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Attack on the Moncada Barracks

In the early hours of July 26th, a convoy of sixteen automobiles rumbled towards the Moncada Barracks, the second largest military base in Cuba, and garrisoned by the four-hundred strong Antonio Maceo regiment loyal to President Fulgencio Batista. While the soldiers believed it was a high-ranking military delegation to greet them and observe their base, it was instead a band of about 130 anti-government rebels headed by Fidel and Raúl Castro. As they entered the garrison, a group of about twenty men led by Abel Santamaría stormed the civilian hospital on the premise, capturing it and taking all the people there hostage. At the same time, Léster Rodríguez and five men captured the Palacio de Justicia, all the while the Castro brother's opened fire on the surprised garrison men, confused at what was happening.

The drivers of the cars used them as weapons, running over the confused defenders before they finally realised there was an attack underway. The rebels were mostly armed with shotguns, some rifles, and some small arms. The damage done at the outset had been immense, and many of the military men surrendered. Fighting broke out between the two groups, which turned into fighting through the hallways and in the offices of the buildings. Fidel Castro himself captured the radio transmitter room, and broadcast a message that a coup had taken place in Havana, and that President Batista had been killed. That word quickly spread across Santiago, causing a panic. Police officers attempted to restore order, and other military officials attempted to get a hold of the situation. Once they had realised that this was misinformation, men rushed to the Moncada Barracks, where they fought back against the rebels.

The military was able to recapture the barracks, and arrested all of those who had been involved in the attack. The rebels had killed thirty-two soldiers and wounded fifty-three. They only suffered eight dead and eleven wounded. When they were captured, the military executed nearly fifty of the rebels, although the Castro brothers would be to stand trial for their actions, to set an example for what would happen under the Batista regime. While in prison waiting his trial, Fidel Castro wrote and memorised a speech he would give as his own defense in court for his trial. His speech was titled "La historia me absolverá" it took four hours for him to present it to the court. In it, he outlined his desire to return to the 1940 Cuban Constitution, a reform of land rights, profit sharing for industrial and sugar workers, as well as land confiscation of those who are found guilty of fraud. Finally, Castro and his brother were sentenced to fifteen years in prison for their actions. Castro, as it were, became a hero on the island, and a symbol of the resistance to the Batista regime.

During the trial, Batista's government had treated the prisoners very poorly, which lowered the government's popularity in Santiago, and the public had become so outraged over it, that newspapers openly declared that Batista was doing little more than reviving the brutal practices of former president Gerado Machado. The Catholic clergy banded together and called for Cuba's upper class to bring support to the rebels, asking the President for clemency. None was given, and Fidel Castro joined his brother in the Presidio Modelo prison on the Isle of Pines.
 
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LIBERTAD PARA CUBA
Archbishop of Santiago de Cuba Enrique Pérez Serantes' Mass following the Moncada Barracks Trial
"My children, today is a day that we must reflect on with the utmost gravity. The actions that have occurred should cause us, the people of Cuba, to shake with action and anger, for what we hold so dear has been rejected us. The fundamental beliefs of our people, of our Lord and Savior, and of the fathers that founded our state, have been disregarded in the most base and vile of ways. We, as the standard bearers of liberty and freedom, can not, shall not, and will not stand for this degradation of our state, for it is in direct contradiction of the will our Lord Jesus Christ and the Lord almighty.

My children, I speak of the President, for he has denied Fidel and Raúl Castro justice, he has denied them their very rights. After violating the most sacred of commandments through illegally killing 50 of our people, the President held these two brothers to a court of brutality and vice. Stripping them of their rights, violating the constitution in every regard, the two brothers have been forced to face a sentence of 15 years, after a pathetic show of "justice". José Martí fought for the idea that "Liberty is the right of every man to be honest, to think and to speak without hypocrisy." What has the President done to hold true to our founder's promise, his ideas. Nothing. He has swept them under the rug like a old toy, tired of it's presence.

We must not stand for this action. We must stand for liberty. We must stand for democracy, for freedom. I ask the President to release Fidel Castro. I ask the President to release Raùl Castro. Señor President, show us, the people of Cuba, that you can stand for liberty. That you can stand for democracy. Show that you can stand for the very soul of this nation, for what Martí, Céspedes, and so many of our countrymen fought for. For then, and only then, shall you stand among the virtuous, among the great. Until that moment, when you can stand for our liberties, you shall be nothing.

My children, I end this mass with Galatians 5:1.

It was for freedom that Christ set us free; therefore keep standing firm and do not be subject again to a yoke of slavery."
 
Heirs to the Promised Land: Israeli State Education in 1953

During the period of the British Palestine Mandate, little attention was paid by the Mandatory authorities to local education, being more concerned with peacekeeping and local infrastructure. Instead, the various Mandate communities were left to determine their own means of education. In the Jewish community, this educational autonomy manifested in the form of "educational streams," in which each of the local political parties and ideological groups established its own separate educational system.

The General Zionists established the "general stream," which encouraged a broad education and establishing a traditional national consciousness that would appeal to the broadest cross-section of Palestinian Jews while eschewing the more political bent of the other streams. Conversely, the Jewish labor movement set up the "workers' stream," which primarily served the inhabitants of the kibbutz and taught socialist behavior and consciousness alongside Zionism. The "Mizrachi stream" was set up by pro-Zionist Orthodox factions which wanted to explicitly link the Jewish state's national and religious characters and provide overtly religious education for their traditional demographics. The final major stream, the "Agudath Israel," was both anti-Zionist and ultra-Orthodox, remained largely unrecognized by the Jewish authorities in the Mandate. In addition to these four main streams, there were a number of non-partisan and niche minor streams serving small communities.

While the private party-based educational system served a useful role in ensuring that young Jews in the Mandate received a decent education, the transition from the Mandate to the State of Israel revealed glaring flaws in the "streams." As Jewish immigrants (and their children) flooded Israel, the stream representatives besieged immigrant parents in the hopes of "gathering souls" for their party's educational program. More to the point, the multi-party system was cumbersome in the extreme, creating an unsustainable situation in which small settlements capable of hosting a single school instead had three or more.

While the Compulsory Education Law of 1948 had done some work to streamline the system by requiring all Israeli children to attend only government-recognized schools (the four major streams, following Agudath Israel's acceptance of Zionism), the excess redundancy and cost still remained prohibitive. The General Zionists, who supported a basic education in the first place, made the establishment of a formalized state education program a centerpiece of their platform. The Mapai socialist majority, for its part, experienced a schism with the Mapam communists when Prime Minister Ben-Gurion endorsed a non-partisan educational system, eschewing the previous goal of a state socialist education for all Israeli children and thus the promotion of the kibbutz.

Working together, Mapai and the General Zionists crafted the State Education Law of 1953, which combined the general and workers' streams into a single non-partisan state education system, servicing both the regular communities and the kibbutzes equally. The State Education Law further called for the regulation of religious schools -- all schools, in fact -- under the powerful Ministry of Education, which oversaw all educational efforts in Israel. However, in a concession to the religious parties, the Minister of Education would be required to consult a council of religious advisers before making changes to the Orthodox curricula, and the Ministry of Education would set up a division of rural education to service the former workers' schools, in an effort to appease the hard-line labor parties.

Functionally, this change simply combined and formalized the streams into two public options -- one secular, one religious -- and established objective secular standards for education, while doing little to change the political or religious character of the kibbutz or Orthodox schools. However, the new system did ensure that the government would have the power to regulate all Israeli education, giving it decisive authority over the future of the children of Israel.

The State Education Law passed narrowly despite determined ultra-Orthodox and communist resistance, and would rapidly be implemented as the new law of the land...
 
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Here at Coca Cola company, we always strive to provide a wonderful product at a wonderful price to serve the many families of the world. Our products could be found at the front lines of world war 2 and we have helped tired moms and dads relax at the end of a long day for many years now. We always push hard to provide special products for unique markets and have many wonderful flavors under research and development right now. We view ourselves as a friend to the world and a partner to all those citizens of the world in need of a cold drink to quench their thirst. We will continue our partnership with many others moving ahead to continue and find the right product for the right people at the right time. Thank you and never suffer the harm of passing up the chance for a coke.


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9 March, 1953

The Greatest Friendship

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Comrade Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin, the greatest genius of the present age, the great teacher of the world Communist movement, and the comrade-in-arms of the immortal Lenin, has departed from the world.

