription requests.
[+38,528 Volunteers to the Confederate States.]

Far north and away from any of the fighting, a debate rages in Nova Scotia, which argue on the merits of the colony’s cooperation and closeness with the United States, distrust of the Catholics, and hatred of the Americans. While the actual basis of the argument meant little for the colony’s politics, five hundred Nova Scotians banded together to form an anti-American regiment that offered its services to the Confederacy. Placed in the Richmond Garrison, the 1st Nova Scotia Volunteer Infantry would serve to defend the Confederacy’s capital city, before being deployed north to General Lee’s army as reinforcements. To counter this, around twelve hundred men joined Maine and Massachusetts regiments, not forming any one particular regiment, but Nova Scotians would be fighting in the Army of the Potomac.

 
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Educational Reform in the Ottoman Empire

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Inside an Ottoman Grammar School

In keeping with the needs of the Empire for education and the desire to improve the lives of the citizenry, the educational system of the Empire is being revamped. The educational system shall be made more uniform with uniform textbooks. Primary instruction will be conducted in the language of the region and in Standard Turkish, to provide a common tongue across the Empire, and draw the people closer together. These textbooks will also serve to provide access to a curriculum stressing the three R's of reading, writing, and arithmetic. These shall form the basis of grammar school in the Empire, and the basis of the education of all citizens. The first of these schools shall be opened within a year's time, following the completion of the creation of the curriculum, with schools in each settlement of more than 500 being founded within seven years, with extant schools teaching the new curricula within three years. Grammar school education will become compulsory for all children between the ages of five and eleven in five years.

Following five years of grammar school, two tracks of education will be made available to students. The first track, the gymnasium branch, for top students representing each part of each community, shall provide continued education in science, literature, mathematics, history, and languages. This track will last for another seven years before students shall graduate, top students from this track will be given the opportunity to attend university for further education. The second track, will focus on technical and practical skills, including modern agricultural practices, animal husbandry, carpentry, masonry, metalworking, metallurgy, the skills required for modern manufacturing and industry, among other technical schools, this track will last for five years. The first school of the gymnasium branch will be opened in three years, with schools opening in each settlement of more than 3000 within eight years. The first school of the technical branch will be opened within three years, with schools opening in each settlement of more than 2000 within nine years. Schools of both tracks will accept those from smaller neighboring settlements, and will offer dormitories for students from more distant communities.

Supporting these institutions, teaching schools and universities will be founded to provide teachers, and teach gifted citizens. The first teaching school will be established in two years, with such schools being established in each city of more than 100,000 within four years. Finally, universities will be established in cities of more than 250,000 within twelve years. These universities shall support extant universities and will be organized along western lines. Both teaching schools and universities will provide dormitories and will accept those from surrounding regions. In subjects of particular interest, visiting instructors will be invited to provide instruction.

In order to bring education to masses and encourage continued learning, several additional steps will be taken. First, schools will provide evening classes for those interested in learning how to read and desire to learn. These classes will supplement the official readers and instruction occurring in the Takvim-i Vekayi (Calendar of Events) - which is of course required reading for all civil servants of the Empire and the primers given to military officers. Additionally, technical schools will provide evening courses teaching these subjects to those in their communities. Finally, public libraries will be founded in each settlement of more than 2500, with larger libraries being constructed in larger cities. These libraries will hold copies of each book from the Translation Department, textbooks, and other books published in the Empire. Additionally, these libraries shall provide opportunities and classes for individuals desiring to become literate.
 
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A Proclamation.

by the President of the United States of America.
Whereas, on the twenty-second day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, a proclamation was issued by the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the following, to wit:

"That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.

"That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be, in good faith, represented in the Congress of the United States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States."

