[Forum Game] - World in Revolution: 1861 Mk. IV

[Frymonmon]

NEW FOR 1863

We are reducing the number of minis for the American Civil War. There will now be two a turn, with the main update being considered the third installment. This means the first one will be January to April. The second will be May to August, and the main update will encompass September to November. This actually makes a lot more sense from an operation standpoint, and ensures there are less updates with little action included in them due to the winter months.

Deadline for the Jan-Apr 1863 American Civil War is 1200 6 JUNE 2017 Eastern US Time.

 

[etranger01]

​

As EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH, by the GRACE OF GOD and the WILL OF THE NATION, I do hereby extend full and unconditional recognition of independence and sovereignty to the CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA. Henceforth, the FRENCH EMPIRE shall treat with the CONFEDERATE STATES as an independent state; shall acknowledge its treaties, credits, and debts as binding; and shall hold its declared borders inviolable in accordance with the proper conduct of nations.​

NAPOLÉON III​

 

[Ab Ovo]

Statement from the desk of
His Excellency, the Marquis of Olinda
President of the Council of Ministers of the Empire of Brazil
​

I am most honoured to accept once again the presidency of the Council of Ministers; as most graciously extended to me by the will of His Imperial Majesty. I wish to assure those unsettled by the new government that it is my intention -- and that of my compatriots in the ministry -- that the Empire will continue to enjoy the peace and prosperity innate to her nature. However, the urgent need for reforms within our nation still remains, and it is the equal intention of my ministry that that need be advanced; both for the sake of our children and that of our own posterity.

Lastly His Imperial Majesty has deliberated most intensely on the matter of North American conflict, and has sought in turn the advice of His Majesty's ministers. It is therefore the resolved intention of His Imperial Majesty's Government to extend full and unconditional recognition to the Confederate States of America as a sovereign and independent nation-state with all rights and responsibilities thereby appertaining. Although His Majesty's Government recognises this is a reversal of her earlier recognition of the United States' full administration, it has been amply demonstrated that the Confederate States possess in every particular the characteristics of sovereignty expected of every nation-state. Likewise although His Majesty's Government asserts no formal position vis a vis the Mexican conflict she duly recognises both the United Mexican States and the Empire of Mexico as possessing belligerent status.

With respect,

Pedro de Araújo Lima
Marquês de Olinda e Presidente do Conselho de Ministros

 

[Noco19]

John Slidell, Ambassador to France
On Confederate-French Brotherhood​

"Since the days of our blessed, early Founders - Washington, Jefferson, Franklin, and so on - our struggle forward towards the pursuit of liberties and freedoms has been spurred by the moral teachings from our European forebears. And among those wellsprings of guidance, it is most certainly the French Nation that stands as one of the most deeply enriching, its production being that of great thinkers and high culture which must leave its touch on the hearts of any man of sound mind.

And so it is that now in this contemporary age, the French Empire has seen fit to stand alongside this new generation of Founders, the second great revitalization of American freedom. For this, we cannot express the joy we feel, the satisfaction in standing alongside the likes of the honorable Napoleon III as we enter the international community. Our thanks can never adequately match the great gift afforded to our government and our people, but we shall endeavor to keep this moment in our hearts, so that our children and our children's children will walk the Earth as brothers forevermore."

 

[99KingHigh]

Notes from the British Parliament
debates on American matters (IV)

____________________________________________

The House convened, unaware of the situation, at nine o'clock, although there was much speculation that some matter of great import had required the convention of the House of Commons, and the emergency meeting of the Cabinet.

STATEMENT FROM THE PRIME MINISTER

MR. SPEAKER: ORDER! ORDER! STATEMENT FROM THE PRIME MINISTER!

VISCOUNT PALMERSTON, THE PRIME MINISTER

​

Thank You, Mr. Speaker.

My Honourable and Rt. Honourable Colleagues, I was informed this evening, at seven o'clock, of the news that I hereafter will convey to the House.

Gentlemen, at 12 PM, His Imperial Majesty, Emperor Napoleon III of France, in conjunction and with the support of his government, extended official recognition to the rebels of the United States, defined by that aforementioned country as the Confederate States of America.