Comrade Stalin's contribution to our era through his theoretical activities and practice is incalculable. Comrade Stalin represented our entire new age. His activities have let the Soviet people and the working people of all countries to turn around the whole world situation. That is to say, the cause of justice and of People's Democracy and socialism has achieved victory in an immense region of the world, a region embracing more than 800 million people — one third of the earth's population. Moreover, the influence of this victory is daily spreading to every corner of the world.

The death of Comrade Stalin has caused the laboring people of the whole world to feel unparalleled and profound grief; it has stirred the hearts of just people throughout the world. This demonstrates that Comrade Stalin's cause and his thought have gripped the broad masses of the people throughout the world and have already become an invincible force, a force that will guide those people who have already achieved victory in achieving still more fresh victories, one after another, and, at the same time, will guide all those people who are still groaning under the oppression of the evil old world of capitalism so that they can strike courageously at the enemies of the people.

After the death of Lenin, Comrade Stalin led the Soviet people in building into a magnificent socialist society the first socialist state in the world, which he, together with the great Lenin, created at the time of the October Revolution. The victory of socialist construction in the Soviet Union was not only a victory for the people of the Soviet Union, but also a common victory for the people of the whole world. First, this victory proved in the most real ( live terms the infinite correctness of Marxism-Leninism and concretely educated working people through out the world on how they should advance toward a good life. Second, this victory ensured that during the Second World War humanity would have the strength to defeat the Fascist beast. The achievement of victory in the anti-Fascist war, and the glory for these victories should be attributed to our great Comrade Stalin.

Comrade Stalin developed Marxist-Leninist theory in a comprehensive and epoch-making way and propelled the development of Marxism to a new stage. Comrade Stalin creatively developed Lenin's theory concerning the law of the uneven development of capitalism and the theory that it is possible for socialism to first achieve victory in one country; Comrade Stalin creatively contributed the theory of the general crisis of the capitalist system.; he contributed the theory concerning the building of communism in the Soviet Union; he contributed the theory of the fundamental economic laws of present-day capitalism and of socialism; he contributed the theory of revolution in colonies and semi-colonies. Comrade Stalin also creatively developed Lenin's theory of party building. All these creative theories of Comrade Stalin's further united the workers throughout the world, further united the oppressed classes and oppressed people throughout the world, thereby enabling the struggle of the world's working class and all oppressed people for liberation and well-being and the victories in this struggle to reach unprecedented proportions.

All of Comrade Stalin's writing are immortal documents of Marxism. His works, The Foundations of Leninism, The History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union [Bolshevik], and his last great work, Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR, constitute an encyclopedia of Marxism-Leninism, a synthesis of the experience of the world Communist movement of the past hundred years. His speech at the Nineteenth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union is a precious last testament bequeathed to the Communists of all the countries of the world. We Chinese Communists, like the Communists of all countries, search for our own road to victory in the great works of Comrade Stalin.

Since the death of Lenin, Comrade Stalin has always been the central figure in the world Communist movement. We rallied around him, constantly asked his advice, and constantly drew ideological strength from his works. Comrade Stalin was full of warmth for the oppressed peoples of the East. "Do not forget the East" ( this was Comrade Stalin's great call after the October Revolution. Everyone knows that Comrade Stalin warmly loved the Chinese people and regarded the might of the Chinese revolution as incalculable. On the question of the Chinese revolution, he contributed his exalted wisdom. It was by following the teachings of Lenin and Stalin, along with having the support of the great Soviet state and all the revolutionary forces of other countries, that the Communist Party of China and the Chinese people achieved their historic victory a few years ago.

Now we have lost our great teacher and most sincere friend Comrade Stalin. What a misfortune this is! The sorrow that this misfortune has brought us cannot be described in words.

Our task is to transform sorrow into strength. In memory of our great teacher Stalin, the great friendship between the Communist Party of China and the Chinese people [on the one hand] and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Soviet People [on the other] formed in the name of Stalin will never cease to be strengthened. The Chinese Communists and the Chinese people will further intensify the study of Stalin's teachings and the study of Soviet science and technology in order to build our country.

The Communist Party of the Soviet Union is a party nurtured personally by Lenin and Stalin; it is the most advanced, the most experienced, and the most theoretically cultivated party in the world. This party has been our model in the past, is our model at present, and will still be our model in the future. We fully believe that the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the government of the Soviet Union headed by Comrade Malenkov will definitely be able to carry on Comrade Stalin's unfinished work and push the great cause of Communism forward and carry it to greater and more glorious development.

There is not the slightest doubt that the camp of world peace, democracy, and socialism headed by the Soviet Union will become even more united and even more powerful.

In the past thirty years, Comrade Stalin's teachings and the model of the construction of socialism in the Soviet Union have facilitated a major step forward for the world. Now that the Soviet Union has become so powerful the Chinese people's revolution has achieved such great victories, construction in the various people's democracies has achieved such great success, the movement of the peoples of various countries throughout the world against oppression and aggression has risen to such heights, and our front of friendship and solidarity is so consolidated, we can say with complete certainty that we are not afraid of any imperialist aggression. Any imperialist aggression will be smashed by us, and all their despicable provocation will be to no avail.

The reason that the great friendship between the peoples of the two countries, China and the Soviet Union, is unbreakable is that our friendship has been built on the great principles of the internationalism of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. The friendship between the peoples of the two countries, China and the Soviet Union, and the peoples of the various people's democracies, as well as with all the people who love peace, democracy, and justice in all the countries of the world is also built upon these great principles of internationalism and consequently is also unbreakable.

Clearly, the strength created by this kind of friendship of ours is inexhaustible and truly invincible.

Let all imperialist aggressors and warmongers tremble before our great friendship!

Long live the teaching of Marx, Lenin and Stalin!

Immortal glory to the heroic name of the great Stalin!
 
The Noble House, Part I.
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20 Pedder Street in Central, circa 1930.

Note: The names, organizations, and sequence of events have been changed. This and the following should be taken as a work of fiction, not history.

Tai-fung winds battered Hong Kong, the worst in over a century. What would have been lively night markets throughout Hong Kong Island were all shuttered, Dirk Fleming noted as he sped in his Nash-Healey towards 20 Pedder Street in Central. His destination was the headquarters for nearly a century of Hong Kong's greatest mercantile firm, Gardener Connaught, Co. Ltd.; the "Noble House" of the Orient. The fortunes of the company had mirrored that of Hong Kong. In many respects the decision to even settle in Hong Kong was due to the machinations of the first Noble House Tai-pan, a Cantonese term denoting "Big Shot" that was adopted by the leaders of the major Western trading firms in China. This man, Ian Gardener, was born in Scotland and would make his fortune in East Asia by fighting the East India Company's monopoly on Asian trade. After dismantling the monopoly through his supporters in Parliament, Gardener would partner with an Anglo-Irish banker, Glenn Connaught, to form Gardener Connaught. This partnership would take full advantage of the new possibilities now available to him and other China traders.

The leadership of Gardener Connaught had been passed down through the generations to the descendants of both Gardener and Connaught. Dirk was a descendant of Ian Gardener through his only daughter, Winfred, who had married George Fleming; a member of the lowland Scots gentry and son of one of Gardener's supporters in the House of Commons. Dirk's father had been Tai-pan before and during the Pacific War and was a respected member of the Noble House's board of directors. His successor, Alistair Connaught, was much less liked. Typically, every Tai-pan would enjoy at least a decade at the helm but poor Alistair would have to be content with just five. Betting on the wrong side of the Chinese Civil War had cost the company dearly. He was not even permitted the saving grace of a free choice of successor; since Dirk had worked for the Foreign Office before coming to the company last year--in addition to his impeccable ancestry and connections--his young age was overlooked, he being only 31 year old, in favor of handing company leadership to someone better suited to reading the "Winds of Change."

The winds were certainly howling outside Gardener House: Dirk was happier to be inside the company headquarters atrium, though the wind and the rain continued to pound without mercy upon large windows comprising its skylight. Gardener House had been designed to be without parallel in the East by architectural firm Turner & Palmer. Indeed, for the 1910s the structure was quite adequate but now in 1953 there was a strong need to build a more modern headquarters. Dirk made a mental note to have one of the firm's subsidiaries look into buying enough cheap, reclaimed waterfront property to build a proper and tall highrise. And of course, with an easement to restrict the height of all surrounding buildings. The Noble House deserved nothing but the best, after all.