Now, therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief, of the Army and Navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four, and in accordance with my purpose so to do publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days, from the day first above mentioned, order and designate as the States and parts of States wherein the people thereof respectively, are this day in rebellion against the United States, the following, to wit:

Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Tennessee (except the counties of Obion, Weakley, Henry, Benton, Carroll, Gibson, Dyer, Lauderdale, Haywood, Tipton, Madison, Henderson, Decatur, Humphreys, Stewart , Montgomery, Hickman, Perry, Fayette, Williamson, Davidson, Wilson, Rutherford, Sumner, Robertson, Macon, Smith, Putnam, De Kalb, Jackson, Overton, Fentress, White, Morgan, Scott, Campbell, Union, Anderson, and Knox), Kentucky (except the counties of Fulton, Hickman, Ballard, Graves, McCracken, Marshall, Calloway, Livingston, Lyon, Crittenden, Caldwell, Trigg, Hopkins, Union, Henderson, McLean, Muhlenburg, Todd, Logan, Ohio, Davies, Hancock, Grayson, Butler, Logan, Simpson, Allen, Warrens, Edmonson, Breckenridge, Meade, Hardin, Bullitt, Larue, Hart, Barren, Monroe, Cumber, Russell, Woodford, Mercer, Boyle, Washington, Marion, Nelson, Jefferson, Oldham, Shelby, Spencer, Scott, Fayette, Clark, Montgomery, Powell, Estill, Jessamine, Garrard, Castle, Lincoln, Madison, Fleming, Bourbon, Nicholas, Mason, Lewis, Greenup, Carter, Morgan, Owsley, and Clay), Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, (except the counties of Arlington, Accomack, Northampton, Elizabeth City, Mason, Jackson, Roane, Calhoun, Wirt, Wood, Ritchie, Pleasants, Doddridge, Harrison, Taylor, Preston, Monongalia, Marion, Tyler, Wetzel, Marshall, Ohio, Brooke, Hancock, Tucker, Barbour, Lewis, Gilmer, Calhoun, Upshur, Braxton, Webster, Clay, Nicholas, Putnam, Fayette, and Kanawha), and which excepted parts, are for the present, left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued.

And by virtue of the power, and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States, and parts of States, are, and henceforward shall be free; and that the Executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons.

And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence; and I recommend to them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages.

And I further declare and make known, that such persons of suitable condition, will be received into the armed service of the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service.

And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution, upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind, and the gracious favor of Almighty God.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

Done at the City of Washington, this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty four, and of the Independence of the United States of America the eighty-eighth.


ABRAHAM LINCOLN
President of the United States
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WILLIAM HENRY SEWARD

Secretary of State of the United States

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THE MARCH SPEECH
Delivered to the House of Commons
Prime Minister William E. Gladstone
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My Honourable and Rt. Honourable Colleagues,

I have decided to come to make statement in order to address in no uncertain terms the recent inconveniences; and by this I mean the manifold difficulties that have now presented themselves to our condition in the Mexican Empire, and indeed, among the very ranks of the Royal Navy and the Royal Army, which we have long prized as the vanguard of our collective defense. I give my strongest considerations, and my absolute assurances, that no license will be given to lethargy until the brawn of our soldiery, reformed by the necessary instruments, complements the cogent laws of this House and the Other Place. Let there be no mistake in the appointment of rhetoric; the United Kingdom is affianced to military conflict at this very moment, and thus to embrace any strategy that reflects slcerotic continuation of the past system would be tantamount to a betrayal to the aegis of this sceptered isle, and to those valiant young men devoted to the defense of Her Majesty.

There is no dearth of public conscience, nor lack of political awareness, regarding the recent complications that have affected our servicemen in valiant prosecution of our interests abroad and the brave defense of Queen Country. Before I proceed to any matters of political cogitation, I am sure the House would like to accredit the asseveration of the following principle; that this House will not arraign the regular combatants of the Mexican battles, that this House will employ all measures necessary to rectify the present difficulty, that this House commends the distinction of those valiant participants, and that this House shall consider any action of fraternization with the enemies of Her Majesty’s Government in Mexico in contravention to whatever treatise are presently established, and that such collaboration, private or national, will produce to that effect a condition of hostility thereafter between this House and the violating party, which this Government shall engage with the privileges and vigor afforded to any combatant in a state of warfare. And to this we shall exert all the national energies to “confound her enemies.”