The Tories react to the apparent lethargy of the Palmerston Government in the recognition of the CSA.

MR. SPEAKER: ORDER! ORDER! THE PRIME MINISTER!
​

Mr. Speaker, the British Government was not informed of this decision by the French Government, nor were we privy to their operations, but I concluded this evening, with the consent of cabinet, to present the question to the House. His Majesty's Government has concluded no resolution on the matter of recognition, but we anticipate, given the extension of recognition by the Empire of Brazil, and the anticipation of further recognitions hereafter, that it will be in the interests of peace to extend recognition, or at least permit deliberation in the House and in the Other place.

Gentlemen, I will now proceed to explain the complete circumstances of the French recognition and the reception of the news at 10 Downing Street...

One-Hour Later, after an informal meeting between Lord Derby, Disraeli, and Lord Salisbury.
​

MR. SPEAKER: THE RT HON. MEMBER FOR BUCKINGHAMSHIRE!​

BENJAMIN DISRAELI, de facto Leader of the Opposition in the Commons

​

Thank you, Mr. Speaker.

Mr. Speaker, I must ask the Prime Minister if it is the conviction of this government to lead from behind, to concede the deliberations of state to the Emperor of France, to perpetuate the caricatures that as of present already depict the Government as a force for lethargy? It is no surprise to the Honourable Members of this side of the House that the Prime Minister has once again allowed affairs to proceed beyond his person; what consultations could permit the events to which you have just described to slip beyond the intelligence of our nation?

Mr. Speaker, the Government has elected, in its private deliberations, to punt the matter away from the immediacy which the current situation requires. There can no longer be any doubt, given the recognition by the Empire of France, that Her Majesty's Government, must present to Confederate representatives post haste, the acknowledgment of their existence, and the maintenance of the power of this country to that country, the links and ties that oblige our ancient relations. The matter, to the great shame of the Liberal faction, is no longer in the possession of the Liberal party; they have made themselves, softly, beholden to Paris. But to delay in such a recognition would not only compound our difficulties, but allow the Emperor in Paris the full powers to act with inadmissible unilateral maneuvers towards the Southern states. The course of action is clear, Mr Speaker; the states must be admitted to the international congress of countries!

 

[Arrowfiend]

United Principalities of Romania
Principatele Unite României​

The United Principalities of Romania hereby extends full recognition to Confederate States of America as a sovereign state among the many nations of the world, recognizing all the powers and privileges that being a sovereign state provides.

Apostol Arsache, Minister of Foreign Affairs for the United Principalities of Romania
​

Spoiler: Private Communique to President Jefferson Davis

Honorable President Davis,

The Romanian people wish you and your compatriots the best in the struggle for freedom. Your struggle is not unlike the struggle that Romanians have faced for many years, and we hope that peace may soon come to your people. Indeed, we wish for the Confederate States and the United Principalities to pursue amicable relations in the coming years and hope that, once the powers of Europe have rightfully recognized your country and peace has come to your continent, the Confederate States might be interested in establishing a consulate in Bucharest.

Your humble servant,
Alexandru Ioan Cuza, Prince of the United Principalities of Romania

​

 

[Noco19]

Camille Armand Jules Marie, Prince de Polignac
A Frenchman in Savannah
​

Since the disgrace of Beauregard in Kentucky, the self-aspired Little Napoleon had found himself adrift in the military bureaucracy, made a non-entity resigned to oversee the "immensely important" task of coastal defenses in Georgia. Frequently and without permission, Beauregard embarked on medical leave. And to the chagrin of President Jefferson Davis, Beauregard's allies in Richmond relayed the general's incessant demand to be reinstated into an area of importance once more.

And so it was that Camille Armand Jules Marie, Prince de Polignac, likewise found himself languishing in Savannah. A Frenchman of aristocratic birth, though tainted by his lineage's support behind Charles X, Polignac had been travelling the United States at the spark of the American Civil War, whereafter he decided he would stand on the side of the Confederacy. Finding himself a position of the staff of Braxton Bragg before being transferred to Beauregard shortly after, Polignac became a lieutenant colonel.