Riding the elevator to the top floor he was met at the executive's reception desk by "Aunt" Soong Mei-ling, Gardener Connaught's Executive Secretary to the office of the Tai-pan. She had served the past three leaders and was wealth of knowledge about history and inner-workings of the Noble House, "Oh, you look so thin, my boy. You need to start eating more! You shouldn't neglect your health, especially now that so many of us are now relying on you."

"I would Auntie," grumbled Dirk. "Tonight seems like a night to have a snack but alas everything is closed. Perhaps when the rain dies down, perhaps some stalls might open. Is Uncle Alistair and Grandpa Chun ready for me? Or am I early? I still don't understand stand why we have to do this at midnight, in the middle of a typhoon..."

"The 'Green-eyed Dragon' himself decreed the swearing in would happen at midnight, calm or storm. Nephew, traditions are traditions and the forms must be obeyed. If not obeyed, they lose meaning. If they lose meaning some of the magic is lost. We prosper by magic, you see. It encourages good joss," replied a dapper man with an Oxbridge accent striding out of a nearby oak door. "I thought I had heard you and now you are here and we are ready to begin," said the current Tai-pan, Alistair Connaught, who motioned Dirk to enter the Tai-pan's ceremonial office. The room resembled a ship captain's cabin--a nod to Ian Gardener's first career as a seaman--and was filled with various artifacts from company history. The only other person in the room was the Noble House's compradore or foreign agent, a local engaged maintaining business relations with non-European suppliers. Throughout Gardener Connaught's history every compradore had come from the "House of Chun," and Chun "William" Jin-Arn was the fourth to hold the position. Jin-Arn was busying himself reading the wall barometer as the current and future Tai-pans walked into the room, "Ah, Tai-pan and Dirk, welcome, welcome. We're in for truly a monster of a storm. But we can worry about the latter. Time to get started?"

"Yes," replied Alistair. "But first a drink, brandy or gin?"
"I'll take brandy. Is this also part of 'our' traditions?" asked Dirk.
"Yes it is; to your health." Alistair said with a knowing smile, Dirk never did enjoy brandy or gin. The trio toasted and chatted about nonsense for a few minutes. Alistair sensing the younger Dirk's anxiousness refilled his glass and moved to the main attraction, "First thing is first. Dirk Gardener Fleming, I ask you, do you wish to be Tai-pan of Gardener Connaught'"
"Yes, I do."
"You swear by the All Mighty God that you will keep these proceedings secret and not to be divulged to anyone but your successor?"
"I swear these proceedings shall be kept secret."
"Excellent. Now, take this and read it aloud." Several sheets of paper, yellowed with age, were handed to Dirk.
"June 1, 1845?... this was written by Ian Gardener, wasn't it!" The anticipation growing.
"Yes, most of it. Some was added by his son Stewart, some added in by your grandsire, some by Glenn Connaught's daughter, Emma. But don't just gawk at it, read it!"

Dirk began reading, " 'My legacy shall bind every Tai-pan after me and he shall read it aloud in a manner set forth by I, Ian Gardener, founder of Gardener and Company, in front of witnesses before taking shouldering the burdens of my position. I require this in light of the unique conditions that my company finds itself in and shall likely continue to find itself as given our attachment to the ways of the Chinese. What follows are my instructions:
" 'Firstly, only one person at a time shall enjoy the powers of Tai-pan of this company. He shall have total dominion over this company. Whatever he orders shall be obeyed. No one shall restrict his absolute will over this company by forming secret combinations or cliques.
" 'Secondly, only the Tai-pan may chose his successor. They must be kinsman by birth or by marriage to my family or that of my friend Glenn Connaught, as well as Christians in good standing.
" 'Thirdly, the Tai-pan is to gather from his kinsmen working in the company an 'Inner Court' of seven members who, if the Tai-pan wishes, shall be advisors to his person; the compradore is always to be a member. Should a Tai-pan disappear for more than half a year, be lost at sea, or slain in battle, the Inner Court will meet to elect a successor from their number; each member having one vote, save for the compradore who shall have six votes. Once duly selected the new Tai-pan will be sworn in the manner proscribed by my legacy. All those voting against the Tai-pan duly chosen shall be dismissed from the company, without compensation.
" 'Fifth, each Tai-pan shall select his compradore and may dismiss him without explanation.
" 'Lastly, the Tai-pan shall swear in his successor--of which only he may chose--in the presence of the compradore, using the words set down in this legacy.
" 'Signed, Ian Gardener, Walter Bright on behalf of Glenn Connaught, and... and... these seal characters I cannot read. They're not standardized!"

"Why would they be?" chuckled Alistar. "William, would you read the characters for him?"
"The first witness is my great-great grandfather, Chun Tse-chung, the first compradore of the Noble House. The second witness is Wu How-qua..."
"The pirate who preyed on European shipping from Manila Bay to Tianjin! But the stories say Ian killed him in single-combat two years before this was written!"
William continued, "Yes, that is what the stories say but sometimes they remain incomplete. You can ask my Aunt Susan about these stories. She still remembers Grandfather Chun and others who knew Ian and Glenn in the flesh. Now that you're Tai-pan she has much to tell you. Much you will need to know to survive."
While the Compradore and Dirk chatted about the past Alistair strode over to the Tai-pan's working desk to retreve a well-cared for Bible from one of the inner partitions.
"One more bit of ceremony then we can be done," began Alistair. "Dirk, please repeat after me; I, Dirk Gardener Fleming, a good Christian, collateral of the Gardeners, before the presence of the current Tai-pan and his compradore, shall obey the directives handed down to me by my predecessors, that I shall further bind this company to Hong Kong and the trade of China and the Orient, that I shall keep Hong Kong as my headquarters of business for the duration of my leadership, and that before the Almighty I shall honor promises of Ian Gardener to his old friend T'Chung Yin-kwa, and to his successors; furthermore, I..."
"What promises to this Yin-kwa?"
"You'll learn soon enough..."
"Seems a bit medieval to bind myself to the unknown, Uncle?"
"Every Tai-pan before you, even your father, swore without knowing. Soon you'll know what obligation our grandsire intended us to bear. Now, shall I continue? Good. Where was I?... Oh yes; furthermore, I swear before the Almighty that I shall use all means to keep this company the First House, the Noble House, in all of Asia and that I shall swear in my successor in accordance with this legacy."
"It is done. You are now Tai-pan of the Noble House. You must have questions but first open the Family Bible to Luke 15:11-32."

Dirk regarded the tome and opened the good news to the appointed page. There he found carved into the pages five round spaces, each large enough to contain a old bronze coin of the Qing-era; three spaces held two perfect halves of a single coin sealed in by wax, with the remaing two spaces only containing only one half of a coin.

"This is what you inherit. Five coins, five favors. Three favors have been redeemed, two favors are left outstanding. Before you ask, I, nor anyone else to my knowledge, knows of where the last two coin pieces are," explained Alistair. "Now that you are Tai-pan, if it is in your power to grant, you are to grant such a favor to whoever presents one of the outstanding coin pieces."
"Any favor?" asked Dirk.
"Any favor."
For a moment there was only the sound of the wind and rain striking against the walls.
"If it is any consolation there hasn't been a coin half redeemed since Sun Zhongshan requested money and protection for his Revive China Society. It is a burden to handle, knowing at any moment someone could come out of the woodwork to demand something that may collapse the Noble House, though you have the leeway to deliver upon the favor in any way you see fit; the first man to redeem his half undoubtedly regretted doing so, he had a bad end, but that is a story for another night. On to happier matters; how may we be of service to you, Tai-pan?"
"Uncle, I want to you stand for election in Aberdeen, the local Tories will be glad to have you. Defend the Noble House in the House of Commons. As for you Grandpa Chun, I want you to stay on as compradore and in the morning fetch me the accounting books. Oh, and what's our current stake in the Canton and Victoria Bank, both the Noble Houses' and the House of Chun?"

Confusion could be read on the faces of both men. How did Dirk know so much already?