[General Applause from both benches]

Mr Speaker, the calamity that affected the soldiery of this country in Mexico was not borne from pusillanimity or craven dispositions. On the contrary, Mr Speaker, the predicaments that have befallen Her Majesty’s Royal Army and Royal Navy are the produce of misguided deference to traditions that cannot endure to be changed; the adherents to the incumbent system behold themselves to the whims of esteemed gentlemen, who our liberty is much owed, but nonetheless, gentlemen who have long since passed from this world, and who would shackle this government to protocols of such an antiquated condition that to oblige these démodé whims would most assuredly mean Frenchman along the cliffs of Dover! No reservations can be permitted in considerations of the security of the royal security; traditions are cultivated where they can grow and form the abutment of the public weal, but the verities of prudent governance do not afford spacious room for inveterate praxis where the exigencies of martial wherewithal is required. I have no reservation; none, Mr Speaker; in my intention to set right what was proved wrong at Matamoros, and before it, at Balaclava! Rt. Honourable colleagues, there are lessons to be learned, and ignorance of that fact will only incur the bloodshed of British sons!

[Conflicting chants of “shame” and “Hear, Hear!” while papers are waived.]

It is certainly fortuitous, Mr. Speaker, that this Government has not been deafened to the asperities of the former conflict in Crimea. It has become apparent through the evaluations of committee and convocations of military gentlemen that there is a privation of general moral as sequel to current policies that seem to regard the soldiery of the forces with the same appraisement as livestock... [Interjections by the opposition] ...Mr. Speaker, I am unsure as to how the Honourable Gentlemen Opposite are obstruent of this fact; unlike their present situation, I believe most of them who served were far more accustomed to dispensing floggings than receiving them! [Laughter from the Government ranks; the journalists in the observatory benches scribble down a “three-line whip” joke for the evening editions.] Well, notwithstanding the incongruous reaction to the point first presented by Royal Commissions established by the Rt. Honourable Member of Huntingdon in his capacity as former Secretary of State for War, I note that the defections of our military are far more comprehensive than a mere deficiency of morale. Let me say that I do not blame the commissioners for the severity of their propositions; I really believe they have done the best they could. When a man undertakes an impossible task, you must not look too strictly to the performance of it, or judge him too severely. Therefore, these commissioners are perfectly upright, honorable, intelligent men, and what is more, I believe they are such; some of the party opposite can count upon as friends. In the total of our review of the Commissions, it can not be concluded that the recommendations are subtle, but rather, that they are of the highest civil consequence and will instruct a great deal of what action should be endured for the improvement of the army.

Over the past five years, the Royal Commissions have presented an innumerable quantity of recommendations to Her Majesty’s Government, and given the recent incidents in the Mexican country, and the unfortunate fate that has befallen Colonel Francis Cockburn, the presentation of the reforms advised by the Commissions, and their subsequent adopted by this Government, has enjoyed no better schedule than the present moment. Mr. Speaker, I would first like to call to the public attention the Lord Cardigan; who is no figure of anonymity in the public forum. This is the gentleman who committed the Light Brigade of the cavalry — the famous 4th and 13th Light Dragoons, the 17th Lancers, and the 8th and 11 Hussars — towards the frontal artillery of General Pavel Liprandi. In that action, in which the entire House is well acquainted, hundreds of Britons were purblindly chucked into the fray of certain death. Is it any surprise, Mr. Speaker, that the sum of Lord Cardigan’s service was warranted only by the purchase of position, and apparently in the amount of £35,000 to the 15th The King's Hussars? The privilege affforded to Lord Cardigan, and indeed, still available to all noble gentlemen, as it was to Cardigan some thirty-years past, complements neither the conventions of the modern times nor the desired efficiency of Her Majesty's forces. Nascency may endow the Peers of the United Kingdom with license to make known their discontent in the Other Place, but it has no place without the quality of self-delivered value in the ranks of the forces. It is obvious now that the occurrences in the Crimea often enable incompetence to dictate the stratagem of the Royal Army, so I will thus refer the House to the Commission on Purchase, which referred the principles hereafter related in my own abbreviation. The system is simply this; in time of peace officers are said generally to purchase their original commissions. Sometimes they are given to sons of old officers, or to non-commissioned officers for meritorious service. Once in the army, the officer rises by seniority to the head of his class; and when a vacancy occurs in the next grade by death, the senior of the class is regularly promoted; but if the vacancy occur by the retirement of an officer, then the appointment is offered to the senior of the class next below at a price fixed by the army regulations. If he cannot or will not buy, the offer descends until a purchaser is found, and the buyer is at once lifted over the heads of his seniors into the vacancy. This plan prevails in the appointments to all grades up to, and including, that of lieutenant-colonel's; subsequent grades are not purchased. It is easy to perceive that in peace most commissions must be obtained by purchase, because the holders of them will generally take care to sell before the ordinary laws of life warn them of its approaching close, by which the value of their places will be lost to their family and heirs.