Of course, the failures of both Bragg and Beauregard had negative consequences for Polignac, as he fell down with the ship, an adviser to a disgraced general with little other connections. Still, he had the admiration of the common soldiers, who affectionately named him 'Prince Polecat' as they couldn't pronounce his actual title. Taking the name in good humor, he was beloved, even well-regarded by his peers.

But his fortunes would change soon after the French recognition of the Confederacy. Regarded as a possible candidate to send to France to plead the Southern case, Richmond had already had their eyes on the man, and now that they sought to quickly shore up their relationship with France, he was the perfect face for such an endeavor.

In early January, a messenger came to his offices, calling out "Prince Polecat, your Emperor sends word!" as Polignac was given the news of French recognition. Said to have laughed heartily and entreated his fellows with wine, Polignac was in good spirits, but even moreso when yet another dispatch arrived days later. Supposedly in recognition of his qualities as a leader, Polignac received a promotion to the position of brigadier general, to receive orders soon. Beauregard was reputed to have been in a most sour mood until he likewise received word from Richmond - his 'request' for command was processed and confirmed, he would have a force of his own.

 

[MastahCheef117]

A letter from President Abraham Lincoln to Emperor Napoleon III of France.
regarding His Imperial Majesty's recent declaration.​

Your Imperial Majesty,

I have perused, as any good patriot must, the histories of my nation, from a very early age; and I have found in the earliest pages a tale of great trial and tribulation with which all Americans and Europeans are familiar. In the darkest days of the Revolutionary War, when General Washington and his bedraggled men had been deprived not only of victories but of their clothes, their livelihoods, and virtually all their hopes, they found at their side a Frenchman, a man from across the great Atlantic and from a distant and foreign land, of noble extraction and good intention, who committed all his energies and zeal to the cause of American independence. John Adams, the second President of this Republic, said of the man: "He devoted himself, his life, his fortune, his hereditary honors, his towering ambition, his splendid hopes, all to the cause of liberty." With these words I am intimately familiar. He came to love these United States as he loved a parent or a sibling; and as the war wore on he secured with great merit many victories for the cause, and solicited the help of the fair and great French people and their government to assist in delivering the killing-blow for liberty.

The republican experiment in America has always cultivated strong feelings of amity and brotherhood with France. From the days of the early battles of the war for national liberty we shared the sentiments and affections of Your ministers, officers, nobles, and people. The man who crossed an ocean to help America in its time of most desperate need did say, at the closure of the conflict for independence, "humanity has gained its suit; Liberty will nevermore be without an asylum."

It is curious to me, then, that the very nation from which he came has now turned its back on the suit of humanity. The asylum of liberty cannot in good faith endure the troubles in relations, and the damage to the relationship, national between governments as it is personal among individuals, between Washington and Paris, that have been brought about by Your Imperial Majesty's most recent declaration. In our people's hour of need, Your predecessor came to our aid; and You have elected, by the authority vested in You by Your princely title, to reverse that aid altogether and doom our relations forevermore. It is melancholic to think that the sufferings made by Your people in generations past have now been for nought -- that You have helped to push this Union, for which many Frenchmen have bled and died in the cause of liberty and in the spirit of brotherhood among alike peoples, ever closer to destruction.

The cause and spark of liberty shall never perish from this earth, no matter the many deeds, with malice aforethought, that are committed to that very act. Rather, no matter the fate of nations that embrace its spirit, liberty shall linger, in the hearts of all good patriots in all the lands of the earth, and shall not be extinguished no matter the force of wind applied to the flame; that liberty can survive in such circumstances is testament enough to its qualities as an idea and a reality as much as it is to the soldier and patriot that fights for it. With these sentiments so expressly laid out, I must therefore notify Your Imperial Majesty of a formal forthcoming notification from the Secretary of State declaring the withdrawal of Minister Dayton from his position in Paris and his safe return back to the country he so dearly loves.