"Why?" asked Alistair.
"Simple. We're taking Gardener's public and we need a massive line of credit. It is imperative to make it plain to our bank that answering 'no' will not be tolerated."
"Well, the Noble House has 25% but i'm not aware William has any shares..."
"He does but not in his name, obviously. I want it in writing that I have voting control over your shares and that the Noble House has first right of refusal should you decide sell, is that clear?"
"Yes... yes... Tai-pan, I shall have... have what you request in the morning. My family has 12%..."
"12%! You didn't inform me you had 12%! That clown Hammond at the bank was giving me hell and you could've put pressure on him yourself to extend us credit?" exclaimed Alistair.
"You never did ask... but why Tai-pan are we going public... we've always been a priva..."
Dirk cut William off mid-sentence, "Because we need capital and we can't survive as a private entity. All our rivals have gone public and have raised millions of sterling to expand. We haven't. Imagine how many more millions we, the Noble House, would raise in an initial offering compared to the rest? We could expand our operations across the Pacific, into Africa and the Middle East; our gross revenues could be in the billions of sterling!"
"Billions? Pah... that sounds like a work of fiction... Remember, nephew we remain a Hong Kong company and by God you swore it!" muttered an agitated Alistair.
"Of course, Uncle. Hong Kong can be our home, now and forever, but there is no reason we cannot expand the scope of our operations beyond these walls. The world is changing. The Yanks and the Soviets aren't playing by our rules. Churchill won't be Prime Minister indefinitely and after him, the deluge. Which reminds me, the meeting of the Hongs is to be brought forward to next week. I've already talked to Barton, Goddard, and Kippling; none of them object. This uncertainty in the Hormuz and Suez is making the City uneasy. I figure it's time to draw their attention towards lands farther east instead..."
 
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GREAT SOVIET ENCYCLOPEDIA

ENTRY: BERIA, LAVRENTY PAVLOVICH

[...]

Arrest, trial, and execution.

The "Beria conspiracy,” which was later talked about so much, did not actually exist. The comrades in the Politburo arrested him preemptively. They were very much afraid of his schemes. They were afraid that he would be able to make something happen. But the “conspiracy” was invented later to somehow explain to the masses why they arrested Stalin’s most faithful pupil.
- from the memoirs of Smirtyukov M.S., deputy director of the secretariat of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR.
Having secured the support of the majority of the Central Committee and high-ranking military officials, Khrushchov convened a meeting of the Council of Ministers of the USSR on June 26, 1953, raising the question of Beria's competence and proposing his removal from all posts, except for his membership in the Politburo. Among other concerns, Khrushchev voiced accusations of revisionism, an anti-socialist approach to the “German question,” and espionage in favor of Britain in the 1920s. Beria tried to argue that since he was appointed by the plenum of the Central Committee, only the plenum could remove him, but at Khrushchev’s signal a group of generals led by Marshal Zhukov entered the meeting and arrested Beria.

Beria was accused of espionage in favor of Great Britain and other countries, attempts to undermine the Soviet workers 'and peasants' system, restore capitalism and the rule of the bourgeoisie, as well as moral corruption, abuse of power, the falsification of thousands of criminal cases against his colleagues in Georgia and Transcaucasia, and in the organization of illegal repressions.

At the July plenum of the Central Committee, almost all members issued statements on Beria's harmful activities. On July 7, by a resolution of the plenum of the CC CPSU, Beria was removed from his duties as a member of the Politburo and expelled from the Central Committee. On July 27, 1953, a secret circular of the 2nd Main Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs was issued, requiring the universal confiscation of any artistic images of Beria.

The investigation was headed by Rudenko R.A., appointed on June 30, 1953 as the Prosecutor General of the USSR. The investigative group included investigators from the Prosecutor's Office and the Chief Military Prosecutor's Office, and included Tsaregradsky, Preobrazhensky, Kitaev and other lawyers.

Along with Beria, his closest associates from the security services were also accused of similar crimes, together nicknamed in the medias as “Beria’s gang.” On December 23, 1953, Beria’s case was reviewed by a special session of the Supreme Court of the USSR, chaired by Marshal I.S. Konev. Excerpt from Beria’s statement at the trial:

I already made it clear to the court that I consider myself guilty. For a long time I hid my service in Musavat counter-revolutionary intelligence. However, I declare that, even being in the service there, I did not do anything harmful. I fully admit my moral degradation. Numerous connections with women, which were mentioned earlier, dishonor me as a citizen and a former member of the Party. [...] Recognizing that I am responsible for the excesses and distortions of the socialist legal system in 1937-1938, I ask the court to take into account that I did not have selfish or nefarious motives. The reason for my crimes is the atmosphere of that time. [...] I do not consider myself guilty of trying to disorganize the defense of the Caucasus during the Great Patriotic War. I ask you to carefully analyze my actions when passing the verdict, not to consider me as a counter-revolutionary, and to apply to me only those articles of the Criminal Code that I deserve.

The verdict read:

The special session of the Supreme Court of the USSR resolves: sentence Beria L.P., Merkulov V.N., Dekanozova V.G., Kobulova B.Z., Goglidze S.A., Meshika P.Y., Wlodzimirsky L.E. to the highest measure of criminal punishment - execution, with the confiscation of all personal property, and with the removal of military ranks and awards.

All the defendants were executed by firing squad the same day, with Beria executed several hours before the others in the bunker of the headquarters of the Moscow Military District in the presence of Rudenko. On his own initiative, the first shot was fired by Colonel-General (later Marshal) P.F. Batitsky, using his personal sidearm. The body was burned in the oven of the 1st Moscow (Don) crematorium. The remains were buried at the New Don Cemetery (according to other reports, Beria's ashes were scattered over the Moscow River). A brief report of the trial was published in the Soviet press.

Some historians maintain that Beria’s arrest, trial, and execution were unlawful: unlike other defendants in the case, there was never a warrant for his arrest, transcripts of his interrogations and letters exist only in copies, the descriptions of the arrest by the participants differ radically from each other, and what happened to his body after the execution is not confirmed by any documents (no cremation certificate exists). These and other facts later gave food for all sorts of theories, in particular, the famous writer and journalist E.A. Prudnikova, argues, based on an analysis of written sources and memoirs of contemporaries, that Beria was killed at the time of his arrest, and the whole trial is a falsification designed to hide the true state of affairs.
 
SOLVE THE PROBLEM OF THE "FIVE EXCESSES"

March 19, 1953

DIRECTIVE FOR THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA;

1. In our work in the rural areas there are problems involving the serious alienation of our Party and government organizations from the peasant masses and violations of the interests of the peasants and peasant activists; these are known as the "five excesses". The "five excesses" consist of an excess of assignments, an excess of meetings and training courses, an excess of documents, written reports and statistical forms, an excess of organizations, and an excess of side jobs for activists. These problems have existed for a long time; with regard to some of them the Central Committee has issued directives to Party committees at various levels, urging them to give such problems proper attention and kind solutions. But far from being solved, the problems are becoming more and more serious. This is because the issue has never been systematically raised in its totality and, what is more important, no struggle has ever been waged against decentralism and bureaucracy on the part of the leading Party and government organs at the five levels -- central, greater administrative area, provincial (municipal), prefectural and county. For, generally speaking, the "five excesses" in the districts and townships are not a local product but stem from above and are the consequences of decentralism and bureaucracy existing to a serious degree in the leading Party and government organs at the county level and above. Some of the "five excesses" are a legacy of the periods of the revolutionary war and agrarian reform and have remained unchanged to this day. Therefore, in carrying out the Central Committee's directive to combat bureaucracy, commandism and violations of the law and of discipline, we must put stress on overcoming bureaucracy and decentralism in the leading organs during red, and alter those rules and practices which have outlived their usefulness. Only thus can the problems be solved. As for the authority of the leading organs at various levels to assign tasks, call meetings and organize training courses, send out documents and statistical forms or ask for reports from subordinate units, determine the organizational structure of districts and townships and use the activists in the villages, from now on it is up to the leading comrades in charge of the Party committee and government at the county level and above to define the proper limits in the light of what is feasible; in some cases it is up to the central authorities to define the limits for all concerned. In the past, many departments of the Party, government and people's organizations at all levels, each on its own, gave assignments to the subordinate units, casually summoned subordinates and village activists to meetings or training courses, issued floods of documents and statistical forms and thoughtlessly demanded reports from subordinates and villages. All these undesirable rules and practices must be resolutely abolished and replaced by ones that are standardized under the leadership and suited to the needs of the actual situation. As for the great variety of committees in every township and the excess of side jobs for activists, these too should be changed firmly but gradually since they hamper production and alienate the masses.

2. With regard to the departments of the Party, government and people's organizations at the national level, the Central Committee charges the responsible comrades of the Organization Department of the Central Committee, the Administration Council of the Central People's Government and its subsidiary financial and economic, cultural and educational, and political and judicial committees with the task of quickly clearing away all practices that have given rise to the "five excesses", working out appropriate rules and practices and reporting to the Central Committee.