The Opposition, in stating the arguments for the continuance of the system, assumes that, because the holders of the purchased commissions receive in pay less than the current interest upon the cost of them, the services of such officers are rendered to the government gratuitously. This is a manifest mistake. The cost of the officer's service to the public treasury is exactly the same as if he had paid nothing for his commission. He pays nothing to the government; and although it is true that all the pay to the holder of the commission merely passes through his hands into those of a third person, that pay is no less a charge upon the public, and it goes in the shape of an actual pension to the retiring officer. And this fact leads us to the great and irremovable objection to the purchase system. It converts the actual holder of the commission, the officer for the time being, into a mere pensioner in expectancy. He enters upon his grade as a commission broker; he holds it as tenant for his successor; and he resigns the tenement as soon as he can find one to take it off his hands, at an advance upon his investment. He considers, with much appearance of justice, that the government has no right to impose upon him hard and difficult services for which he can receive nothing. Particularly, he imagines himself rightfully exempt from distant service in war, wherein if he lose his life, that loss is also the annihilation of his property. One obvious effect of such a system is, to introduce into the army a trading and huckstering spirit which must, in no long course of time, supplant sentiments of chivalrous devotion to country, patriotism, and the prestige of arms. Its tendency is to make the officer a popinjay in scarlet plumage, a fashionable lounger, who declines in due course into the insipid habitue of the club-room, the gourmande, the wine-bibber, and the card-player. It is hard on the poor officer who cannot buy his way up. It is, indeed, about as well adapted to enervate the military character of a nation by corrupting and enfeebling its army, as could well be devised. Its inevitable results are indifference and inefficiency in the officers, and contempt and disobedience on the part of the men.

I have heard the arguments put forward by the members of the House; one that the purchase of the commissions would be excessive in cost, and secondly that it would bring the “wrong quality of men into the Officer Corps.” For the first criticism I direct the attention of the House, Mr Speaker, to the advertisements of the Secretary of State for War, who estimated in the total that the quantity would not exceed £8,000,000. And as to the matter of the regulation money paid by officers, Her Majesty’s Government does not recognize these transactions; and neither, might I add, does Her Majesty, the Queen. For the second criticism I will not address, but to the third, who note that the Purchase System has long been abolished in the Artillery, and the supposed stagnation in the ranks with Lieutenants, allegedly, being held at that level for over twelve years. Some gentlemen feel, and perhaps without cause to their accusation, that promotion on the virtue of merit compels officers to remain at low ranks for many years and thus deprived others of worth to those ranks; but the entire theory depends that only a gentlemen can be an officer and only a gentlemen can have money. The answer to this system on behalf of the Government is this riposte; first that there shall be a system of pensions to induce venerable officers to retire after the passage of twenty-two years in the service if the attainment of Colonel is not procured, and thereafter, each step along the way should be attached a time-period. And since there has been further objection to the proposals that it is upon the discretion of regimental officers regarding promotion, and therefore dependent on patrimonial dependence to the superior; the Secretary of State for War has also clarified that a series of examinations will be established, and that the first opening would go to the man with the highest scores and then proceed downward. Mr. Speaker, the brightest will be first promoted, and the lowest will work his constitution until he can count himself among the first.