Yours in Christ and humble goodwill,

ABRAHAM LINCOLN
President of the United States

​

 

[Cloud Strife]

From: Agenor Gołuchowski, First Minister of the Empire, and Deputy Chairman of the Council of State of the Austrian Empire
To: Viktor Petrovich Balabin, Envoy of the Empire of the All the Russias (@jacob-Lundgren)

​

I write to you and present my greetings,

The events of the past day after overtaken all other news. The Emperor of the French, the Emperor of Brazil, and the Grand Prince of the United Principalities have all decided to grant their recognition of sovereignty to the rebellion engulfing the southern territories of the United States of America. Normally the events and goings on of such a peripheral area of the globe are of no great concern to us but the actions of the United Principalities in this matter have raised all manner of suspicion. We can confirm that they have undertaken this action with no forewarning provided to the Sublime Court; indeed, after asking for clarifications, the Sultan's government is just as in the dark as ourselves as to what has happened.

It should be no surprise that the legitimization of regionalist rebellions is anathema to the stability and order of our respective empires. Such actions provide succor for the hopes of the forces of disorder that wish to divide our God-given lands. We shall tolerate no copycats of these "Confederate" rebels in my Master's lands. Thus I put to you a request to ascertain the opinion of his Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias on the possibility of crafting a common foreign policy towards the affairs of North America between our nations. These rebels must be made an example of posthaste. Indeed, they cannot even claim to be fighting for the cause of freedom; they hold so many poor Africans in chains, in truly deplorable and unchristian-like conditions.

We hope to have Russia's support in forcing a retraction of recognizing the rebellion from the United Principalities, and we hope to form a common front with St. Petersburg to prevent further adventurism from European states in the domestic affairs of the United States of America.

Sincerely,
Gołuchowski

 

[etranger01]

His Imperial Majesty's Address from the Throne​

Let it be known by all men, whether of France or of the many nations, that the Empire is peace. The Empire is liberty. The Empire is brotherhood. It has been Our firm desire, since the inauguration of Our reign by the will of the French people, to ensure that peace and liberty reign, that all enlightened peoples are joined in brotherhood and goodwill.

Of late, We have received a missive directly from the hand of His Excellency, the President of the United States, in response to Our proclamation recognizing the self-evident sovereignty of those Confederated States. In this missive, the President of the Union withdraws his ambassador from Our welcoming shores and castigates Us in no uncertain terms. We receive this missive with great sorrow.

Let it be known, then, that We do not spurn American friendship as they have spurned the hand of France, for recognition of the Confederated States cannot be considered an act of disloyalty, an act of unkindness. Instead, We extend Our recognition in the hope of bringing about a swift and humanitarian peace to the civil strife that even now engulfs the American continent, that sets brother against brother in the name of mutual annihilation. We seek to end the pointless slaughter. Could any friend of America feel differently?

We shall not reduce ourselves to the level of petty animosity. Our ambassador shall remain in the Union capital so long as the American President, in his kind hospitality, permits him to stay, and shall patiently await the inevitable resumption in our commerce and traffic. We earnestly wish to see the sundered bonds between the kinsmen of America rejoined, so that they might stand separate but not divided, and so that they might co-exist in their common brotherhood.

As the steward of American liberty, France shall not shy away from ensuring that the American experiment, conceived in liberty, continues ever onward, in whatever form it must take. We are confident that, upon the resumption of peace and amity within the American continent, all nations shall take the necessary measures to eradicate the scourge of slavery that even now exists in both the Union and in the Confederation.

We are determined that this shall not be the closing of the book on the long and fruitful relationship between America and France, but rather the beginning of a glorious new chapter, in which harmful conflict can be set aside and replaced with friendship and respect.

 

[Cloud Strife]

Romako, the Naval Budget,
and the Flottenverein

Archduke Max in naval uniform. ​

In recent years the Austrian Navy had been neglected but events in North America of all places spurred on a proposal of Italian, Czech, and Hungarian delegates to the Imperial Diet to build new ships for the Navy. For some years Archduke Maximilian had concerned himself with matters of Army preparedness but had not forgotten his original calling or training as commander of the Habsburg fleet. He carried out many reforms to modernize the naval forces, was instrumental in creating the naval port at Trieste, and recruited such talents as Wilhelm von Tegetthoff to lead his ships. Max was also behind the pioneering Novara expedition which pushed the logistical capabilities of the Austrian Navy to its limits.