3. In the greater administrative areas and the provinces and municipalities, the comrades in charge of Central Committee bureaus and sub-bureaus, provincial and municipal Party committees and the administrative apparatuses at the corresponding levels are held responsible for tackling the problem of the "five excesses", working out solutions and reporting to the Central Committee. To this end, the Central Committee bureaus and sub-bureaus and the provincial and municipal Party committees are each requested to send out an inspection team for the specific purpose of looking into this problem of the "five excesses" and to review the situation in one or two districts and townships (and in the city, one or two districts and neighbourhoods) under their administration, so as to gather reference material for solutions.

4. The provincial Party committees are held accountable for giving guidance to the prefectures and counties in solving their problem of the "five excesses".

5. Agricultural production is the overriding task in the countryside; to it all other tasks play a supporting role. Any assignment or method of work that hinders the production of the peasants must be avoided. Our present-day agricultural economy remains basically a scattered small peasant economy where old-fashioned implements are used, this is vastly different from the mechanized collective farming of the Soviet Union. Therefore, in the present transition period we cannot introduce unified and planned production in agriculture, except on the state farms, and interfere too much with the peasants. We can only guide agricultural production and co-ordinate it with industrial production by our pricing policy and necessary and practicable economic and political work so that it can be integrated into the national economic plan. Any "plan" for agriculture or any "assignment" for the rural areas which goes beyond this is bound to be unworkable and is certain to evoke peasant opposition and alienate our Party from the peasant masses who constitute over 80 per cent of our population. This can be very dangerous indeed. The problem of the "five excesses" in our work in the districts and townships is in a large measure a reflection of such excessive interference with the peasants (and in a smaller measure a survival of practices that arose out of the needs of the revolutionary war and the agrarian reform). It has aroused their dissatisfaction, so there must be a change.

SIGNED,
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Dominion of Pakistan

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Proposed Constitution of Pakistan (1953)

By the end of December the Constituent Assembly released a majority of the constitution of Pakistan for public consumption and opinion, forged by Prime Minister Bogra and his allies in relatively quick time. It was examined and adjusted between early November and into December, with a solid foundation being formed just 2 days before Christmas, which by then was mostly complete with only slight/minor corrections or additions being required heading into 1954 and expected to be fully completed by the Spring, meeting Bogra's promise of 6 months.

(Note: I only include elements that are important to the functions of the state and game, I will not be posting a literal 200 + article constitution, for my sanity)


  • The Official Title of the Pakistani State is Hereby The Islamic Republic of Pakistan
  • The National Languages are Urdu, Bengali and English Within The Islamic Republic of Pakistan
  • ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
  • The Preamble of the Constitution shall be the Objectives Resolution Which was Adopted on March 12, 1949
  • The Islamic Republic of Pakistan Shall Use the Parliamentary System of Government
  • The Parliament Will Contain a Upper House (Senate) Which Holds 50 Seats; 10 Reserved for East Pakistan and 40 Evenly Distributed to the Western Provinces (10 Each)
  • The Parliament Will Contain a Lower House (National Assembly) Which Holds 300 Seats; 165 Seats are Reserved for East Pakistan, 75 Seats for Punjab, 24 for the North-West Federated Provinces and Tribal Areas, 19 for Sindh and Khairpur, 17 for Baluchistan
  • Both the Upper and Lower Houses have Equal Power, if a Conflict is Made Between the Two, it will be Confronted in a Joint Session of Both Houses Under Supervision of the President
  • All Provinces Within The Islamic Republic of Pakistan Shall Retain their Provincial Autonomy, Except in the Cases of War or a State of Emergency is Declared
  • -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
  • The Position of Governor-General is Hereby Abolished, and the Position of President be Created in its Place
  • The President is Head of State of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan
  • To be Elected President, An Individual Must be of the Muslim Faith and at Least 40 Years of Age
  • The President is Authorized to Appoint the Governors of the Provinces, Judges of the Supreme Court, Auditor General and Advocate General
  • The 2 Houses of Parliament Form the Electoral College for the Presidential Elections, and the President is to be Elected to a Term of 5 Years and May Only Serve for 2 Terms in Office as President
  • Any Law Passed in Parliament Must be Approved by the President to Become Official, He/She may Veto any Bills at His/Her Discretion and These Bills will Return to Parliament, Parliament may Override the President with a 2/3rds Majority Approval of Bill After Veto
  • -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
  • The Position of Prime Minister Shall be Retained
  • The Prime Minister is the Head of Government of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan
  • The Prime Minister is Appointed by the President to a Term of 5 Years and May Only Serve for 2 Terms in Office as Prime Minister
  • The Prime Minister is Obligated to Form a Cabinet of Ministers to Administer the Functions of the State
  • The Prime Minister and His/Her Cabinet May be Removed From Office if the Majority of Parliament Holds a Vote (Loss of Confidence), Which the Process to Vote will be Determined by the President and Overseen by the Supreme Court
  • -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
  • In the Event the President Being Elected is From West Pakistan, then the Prime Minister Must be from East Pakistan, and Vice Versa
  • The President, with the Approval of the Prime Minister and the Supreme Court, may Formally Issue a State of Emergency or Martial Law
  • The President, with the Approval of the Prime Minister and 2/3rds Parliament, may Formally Declare a State of War Upon a Sovereign State or Declare Hostile Actions Upon a Non-Recognized State or Group
  • -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
  • The Fundamental Rights of all Citizens of The Islamic Republic of Pakistan are Guaranteed
  • The Freedom of Press
  • The Freedom to Practice Religion
  • The Freedom of Assembly
  • The Freedom of Expression
  • The Freedom of Movement
  • The Freedom to Choose Profession
  • The Right to Life, Liberty and Property
  • Board of Ulema is to be Replaced with the Supreme Court in Deciding Whether a Law is in Accordance with the Basic Teachings of Holy Quran and Sunnah or not
  • No Law Will Be Passed That Violates the Basic Teachings of the Holy Quran and Sunnah
  • Steps are to be Taken to Enable the Muslims of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan to Individually and Collectively Order Their Lives in Accordance with the Holy Quran and Sunnah
  • Teachings of the Holy Quran are Made Compulsory for all Muslims
  • Slavery and Forced Labour are Prohibited
  • Alcohol and Narcotics sale is Banned and are Prohibited
  • Prostitution is Prohibited
  • No Person Should be Compelled to Pay any Special Tax Whose Proceeds were to be Spent on the Propagation of any Religion Other than the Person's Own
  • The Desired Push to Have "Unity Among Muslim People and Nations of the World"
  • The President is Required to set up an Organization for Islamic Research and Instruction in Advanced Studies to Assist in the Reconstruction of Muslim Society on a True Islamic Basis

Prime Minister Bogra's proposed constitution was expected to be a massive shift in the way Pakistan functioned at it's core, with checks & balances upon the President (which in the current system the Governor-General has almost unlimited powers) and government in general. A proper and fair representation of both West and East Pakistan in the everyday functions of the state and it's policies. It's unique connection to Islam, becoming the first ever Islamic Republic in the world where democratic ideals can blossom while keeping religion at the forefront of everyday life.

While this was all unfolding, Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad was rumored to be outraged at the Prime Minister and the Constituent Assembly that they would be stripping him of most of his powers if he were to become the first President of Pakistan. Unknown to the Governor-General was the "coup" that was beginning to materialize against him, as Defense Minister Iskander Mirza had sided with the Prime Minister in private to use of cooperation to oust Ghulam for "medical reasons" and appoint Mirza as Governor-General in his place. The reason it was Mirza was his role as acting Governor-General during Ghulam's previous trip to the United Kingdom for treatment of paralysis, holding the power to dismiss Ghulam in the event he left again (with the agreement of the Constituent Assembly), which was expected to be right before New Year's Day.

With Bogra, Mirza and the Constituent Assembly allied together against Ghulam (and his absence coming within days of the public showing of the constitution) it seemed that Pakistan was making a turning point, whether or not it would be successful is something only time will tell...
 