Mr Speaker, I now wish to depart from the question of the purchases of commission, although I imagine this House will wish to conduct a furious session of debate to its purpose, and come to the matter of the terms of enlistment, which will likely inspire the same indignant sentiments. [Liberal laughter]. The Secretary of State for War has put before the House the Army Enlistment Act, and this statute could only be reviewed as the most excellent instrument for reform, as it intends to update the services of our soldiery to digestible quantities. The term of enlistment, in the present form, has been immalleabley set at twenty-one years; so it would only be the liberal cause of compassion and efficient administration to establish a more perfect compendium of laws. The effect of this reform will be the reduction of the active service in the regulars to the minimum of six years years, and enlistment lasting thirteen, whereupon the intermission between the active and the rest is composed by the installation of a reserve. The alteration of these services will be coupled next year by the linkage of every battalion to another; one at home and the other in a foreign garrison, allocated to a together by a single brigade district with a “depot center” that shall serve as the recruitment center, so that the home battalion will feed the secondary foreign battalion and periodically replace it. Six years’ service will make it possible for an adequate intermission of three to four years abroad of training, allowing a soldier, if he had enlisted at the age of eighteen or twenty, to return to civil life upon the maturation of twenty-five or twenty-seven, whereupon age is no longer a hindrance to employment. For the next six years thereafter the reserve will provide a stipend of fourpence a day as a reserve soldier, subject to recall, and a short period of training with the regulars and the militia of his brigade district. The linked battalions will provide a continuous flow for foreign service, and reduce the time of service abroad, but not the figure of combatants. This is most convenient, as it is known to the entire body of the House that recruits have long been dissuaded by the prospect of long service of duty in foreign garrisons; and thus the scheme previously presented to the House shall procure not only a steady supply of recruit, but also an improvement in the quality of their cut. It will provide a standing reserve, and enable the War Office, in which further reforms are planned, to maintain the existing cadres at lower establishments for quick expansion.

The propinquity between the external and domestic battalion cannot be refined without alterations to the order of the militia. I would not like to overstep the recommendations of my Rt. Honourable Colleague the Secretary of State for War, so I should simply defer my statement to the answer he gave in the House some weeks ago, when he said that the officers of the militia, and its places of training, would be integrated with that of the regular army, but that in all other matters the militia will retain its traditional independence and autonomy in their purposes of common defense. I can understand, then, the disinclination which honourable Gentlemen opposite have to go into history as to these cases; but it will be unfolded more and more as these debates proceed, if the controversy be prolonged — it will more and more appear how strong is the foundation upon which we stand now, and upon which our forebears stand when the proposition of reform was first introduced. For a brief digression, and to illuminate the strength of our position, I direct the House to the estimation of the War Office, and the report published 3 July 1863 by my Honourable Colleague the Secretary of State for War. Taking all of these changes together, the Government has estimated that the total of the force would be 65,000 for India and 26,000 for the colonies; 100,000 for the home force, of regulars and reserve, and 100,000 Militia and 200,000 Volunteers who would provide their own equipment and so cost Her Majesty’s Government little for the home defense. We do not hope for the perfection of these estimations as discrepancies between legislation and practice are unavoidable, but in the interest to make this reform of the most amenable quality, the restructuring of the War Office, especially the abolition of the separate administration of the Reserves and Volunteers and their respective ministerial position, has been undertaken by the Honourable Member for Oxford…