The frigate SMS Novara became the first Austrian warship to circumnavigate the globe. The journey lasted two years, three months and was accomplished under the command of Commordore Bernhard von Wüllerstorf-Urbair--who was of late was coordinating railway development--and his crew of 360 officers, sailors, and scientists. The expedition was planned by the Imperial Academy of Sciences in Vienna and aimed to gain new knowledge in the disciplines of astronomy, botany, zoology, geology, oceanography and hydrography. The Novara sailed from Trieste on April 30, 1857, visiting Gibraltar, Madeira, Rio de Janeiro, Cape Town, St. Paul Island, Ceylon, Madras, Nicobar Islands, Singapore, Batavia, Manila, Hong Kong, Shanghai, Puynipet island, Stuarts, Sydney, Auckland, Tahiti, Valparaiso and Gravosa before returning to Trieste on August 30, 1859. The expedition captured the public's imagination and helped to boost the popularity of the Navy among the public.

Complimenting naval developments was the growth in demand of iron and coal created by the massive railway infrastructure program undertaken by the central government. Iron and coal were available in larger quantities due to railway demand and the steel required for modern ship armor more readily available, at more reasonable costs. Bohemians had coal and iron, the Hungarians the foundries, and the Italians the shipyards, and all three groups would benefit by the government procuring more ships. By order of the Kaiser, Archduke Max found himself temporarily back at his old job as commander of the Navy but was not very experienced in matters of warship design, this task he left to Josef von Romako, the Shipbuilding Inspector of the Fleet.

Educated at the prestigious Imperial and Royal Polytechnic Institute, Romako was an early convert to the possibilities in naval armor brought by the advent of steam power. His opinion that that the primary duty of a naval vessel was to survive and his designs emphasized what would become the concepts of 'armored citadels' and 'center-fire.' He also had studied the accounts of the USS Monitor and the rebel ship Virginia in combat. In his opinion guns would have to be concentrated towards the center of a ship, allowing for a shorter length and better handling characteristics than long broadside-type vessels. These guns would be protected by an armored citadel that would maximize armor thickness, while at the same time avoiding wasted displacement by reducing armor in the non-fighting sections of the ship.

It was Romako's intention to build conventionally laid out men-of-war but bickering the Diet reduced his budget from 12 ships, then to 8 ships, and then to 6 ships. While Italy remained the only probable enemy for Austria on the waves the prospect of the defense of the Adriatic resting on 6 ironclads were most distressing to Archduke Max and he spurred Romako to make up for the limited numbers with innovation. He would take the Monitor for his inspiration but with higher freeboard to allow his ships to ply the open ocean. He took his vision for the armored citadel to its logical conclusion and focused armored protection to the central portion of the ships, where they would protect the engine room, ammunition areas, and the main armament. To ensure the ship retained its buoyancy even when struck--this would be especially critical in the majority of the vessel that lacked the protection of the armored citadel--the ship was generously divided into watertight compartments. While an utter annoyance in non-combat conditions for anyone trying to transit the vessel, in combat conditions they would ensure the ship could survive multiple direct hits and still continue to fight.

The business end of the ships were two turrets mounted on the center-line, directly inspired by American Monitors, that would carry two 12 inch muzzle loading guns a piece. Breach-loading weapons were ruled out of the design because they would require foreign suppliers and the Waldstein Works in Plzeň would be unable to supply such naval artillery. Each gun consisted of a mild steel tube upon which would be wrapped multiple coils of iron. The ammunition for such guns was divided into two parts on account of weight, with the projectile and cased charge being able to be carried separately for assembly. Thought was also given to creating ammunition that could penetrate enemy armor. Fights between Union and rebel ironclads seemed inconclusive and Max speculated this could be due to standard shot being unable to penetrate opposing armor. A development program to create "armor piercing shot" was created at Plzeň to work towards solving this increasingly difficult problem.