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History of the State of Vietnam 1945-1953
Concerning World War Two and Nominal Independence
Ever since the last stages of (and during) the Second World War Vietnam has been a land plauged by a War for Independence, and then a civil war. After the Japanese had couped the French colonial administration in early 1945, fearing an uprising, they installed Bảo Đại, already the emperor of Annam, as Emperor of Vietnam. The Japanese puppet was however, short lived and the Japanese decided to give the Empire of Vietnam full independence. In the aftermatch of this decision, the Viet Minh took the advantages of the power vacuum caused by the Japanese loss in the Second World War, and during the short August "Revolution" the Viet Minh had control over Vietnam and Emperor Bảo Đại abdicated.

Independence would not however, last very long as the Allies had declared that the Japanese forces were to be in control of Vietnam until Allied troops could take control of the areas. And while Ho Chi Minh had control of the Northern Parts of the country, the South was harder to control, and it didn't help when British troops entered Saigon, and French troops overthrowing the local administration in Cochinchina and declared that the French authority was restored.

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Chief of State Bảo Đại

In 1949, the French recognized the nominal indpendence of the Vietnam with Bảo Đại as Chief of State. While a military with Vietnamese officers would be established in March the same year, the French still controlled all foreign affairs, and the State of Vietnam was little more than a client state. It didn't help that Bảo Đại cared little about the affairs of the country which he technically lead, and he was often in France and seen by the Vietnamese people as little more than a French national, ruling as a colonial govenor. There had been whispers about the need of appointing a more pro-independence prime minister who could achieve complete (non-communist) independence from France, but Bảo Đại had done little to easen the spirits of the nationalists in his own country, but many predicted that he soon would have to act upon the issue.

 
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The Indochina War (I): General Navarre


The position in Indochina was far worse and costly than the disturbances in North Africa. With deepening involvement by the United States on the French side, and growing aid to the Viet Minh from Communist China on the other, the conflict’s international character had steadily risen. France was on the frontline of the Cold War, and the defense of the free world, with her colonial possessions integrated into Washington's policy of containment in the Far East. Indeed, the United States covered nearly 80% of war costs with a quantity that had just surpassed 3.0 billion USD. These figures were often disputed by the French government, keen to receive more help but anxious to avoid direct intervention by the American advisers in its distribution or the conduct of the war. Repeatedly, the French government argued for more unconditional aid, adopting a strict bargaining tine which conflicted somewhat with the stress placed on the heavy national sacrifices by France. However, French military expenditure accounted for nearly a third of the entire budget, but the argument for greater assistance was often twisted as “American dollars for French and native lives.” There was also risk of reception; Eisenhower, Dulles and Pentagon express anticipated a conclusion to the Korean War, and some in the British cabinet held for profitability through an Indochinese Associated States without the need to maintain the French Union framework; all that inhibited this effort was the quite real possibility of Chinese intervention and aid. Furthermore, the assemblage states, including Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia had all been told that the defeat of the Vietminh would prelude the end of French domination, and hence an end to the ambitions of the French Union. Thus France was fighting a war in which she had little to gain and in which success meant an end to the French active presence, the very cause that was her casus belli.

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The inconsistency of objectives was manifested when Pierre France posed the choice; France could pursue all-out victory, embrace tripling of troops and funds, or negotiate with the Vietminh. Neither outcome was acceptable to the Right, which maintained budgetary discipline and anti-communism as main pillars to their political platform. Furthermore, the French government repeatedly ignored the views of experts like General Lecheres and Blanc, and refused to make available the resources necessary to achieve victory. The soldiers, who were deprived of the status of “war veteran” until 1952, grew contemptuous of Paris’ lack of long term policy and became disillusioned with the war. An implacable hatred for Ho Chi Minh was among the only bulwarks for morale among the French soldiers. General de Lattre had correctly realized that until greater political and military aid arrived it was essential to hold the positions and block the Tonkin Delta. After his death on 11 January 1952, however, his successors, Salan and then Navarre in May 1953 had come to believe that even that was insufficient, and that their forces were becoming bogged down and an extension of the conflict was imminent.

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On May 8, 1953, General Henri Navarre was appointed Commander-in-Chief of French Indo-China, and by the end of the month he had arrived and assumed command. He was instructed to make a plan to defeat the Viet Minh in the field and present it to the National Military Committee in Paris with his recommendations. Navarre undertook an immediate strategic assessment, and made certain assertions. The Viet Minh were in almost undisputed control of the Tongking outside the De Lattre Line, and that the Viet Minh controlled between 5,000 to 7,000 villages within the De Lattre Line perimeter, particularly in the Red River Delta. He also resolved that the De Lattre Line was little more than a sieve; further south in the center of the Annam, the Viet Minh also had effective control over the mountainous backbone, and the French position was only maintained by enclaves in the coast around Hué, Tourane, and Nha Tran. The highly vulnerable main north-south road (Route Coloniale No.1) was contested, and the center section of the road, Viet Minh Inter-zone 5, was controlled by Ho Chi Minh’s guerrillas; the contested central area therefore meant that the French depended on coastal shipping. Pessimism was not, however, abound universally — Cochinchina was much better operationally from the French position. The French were in control of Saigon, and they had effective freedom of movement in most areas, but the Viet Minh were in strength in certain parts, especially in the Trans-Bassac, the hills of Thu Dau Mot province bordering Cambodia, and on the coast at Baria. The other areas of Cochinchina were held more or less on behalf of the French, with certain caveats and variations, by the Cao Dai, the Binh Xuyen, and the Hoa Hoa. In February 1953, General Le Van Vien, controlling the Binh Xuyen, was authorized to form additional units and was tasked with keeping the road from Saigon to Cape St. Jacques open. He was also expected to contain the Viet Minh in Baria province; the former successful bandit was a friend of Bao Dai, and his private army rose to over 8,000 armed men, the arms, ammunition, and funds were provided by the French.

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General Henri Navarre - Commander-in-Chief of French Expeditionary Force

Navarre estimated that the Viet Minh had 125,000 full-time, well-trained regular soldiers of the main force, which had been organized into six divisions, six independent regiments, and a few independent battalions. There were three independent regiments established in the Delta inside the De Lattre Line, and two independent battalions actually operating within the limits of Hanoi. In addition, the Viet Minh was actively supported by 75,000 regional troops, which although had less mobility, were nonetheless integral to the effort. In the background were somewhere between 200,000 and 350,000 village militia. On the other hand, the French Expeditionary Force was comprised of approximately 190,000 troops; half of those troops were tied down in static defenses, mainly in the De Lattre Line. Therefore Navarre only had seven mobile groups and eight paratroop battalions for offensive operations anywhere in the country. Equipment was becoming worn down, and French units were often inferior in armaments to those of the Viet Minh main force. The Vietnamese National Army was still in the process of formation, and although its nominal strength was 150,000 it could field less than 100,000 thousand. The standard of training for this force was poor and the morale of these units were low. Little progress had been made with the projected light battalion, and this was not buttressed by the armed forces of the Associated State of Laos and the Associated State Cambodia, which did not exceed 30,000 troops.

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The Viet Minh regulars.

General Navarre saw that the French Army was overextended and hopelessly tied in defensive positions. The army required more modern arms to meet the Viet Minh main force on equal terms in battle. He saw that the numbers of Vietnamese National Army troops could be made available in time, but as yet there by no means ready for action. His plan, which was never officially made public, was to REDACTED [1]. In order to perform this task he required a new mobile operational force at least as large as that of the Viet Minh main force, consisting of six to seven divisions, and complete with large quantities of US modern military material to make the plan efficient. The Vietnamese National Army was to be increased and invigorated so that it could REDACTED and thus release French units for the mobile reserve. The formation of the light battalions, which had been lagging badly, was to be accelerated, and another twenty were to be made in the field by the enemy of 1953. Another 35 were anticipated by the end of the following year. General Navarre was of the opinion that some temporary French reinforcement from home would be absolutely necessary to meet the anticipated Viet Minh offensive. If these reinforcements were received, together with modern American arms and equipment, on which his whole plan was really based, he reckoned he could hold the Delta and area and Cochin China. However, he was more doubtful about being able to retain the ‘waist’ of Annam, and about protecting Laos. If his recommendations were agreed to, Navarre anticipated that he could REDACTED. General Navarre returned to France and presented his plan to the National Defense Committee. At once there were objections, from the French Government, which was anxious about providing more reinforcements from France, especially with regard to the situation in Algeria. But nonetheless, his plan depended on the support of the United States, and their willingness to provide material and armaments to the Indochina War…