...Mr. Speaker, I believe I have satisfied the considerations of the House with regard to the summation of the reforms that the House has been considering for some weeks now; and by the presentation of my own opinions I hope that needed clarifications have been presented. I feel it best now to channel the sentiments of the House towards the need for improvements in the condition of the Navy, and in some estimations, by coordination in the War Office, and with the expressed support of the First Naval Lord, The Hon. Sir Frederick William Grey, process whereby the naval promotions and appointments should be deliberated upon by the Naval Members of the Admiralty Board on a collective basis before recommendations are made to the First Lord of the Admiralty. The reverse, being an office of political value, will only injure the quality of the maritime force, in much of the same fashion, nay, absolutely, the same fashion as I previously elucidated on the practice of purchased commissions. But I do not want to waste the time of the House on the allegories that I previously deployed to illustrate what could only be described as a vestigial of obsolete times, and obsolete practices. All I shall say is that it would be folly of the most supreme variety to allow vestigials to dictate the quality of either instruments of the royal defense, be it terrestrial or maritime. But there are other concerns, Mr. Speaker, that affect not so much the organization of the Royal Navy, but the composition of the force; there can be no dispute that as of present the Royal Navy is undisputed in its quality, yet indications now direct the Government to review the adequacy of the quantity, Mr. Speaker, it is no secret that the Emperor of France has asserted his overt ambition to challenge the domination of the Royal Navy. I have heard across both Houses a conflict of opinion and the presentation of the divergent reactions. There is an opinion, among many Honourable Gentlemen, and shared and conflicted regardless of partisan attachment, that the susceptibility of our present weakness warrants a venture of national grandeur towards to the fortification of the Home Islands; that is, Mr. Speaker, the withdrawal of our advantage to the defensive. This was the purpose of capitulation when the Royal Commission on the Defence of the United Kingdom was established four-years prior. It was formed, Mr. Speaker, out of unease; anxiety that seeks to deprive the United Kingdom of her maritime advantage, and equally, of her liberties, by the transformation of Great Britain and Ireland into more a fortress than a country.

The original purpose of the Royal Commission was to inquire into the condition and sufficiency of the Fortifications existing for the Defense of Our United Kingdom, and examination into all Works at present in progress thereof, and to consider to the most effective means of rendering the same complete, especially to all such Works of Defense as are intended for the protection of Our Royal Dockyards, in case any hostile attack being made by foreign enemies, both by sea and land. In the year that succeeded, Mr Speaker, the Commission published a report, in its advisory role, recommending what could only be described as the most audacious and expensive programme of fortifications to buttress the country’s arsenals and naval bases. Mr Speaker, there are some excerpts to which illustrate my own opinion of the passage, made clear to the House of Commons under the compendium of debates of August 13, 1860, pertaining to the expenditure of the programme as required by Fortifications (Provision for Expenses Act). The initial intention of that aforementioned legislation was to oblige the absolute fulfillment of the The Report of the Commissioners Appointed to Consider the Defenses of the United Kingdom; the entreaty by that Royal Commission in the total was in excess of £11,000,000, and had it not been for my own reservations, the ultimate quantity would have been devoted to the cause, and my own efforts, which produced a particular saving of £3,930,000, would have been lost. For my own conscience, and I believe for the entire Government, the mortgage that the Government was required to assume, and for dubious purpose, might have been better appropriated to the financing of Her Majesty’s Royal Navy. [Conflicting murmurs.] Allow me to depict in no uncertain terms the severity of the situation; Mr. Speaker, in the continental capitals, and even in the other Hemisphere, the breadth of the Royal Navy is under dispute, the mastery of its broadsides is starting to buckle, and the consequences of consensual lethargy are now evident in judicial parliamentary review of its verdure. The status quo is not a tolerable position, Mr. Speaker; the Empire of France has not been languid, nor has the Government of Washington, in the accretion of their maritime forces. It is impermissible that the tonnage of their forces should exceed our own, even if the supremacy of our combatants is unmatched, the hegemony of those that bare the White Ensign cannot even become a question of dubiety. I invoke the ancient motto of the Royal Navy; "Si vis pacem, para bellum.” Mr. Speaker, “If you wish for peace, prepare for war." And so it shall be the watchword of my government to dispense of the inertia that has dictated the former policies of our predecessors; the accomplishment of this aim shall only be satisfied once there is not a hint of incertitude as to the dominion of our maritime guardian.