The primary shipyard of the empire, Stabilimento Tecnico Triestino, was contracted to build all vessels. After reviewing the various costs involved with the design the site contractors at STT concluded that the budget allocated for 6 ships could only build 4 vessels to the specifications provided by Romako. Trusting his naval architect Max announced in a political maneuver that the procurement order would be cut to 4 and grabbed funding from his own pocket and an increasingly annoyed Kaiser--who was already disinclined towards anything related to the water--to paper over the expected cost-overruns. All ships of the "Einheit-class" or Unity-class would be laid down this year and if funding was forthcoming next year a further four would be laid down.

To popularize naval spending, Archduke Max and his supporters formed the Flottenverein, or Fleet Association. It aimed to popularize the Navy through information campaigns, popularizing naval attire such as sailor suits for school aged youths, and promoting the civilizing mission of "Habsburg" society towards the uncivilized world. The Kaiser privately thought that the Association was utter lunacy, a distraction from army development, and a needless time sink. He would argue with Max over his desire for Imperial patronage for the group but eventually would have to concede the usefulness of such an organization to drum up support for the government with the middle class. Ironically most members of the Association did not live next to the open ocean. Those who profited from managing the factories that made steel plate, managed the mines that dug the coal and iron ore, and agribusiness owners who controlled the means of growing food and raising the livestock that went into rations were enthusiastic supporters of the Association. They viewed such a group an effective means to ensure continued government orders for their products and looked forward to the future for the profits to start rolling in.

Einheit-class Ironclad

Displacement:

• Normal: 10,900 long tons
• Full load: 11,880 long tons

Length: 358 ft 2 in
Beam: 64 ft 9 in
Draft: 27 ft 3 in
Installed power:

• 8 coal-fired boilers @ 7,711 horsepower

Propulsion: Two compound steam engines.
Flanking Speed: 15 kn
Range: 3,760 nmi at 10 kn
Complement: 420
Armament:

• 4 × 12 inch guns, mounted in turrets two apiece.

Armor:

• Belt Armor: 21.5 in
  
• Turrets: 17 in
• Deck: 1.6 in

 

[jacob-Lundgren]

From: Agenor Gołuchowski, First Minister of the Empire, and Deputy Chairman of the Council of State of the Austrian Empire
To: Viktor Petrovich Balabin, Envoy of the Empire of the All the Russias (@jacob-Lundgren)

Spoiler

​

I write to you and present my greetings,

The events of the past day after overtaken all other news. The Emperor of the French, the Emperor of Brazil, and the Grand Prince of the United Principalities have all decided to grant their recognition of sovereignty to the rebellion engulfing the southern territories of the United States of America. Normally the events and goings on of such a peripheral area of the globe are of no great concern to us but the actions of the United Principalities in this matter have raised all manner of suspicion. We can confirm that they have undertaken this action with no forewarning provided to the Sublime Court; indeed, after asking for clarifications, the Sultan's government is just as in the dark as ourselves as to what has happened.

It should be no surprise that the legitimization of regionalist rebellions is anathema to the stability and order of our respective empires. Such actions provide succor for the hopes of the forces of disorder that wish to divide our God-given lands. We shall tolerate no copycats of these "Confederate" rebels in my Master's lands. Thus I put to you a request to ascertain the opinion of his Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias on the possibility of crafting a common foreign policy towards the affairs of North America between our nations. These rebels must be made an example of posthaste. Indeed, they cannot even claim to be fighting for the cause of freedom; they hold so many poor Africans in chains, in truly deplorable and unchristian-like conditions.

We hope to have Russia's support in forcing a retraction of recognizing the rebellion from the United Principalities, and we hope to form a common front with St. Petersburg to prevent further adventurism from European states in the domestic affairs of the United States of America.