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Several adverse factors, meanwhile, were affecting the morale of the French Expeditionary Force, not least the haphazard governmental and public support for the war. The war in Indochina was unpopular with sections of public, especially those who supported the French Communist Party, which retained links to the Viet Minh. The PCF and other left-wing groups and sympathizers did all they could to hinder. It was estimated that up to 40% of some of the consignments of military equipment were sabotaged before they reached Indochina. The war was still fought by regular soldiers and volunteers, and thus the left-wing press attempted to give it an imperialistic character. The Press was free to print almost anything it like about the fighting including facts and figures that provided the Viet Minh with ready-made sources of intelligence. Many articles were published to deliberately hit at morales. As if this were not blad enough, there was a consistent leakage of French operational plans and other measures, which could not be plugged. The Viet Minh intelligence service had penetrated into the headquarters, and this contributed to a deprivation of the element of surprise; the Viet Minh were almost always ahead. Also, a large proportion of officers in key positions were reaching the end of their tours in Indochina, which led to an “end of term” atmosphere that was conducive to low-interest fighting. General Navarre had to build himself a new team, and this was an irritating necessity, although it did dispel of the lag and gave him the opportunity to get fresh faces into strategy. Other ranks also felt far away and neglected, and this was not helped when the Indochinese piastre was devalued, thus reducing their pay. The political field was not much smoother; Bao Dai had difficulty forming a government, composed largely of scheming party sharks, whose support wavered in any wind. The widespread belief abroad that France would negotiate with the Viet Minh, especially as it seemed the Korean War was winding down to a close. It was strongly rumoured that there were secret negotiations and that the Ho Chi Minh had turned down a French offer; this show of confidence was a blow to the Vietnamese leaders. In Cambodia, there was further cause for anxiet, when King Norodom Sihanouk, dissatisfied with the French, began to work for independence, and some Cambodians even began advocating joining forces with the Viet Minh. The situation was nigh identical in laos, where the Viet Minh had two regiments stationed and were making guerilla bases in the northern region. Everywhere, General Navarre confronted difficulties, and the United States seemed his only recourse...

[1] For orders and allies
[2] Numbers and excerpts from O'Ballance's Indo-China War 1945-1954
 
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Joint Communique on Anglo-Iranian Relations

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I. Normal relations are to resume between both contracting parties. Britain lifts its embargo on Iranian oil exports. Iran agrees to grant British armaments firms preference in military bidding.
II. Iran agrees to compensate British interests for the preceding two years for dividends lost due to Iran's decision to nationalize British petroleum interests.
III. Both contracting parties agree to the following formula to divide the assets of the Anglo-Persian Oil Company in Iran, all assets of the APOC outside of sovereign Iranian territory are to be immediately vested its successor organization, the British Petroleum Company;

Firstly, 50% of AIOC profits and assets in Iran will form the “National Iranian Oil Company” (NIOC). The remaining 50% of AIOC profits and assets will form the “British Petroleum Company of Iran” (BPCI), a subsidiary of BP.

Secondly, starting in 1954, 1% of BPCI assets and profits will be transferred to NIOC over a period of 50 years, until 2004 when NIOC owns 100% of former AIOC assets and profits.

Note: a minimum profit floor of 25% shall be placed on the transfer of BPCI profits (not assets) to NIOC. The floor shall only be removed in 2004, after which the remaining 25% of former AIOC profits shall be transferred NIOC.

Signed,
[X], the British Representative
[X], the Iranian Representative
 
Joint Communique on Anglo-Iranian Relations

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225px-Imperial_Coat_of_Arms_of_Iran.svg.png

I. Normal relations are to resume between both contracting parties. Britain lifts its embargo on Iranian oil exports. Iran agrees to grant British armaments firms preference in military bidding.
II. Iran agrees to compensate British interests for the preceding two years for dividends lost due to Iran's decision to nationalize British petroleum interests.
III. Both contracting parties agree to the following formula to divide the assets of the Anglo-Persian Oil Company in Iran, all assets of the APOC outside of sovereign Iranian territory are to be immediately vested its successor organization, the British Petroleum Company;

Firstly, 50% of AIOC profits and assets in Iran will form the “National Iranian Oil Company” (NIOC). The remaining 50% of AIOC profits and assets will form the “British Petroleum Company of Iran” (BPCI), a subsidiary of BP.

Secondly, starting in 1954, 1% of BPCI assets and profits will be transferred to NIOC over a period of 50 years, until 2004 when NIOC owns 100% of former AIOC assets and profits.

Note: a minimum profit floor of 25% shall be placed on the transfer of BPCI profits (not assets) to NIOC. The floor shall only be removed in 2004, after which the remaining 25% of former AIOC profits shall be transferred NIOC.

Signed,
[X], the British Representative
[], the Iranian Representative
[X] Hossein Fatemi, Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Imperial State of Iran
 
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1953 Italian General Election

As the Death of Stalin dominated the spring, international attention soon began to shift to Italy, where the upcoming general election was going to be a referendum on the government of Alcide De Gasperi and his Christian Democracy party. There was a massive outpouring of anger at the government's recently passed "Scam Law", which would award two-thirds of all the seats Chamber of Deputies to the governing coalition which reached fifty per-cent of the votes. Ostensibly it was a way to ensure that whichever coalition won had a governing majority, but it was clear that it was designed to lock out smaller parties, who had no chance of ever achieving this majority, as well as to make sure the left-wing communists and socialists were not able to hold a large amount of power in the Chamber.

Communist leader Palmiro Togliatti rallied against the law, while Socialist leader Pietro Nenni decided to not say much about it, instead focusing on issues at hand in Italy and pledging to ensure equality for all Italians. Prime Minister De Gasperi defended the law, it was essential for the function of the parliament that should a coalition obtain fifty percent of the vote they were entitled to run the country in its entirety. If no coalition obtained the fifty percent plus one majority, then they simply would portion out seats as Italy had done in the past.

The Pope himself weighed in on the election, championing the Christian Democracy party, going so far as to excommunicate those members who voted for and supported the Communist Party. Minor parties began to appear as well, all designed to try and take votes away from the Christian Democracy coalition to ensure they did not achieve fifty percent of the vote. Togliatti continued to move across Italy, traveling both in his base in the north and throughout the Christian Democracy south seeking votes and making fiery speeches in defense of Communism and how it would best help Italy moving forward.

Despite the legacy that Benito Mussolini left with Italy, moderate Fascist Augusto De Marsanich had spent much of his time attempting to moderate the party, making it much more palatable for the Italian electorate. He ran into tensions with the hard-line fascist Giorgio Almirante, although his moderate, more conservative, methods had won out during this electoral cycle. He promised a strict adherence to the parliamentary system and positioned himself a champion of the formation of an anti-Communist front. With few believing that the Communists would be able to exact a victory, and the real question was if Christian Democracy would obtain fifty per cent or not, his pleas were largely ignored.

In the end, the results saw no one coalition achieve fifty per cent of the vote. Christian Democracy had been devastated across the country, losing a third of their seats. In terms of sheer numbers, most went to the Communists, which became the largest party in the Chamber of Deputies with 244 members. They lost many seats across their rural powerbase in the south to the Italian Social Movement, which became the third largest party in the Chamber with 57 seats. The Italian Socialist Party only saw moderate gains from their previous election victory.

Italy's political system was thus thrust into chaos, Togliatti and Nenni pledged to work together to form a government, but their numbers combined only reached 286, ten seats short of a governing majority. No other party dared to work with them, as the Italian Democratic Socialist Party disagreed with the Communists fundamentally, and would not enter into a government with them.

In an extraordinary series of meetings between De Gasperi and De Marsanich, along with Monarchists, the Democratic Socialists and the Liberals, a new coalition government was forged, aimed directly at ensuring that Communists did not achieve power. De Gasperi would remain as Prime Minister, but De Marsanich would become Deputy Prime Minister, a return of the fascists to the halls of government not even a decade after Mussolini's control had crumbled. The Communists and the Socialists decried this measure, and riots broke out in several cities. The Italian Social Movement would also be awarded with several ministerial posts, forming a divided coalition that few knew if it would even be able to remain together until the 1958 election.