In the creation of a programme for the agglomeration of naval constructions, created without the portime auction to other nations, such as the United State of America, or the Confederate States of America, the unapplied quality of our shipbuilders will be exerted to all denominations of wartime preparation. Whether these constructions shall constitute ironclad vessels, or adoption of current ligneous ships to the contemporary quality,, will be ascertained in the forthcoming legislation, noted on the order papers for next week by the presentation of the Rt. Hon. Member for Oxford. For the deposit of the confidence of the shipbuilders, His Majesty’s Government will reward those naval erectors who exemplify the technological ingenuity required to satisfy the primacy of the Royal Navy in the production of new ships. The discrepancy, I admit, between the premier property of the Emperor of France and our own storage is severe; the shortcoming must therefore be overcome by a most aggressive production of our variety. But even so by this course we will have to supplant foreign commissions by the purchase of Parliament; even so, I am afflicted by no reservations of the economic disposition that compel my constitution to deny justification for this amelioration in the quality and quantity of the Royal Navy. Any surrogate for the absolute application of support to the martial guarantor of our ancient liberties, especially in the category of diminutive effort, ought to be dispelled from even fleeting cogitation. No man will be permitted to say that Her Majesty’s Government produced nothing but an elegiac quality to the defense of her most valued gem; the occupation of our premiership will cherish the conservancy of Britain’s ascendancy, and the flexibility of her legal regimentations. Mr. Speaker, I have plainly made it clear that the Royal Navy will be the nonpareil of the maritime forces, and no other country will dare deride the gallantry and fearsome brawn.

Mr. Speaker, I would now like to bring some degree of relief to the House, and come upon my conclusion. The purpose of the Royal Commission, in my own estimation, was to distract from the narrow-minded focus we must always afford to our naval protection. If we were to submit to the complacency of fortification, Mr. Speaker, would we have vanquished the Spanish in the Sea, or Napoleon at Trafalgar? No, Mr. Speaker, we would be forced to depend upon the terrestrial forces; those great vanquisher of liberty and bereavers of freedom. Alas, our fate is cast with the high seas, where it has all always been! My Honourable and Rt. Honourable Colleagues, I implore the faculties of your acumen and prudence to participate in the endeavor which shall insure the defense of the realm. First, cast away the shackles of vestigel power, and do not let your scintilla of the Army diminish the importance of its executions. The events in Mexico have proved beyond a doubt that the retention of the old order is unsustainable; the cause of liberty as it apprehends our proclivities in the matter of the franchise must be replicated in the healthy arrangement of the Volunteer and Regular armies. Next, do not allow yourself to elect the position of defense as your vanguard; the Navy and her dominance may not be permitted to become secondary to the protection of the United Kingdom. And finally, permit your endorsement to cultivate into support for our agenda of expansion, and encourage, both in quality and quantity, the amelioration of the Royal Navy.
 
AFTER DEFEAT: LINCOLN BRAZENLY ABOLISHES SLAVERY ABSOLUTELY NOWHERE

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See more on Appendix CSA.
 
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His Imperial Majesty has ever been a champion of liberty and of the right of self-determination. As such, he is naturally interested in the speedy resolution of American slavery in favor of those persons now held in bondage in both of the warring nations. Positive developments to that end are to be welcomed.

It is thus with profound disappointment that His Imperial Majesty receives the proclamation issued by the President of the Northern Union, which represents nothing less than a mockery of the sacred cause of abolition. This proclamation, in which the Union President seeks to unilaterally free all persons held in bondage in territory presently held by his foe, lacks any force or moral weight, as it is increasingly clear that the Union Army lacks the necessary force of arms or skill in battle to enforce such a proclamation.

Indeed, it is clear to His Imperial Majesty that such a proclamation, issued with the armies of the Southern states encamped on the very doorstep of the Union President's capital, must indeed be considered a ruse de guerre, intended to sow chaos and dissent within the ranks of his enemy, rather than any legitimate effort at achieving the noble end of abolishing slavery within the American continent. Such a move, undertaken in full view of the community of nations, is nothing less than an act of desperation. It is shameful in the extreme.