Sincerely,
Gołuchowski

Greetings,

I believe I am able to firmly say that the Tsar is strongly against support for these confederate rebels. And recognition would be viewed as a form of support, as well I personally have no knowledge of any forewarning by the government of the United Principalities. Their actions are a curious one, one that I will communicate with my superiors about swiftly. It is my personal hope that their actions were taking as part of a mistake or accident. That it will be made clear shortly that their recognition was made in error and will be withdrawn.

Given the sudden growth in recognition by others, it is as well my opinion that a united front could be of some value. I should ask my superiors to contact the proper officials shortly on this issue. As well I echo your opinion on the strangeness of their call for freedom, that being freedom to enslave other humans. That this desire include such horrific treatment alongside the enslavement does not well reflect values of a truly civilized people. I am positive you will be hearing more from the Russian government shortly.

~Viktor Petrovich Balabin

 

[99KingHigh]

Notes from the British Parliament
debates on American matters (V)

____________________________________________

The House gathered, the next morning, at eleven o'clock, after debates on the motion in the House. The Government had hoped, in the interests of general unity, that a Private Member's Bill from the Opposition back-benches, supported by several leading Liberal ministers, would disassociate the government from the action. The action proved erroneous; the Government was harangued from both benches for refusing to take a stand. Finally, at twelve-thirty, the House was prepared for division.

VOTING ON THE MOTION

MR. SPEAKER: We come now to Motion Number One, on the order paper, on the subject of recognition, to be moved formally by the whip?
​

The Rt Hon. Henry Brand, Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury, Chief Whip

We beg to move!

MR. SPEAKER: Thank You. The question is as on the order paper; that this House believes that the Government should recognize the Confederate States of America. As many as are of that opinion say Aye!
​

AYE! AYE!

MR. SPEAKER: On the Contary, No? ​

​

NO! NO!

MR. SPEAKER: ORDER! DIVISION! CLEAR THE LOBBY!
​

Fifteen Minutes After Division
​

MR. SPEAKER: ORDER! Quiet the House! ​

​

​

THE TELLERS: THE AYES TO THE RIGHT, THREE-HUNDRED AND EIGHT.
THE NO(S) TO THE LEFT, TWO-HUNDRED AND NINTEY-NINE.
​

Shouting from the benches burst out!
​

MR. SPEAKER: ORDER!

THE AYES TO THE RIGHT, THREE-HUNDRED AND EIGHT.
THE NO(S) TO THE LEFT, TWO-HUNDRED AND NINTEY-NINE.
So, the AYES HAVE IT, THE AYES HAVE IT!​

​

 

[99KingHigh]

THE FALL OF PALMERSTON

​

Palmerston had always considered the independence of the Confederate States of America as an inevitability; he was willing, if the circumstances were aligned, to present recognition to the Confederate States of America, along with consideration of humanitarian intervention. But this action was never considered in a vacuum of the congress of nations — Palmerston envisioned coordinated action with the Emperor of the French if it was ever to be considered. No coordinated action could be considered without assurances from the Confederacy that the issue of slavery would be addressed, and certain guarantees about liberation secured. These assurances would need to be procured if any Liberal support was to be considered; however, the leading Liberals were overwhelmingly pro-Confederate. The Liberal Triumvirate: Viscount Palmerston, Lord Russell, and William Gladstone were indisputably sympathetic to the Confederate cause. In October 1862, Lord Russell, the most reticent to reveal his Confederate sympathies, informed Lord Palmerston that he was ready to recognize the Confederate States as an independent nation, although he had agreed with the Prime Minister that the time was not yet right for such a step. But it was William Gladstone, Her Majesty's Chancellor of the Exchequer, who elucidated the most enthusiastic sentiment in support of the Confederacy. Mr. Gladstone was the scion of slave-owners, and although in public he was critical of slavery, in private he was a converted Confederate, not so much for its proclivity for servitude, but to the concept of the nation. Gladstone believed that the entire American Civil War was constructed on false premises; in May 1861 he had written to the Duchess of Sunderland and noted that the Southern Principle "which asserts the superiority of the white man, and...his right to hold the black in slavery," was antithetical to his thinking, but there was a distinction to be made between the principle and whether the North could justifiably "put down by war" the Southern people. Gladstone was the only man tolerable to the British people in recognition; publicly anti-slavery, legalistically pro-Confederacy.