Italian Communist Party: 244 Seats
Christian Democracy: 201 Seats
Italian Social Movement: 57 Seats
Italian Socialist Party: 42 Seats
Monarchist National Party: 22 Seats
Italian Democratic Socialist Party: 10 Seats
Italian Liberal Party: 8 Seats
Italian Republican Party: 3 Seats
South Tyrolean People's Party: 3

 
The Vietnamese Zhukov

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Võ Nguyên Giáp was born in 1911 to a family of successful peasants in central Vietnam (then French Indochina). His father, Võ Quang Nghiêm, was a minor official and known Vietnamese nationalist, having fought in an 1885 insurgency to expel the French and re-establish the Vietnamese Empire. This insurgency failed, but Nghiêm would continue to promote his nationalist ideals. In 1919, Nghiêm would be arrested for subversive activities, and would die in prison a few weeks later. Giáp was only eight years old. Just a short-time later, Giáp's sister would also be imprisoned by the French. She would be released, but the effects of prison-life took their toil, and she would die a few weeks afterwords. Giáp would be sent to school as a boy, but his precocious intelligence allowed him to quickly graduate to district school in 1924. He would be sent to Quốc Học, a Catholic school in Vietnam that educated many members of the State of Vietnam's government as well as Ho Chi Minh. At the age of 14, Giáp would be expelled from school for taking part in protests. It was after this time that Giáp joined the Tân Việt Revolutionary Party (one of the major communist parties that would make up the Vietnamese Communist Party), and was introduced to communism, which he fully adopted. In 1933, Giáp would attend university, and would go on to major in political economy and obtain a degree in law. It was here that he met his wife, whom he married in 1939. During this time period, Giáp would read on historical military strategies and tactics, and would come to idolize Sun Tzu.

In 1940, the French began cracking down on colonial communist parties. Giáp would leave his home and go into exile at the behest of his fellow party members, and move into China. It was there that he came into contact with Ho Chi Minh, and soon, Giáp became responsible for propaganda and establishing political bases in Northern Vietnam. In 1942, at the height of the Japanese occupation, Giáp would move back to Vietnam and begin to organize one of the many major cells that would one day make up the backbone of the Viet Minh. In 1944, Ho Chi Minh established the Viet Minh officially, and put Giáp in as its commander.

When the Japanese left Vietnam, and the French came back, Giáp was once again put in charge to lead the Viet Minh in the fight against French colonial rule. Giáp's Viet Minh fought back against the French army for almost 7 years. As the war begins to deteriorate in French popular opinion, Giáp knew that the sure way to break French morale in the conflict was to achieve one decisive blow to the French army, a blow that would shatter the post-war France's will to fight...
 
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TITO SENDS MESSAGE TO ITALIAN PEOPLE
At speech in Split, Comrade Pres. Tito appeals to Italian People and Prime Minister to air on the side of cooperation & harmony
14. Juna. 1953
Today; in the city of Split, our great Marshall-President made a noble and heartfelt appeal to the People of Italy and her government to "cast aside the tyrannical relic of the past in the form of the Italian Social Movement". The present government of Christian Democrat Alcide De Gasperi is a broad coalition of parties, however one of the larger members and one that is currently running Italian ministries is that of the ISM: a neo-fascist movement praising the rule of brutal tyrant and genocidal conqueror Benito Mussolini. The perfectly natural disgust for these developments has been felt throughout the world, with several condemnations of the pact being espoused on the international stage and domestically. The leader of the Italian Communist Party; Palmiro Togliatti, has said himself that "a government comprised of those who less than a decade ago lorded over our nation as brutal dictators being acceptable to the ruling classes is perhaps the greatest insult the Italian people have ever had to endure." His sentiment was echoed by Marshall-President Tito; who spoke of how true peace in Europe could not come until the vestiges of the fascist regimes that had brought to the brink of armageddon had been thrown asunder. In this rather solemn and deliberate speech to the Yugoslav people, he appealed to Prime Minister De Gasperi to "reconsider this pact, reflect on its impact upon not just your nation & her people but those of the countries trying to build new bridges over the dark valleys of the past". The Marshall-President also praised the governments of France, The UK, Romania, Germany and others for doing away with the fascist sentiments that once existed in them and for attempting to build a new future after the tragic decade prior. The Marshall-President did make it clear however that any negotiations involving the Italy over the future of the Trieste Free Territory could not occur while fascists resided in the Italian government.
Party member Dijas underlined how the election of a government supported by fascists in Italy would lead to the destabilisation of post-war Europ... cont. page 4.
 
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Turmoil and Chaos: Iran in 1953

The Abadan Crisis had been raging since the nationalisation of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951 by the Iranian parliament. Shortly after doing so, Mohammad Mosaddegh had been appointed the Prime Minister of Iran. The refusal of any nation to purchase Iranian oil had caused the Abadan refinery to shut its doors, and the economy was rapidly crumbling beneath the Prime Minister. He had enjoyed a massive burst of popularity when the nationalisation programme had been announced, but he quickly bled support as he tried to ensure Iran's economy continued to grow.

One of the measures he took was to curtail the Shah's power and pressuring Parliament to extend extraordinary powers to him for a period of six months. In January of 1953, these powers were once again extended, this time for twelve months. The British boycott was having such a harmful effect that Mosaddegh sent yet another offer to negotiate to the British, this time they agreed. The Iranians and the British met in Saudi Arabia, mediated by the Americans.

With ample amounts of American pressure, the British agreed to lift their boycott of Iran in exchange for an agreement in which 50% of the profits and assets of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company would be transferred to the National Iranian Oil Company. The other 50% would be delegated to British Petroleum Company of Iran, which would transfer a percentage of its profits and assets each year to the NIOC until the NIOC controlled all of the profits and assets of the former AIOC. The move was met with a mixed reaction at home. The Tudeh Party, which had supported Mosaddegh in Parliament, denounced the new agreement almost instantly. Ayatollah Abol-Ghasem Kashani told the Prime Minister he was making a grave mistake, and openly broke with him over this policy.

As the political establishment abandoned the Prime Minister, there was a public outpouring of support from the people, they knew that this meant the economy would once again start to grow and that the Abadan refinery would be put to work again. Approval of the agreement did manage to pass the Iranian Parliament, and just a week later, the first British tanker appeared on Iran's shores to take on a load of refined oil, bound for New Zealand.

With the help of the Americans, it was astonishing that Mossedegh had denounced the British as enemies in October of 1952 to reaching an agreement with them to resume oil contracts in June of 1953. Anti-British protests were common in the streets, and there were several murders of British Petroleum workers. Mobs formed that demanded they go home, and to never return to Iran.

The Prime Minister than made what many considered to be the largest political miscalculation in Iranian history. After reports of the riots spiraling out of control in several areas, the Mossedegh announced he would address Parliament in a speech about the "ongoing situation in Iran." Widely believed to be a resignation speech or something on the issue of violence against British Petroleum agents, it was instead a formal announcement of a September referendum on the continuation of the Persian monarchy.

The country, and indeed the world was stunned when Mossedegh made his bold proclamation. He contested that the Shah's powers had grown beyond the ability to curtail them, and that the powers vested in him through the emergency measures passed in January, could authorise a change in government. His vision was so radical that even members of Tudeh balked at the prospect of outright abolishing the monarchy.

The Shah denounced the action, and announced the removal of Mossedegh as Prime Minister the next day. Nematollah Nassiri ordered the arrest of all pro-Mossedegh members of Parliament and those that supported him, causing mass arrests (and massive protests) to occur after the announcement. Fazlollah Zahedi declared that Mossedegh's move constituted a coup d'état against the Shah, and mobilised the army to Tehran, announcing it a city under occupation. The Shah declared Zahedi Iran's next Prime Minister, while Mossedegh and the ministers that remained loyal to him moved south to Isfahan. Chief of Staff of the Army Taghi Riahi declared a mobilisation of all armed forces to support the Prime Minister.

With violence now pouring out into the streets even beyond the conflict with British Petroleum workers, this time between supporters of the Shah and supporters of the Prime Minister, they became near bloodbaths as the military itself splintered and all but disintegrated. The Shah ordered the parliament dissolved to deal with the crisis, and imposed direct rule over the country. In Isfahan, Mossedegh declared the Imperial State of Iran ended, and that he was now leading the interim Republic of Iran. Few could predict the next moves of either side, but it was clear the situation had spiraled out of control of either side in the standoff.
 
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A Proclamation to All Iranians

Patriots! Rise up against the corrupt and decadent Shah whose family has plagued Iran for far too long! It is time that the shackles of monarchism be thrown off from Iran! Do not let your children be raised in a fascist police state! Do not let them be enslaved to a foreign power! Let them be free! Let all their brothers and sisters be free! The destiny of our homeland and our great people is at stake!