His Imperial Majesty reiterates his call for a noble and just peace to reign over the warring nations of North America, so that the pointless bloodshed can be put to a speedy end. Let the conflict between brothers cease, let traffic and commerce resume, and let both parties commit to a true and meaningful path towards the liberation of all persons, so that the promise of freedom can be truly realized by the peoples of the American nations.
 
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It is my most esteemed pleasure on behalf of his Royal Highness, Prince William of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Glücksburg, to accept the offer of the Greek throne and henceforth rule as the sovereign of Greece with all duties and responsibilities associated with said office. The Prince shall surrender his right to the Danish Throne the day before his inauguration, and shall depart from Denmark within the month unless objections from the major powers of Europe occur.

Frederick VII, By the Grace of God, King of Denmark, the Wends and the Goths, Duke of Schleswig, Holstein, Stormarn, Dithmarschen, Lauenburg and Oldenburg.
 
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John Slidell, Ambassador to France
A Private Missive to the French Government

"It is a most grievous notice I bear with me, but it is one that I find most necessary to provide to our friends in Paris in that it pertains to one of your blessed citizens.

Camille Armand Jules Marie de Polignac, a man who has seen fit to volunteer for our Southern Cause - admirably so as I am told - has been the subject of Union imprisonment, the terms placed upon his command being wholly unconditional at the threat of annihilation. Little have been heard of his wellbeing and we have thus far had little in the hopes of mediating his release.

Know that we endeavor to keep safe the subjects of His Imperial Majesty, and that we lend all due support behind the release of Mister Polignac."
 
Long Live the King
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As the world reached the month of November 1863, the health of the beloved Danish monarch, Frederick VII, took a turn for the worse once again as he was travelling around in Denmark, at the present time down in the duchies Slesvig and Holstein. He had travelled down here specifically to see the fortifications at Dannevirke, the ones which are meant to withstand any attack and be the first and best line of defense for the Kingdom as a whole against any would be invader. As the King inspected the defenses he caught a cold that grew progressively worse during the next few hours. In the evening His Majesty retreated to Lyksborg castle where he resided for the coming evening, dying early in the hours of the next morning. During the last part of his reign, the king had increasingly supported a new constitution over the Danish dominions which was almost ready upon his death and now left to the discretion of his successor.

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Christian IX, King of Denmark​

His successor was Prince Christian of Slesvig-Hosten-Sønderborg-Beck, whose father in 1825 was given Glücksborg Castle and made Duke of Slesvig-Holsten-Sønderborg-Glücksborg. Christian himself was a far off relation to the Danish Royal House, descending in a direct male line from King Christian III and from King Frederick V on his mother’s side. The new King had been an officer in the Danish army in his youth and prior to his ascension, showing prominence and even being offered a position within the Prussian army prior to becoming the heir apparent to the Danish Throne. His fortune and that of his own family was improved in 1851 at the recommendation of the Russian Tsar that he was made the future King of Denmark, and in 1852 when the London Protocol was signed outlining the his succession, once again at the insistence of the Tsar.

Despite the New King’s prior service in the Danish army, he was seen as an outsider, a German. Not a proper Danish king or patriot and as such the immediate days following his succession was one of doubt, something which his ministers were to play a key part on. The King himself was reluctant to sign the new November Constitution as he knew it would provoke issues with the German States, but his ministers, Carl Christian Hall and Ditlev Gothard Monrad, pressured him saying that the people would not accept anything else and that he would lose their love, support and affection should he oppose the constitution. The ministers especially used a protest from 1857 where some of the protestors yelled “Down with the King, Long live King Karl XV” Who was the King of Sweden, whom, like in Sweden, a minor part of society wished for a greater Scandinavian union, which had faded some in the following half decade.

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Carl Christian Hall, Konseilspræsident​

Eventually the king caved and agreed to the demands of his ministers. The King’s first act would be on November 18th where he signed the new November Constitution, upon signing saying that what was to follow was the wish and responsibility of his ministers, and he would sign it the constitution as it was the will of the people despite it bringing Denmark disaster.