The Liberal Triumvirate; Gladstone, Palmerston, Russell
​

The arrival and the docking of the Russian fleet in New York did little to help Union sympathy among the British elite; the Cabinet now foresaw a dangerous cooperation between the distant powers. What had been restricting British intervention in the Western Hemisphere beyond Mexico — predominantly the desire to focus foreign energies on the Russian Empire — coalesced into the 'American Question' once the Russian fleet's "visit" to New York turned into an indefinite presence. Lord Russell thereafter began serious deliberations with the French; not so much on whether the country would recognize the Confederacy, but rather, to gauge Paris' temperature for recognition. But the abolition question loomed above the Liberal Government, and Russell was certain that, owing to decisive Confederate victories at Fredricksburg and Nashville, that the Confederacy would concede little in deliberations. Palmerston was further concerned by the possibility of an effective blockade; the Liberal Government was thus caught in a quandary as Her Majesty's Government could not be the inaugural country to recognize without concessions from the Confederacy, and the Confederacy would concede little for so long as they continued to meet with success on the battlefield. In a simultaneous moment, the United Kingdom had never been closer, and never farther, from recognition of the Confederacy and humanitarian intervention. No maneuver could inspire the British populace to support action given the current state of affairs.

Napoleon III, Emperor of the French​

Luckily for the sympathizers, British maneuvers had nothing to do with the eventual recognition of the Confederacy. The surpassing of the American Navy, relative to the Royal Navy, in total tonnage, although not so much the in fighting capabilities, proved scandalous for Palmerston, who was accused of neglecting the Royal Navy. The consequences of this geopolitical adjustment were twofold; it opened Palmerston for the first time to popular criticism, and it guaranteed that the transatlantic cotton supply would not remain unmolested for much longer. Just as Gladstone, who was the sentinel of fiscal management, was inching towards recognition on account (among other things) of the protection of the textile industries, Russell was inching away on account of Confederate intransigence on the slave issue. Palmerston now took Russell's opinion; Confederate recognition was preferable, but the United Kingdom could not be the first country to recognize, or the famed abolitionist sentiments of Great Britain would depose the Palmerstonian Liberals in the next election. It was amidst these deliberations; looming blockade, Russian influence, and the threat to Pax Britannica, that Emperor Napoleon III unilaterally recognized the Confederate States of America. There is little required in the way of historical analysis to conclude that the French recognition of the Confederate States of America took 10 Downing Street by utter surprise; both the Government and the Opposition were caught unawares by the whole affair. Palmerston was furious at Russell that his own Foreign Minister had failed to discern this French action, which the British resolved was anything but spontaneous. The triumvirate went before the Commons, believing now that the inevitable had finally happened, and that the legislature would make its opinion known. Gladstone, for his own virtues and sins, was exuberant; the French recognition had liberated Britain from the consequences that had once restrained humanitarian intervention. Napoleon's decree had guaranteed that British recognition of the Confederate States of America was inexorable; the Ministry could not, in any sane consideration, permit the French to own the confidences of cotton.

Palmerston delivers the statement to the House on the 3rd of January.​

Palmerston and Russell were not so pleased; Palmerston was showered with the most vicious attacks of domestic and foreign incompetence; compelling Britain to "follow the lead of Paris" and enfeebling their negotiating position. His position was not strengthened by his approach to the question, which he had punted to the Opposition, in order to vindicate the government from responsibility; he knew that the nonpareil of the Liberal Party and the Conservatives would support recognition, and the bulk of the Liberal backbenchers would defect in the vote. Palmerston further worsened his position by setting no whip on the Private Member's Bill, trading politics for conscience, and allowing a blatant splitting of his government to occur. In the Commons, Disraeli harangued the Prime Minister for his conduct in the recognition, which was now viewed by the majority of the House as unavoidable. The result in the Commons proved the ultimate blow to Palmerston; fewer Liberals had consented to the recognition then he had anticipated, and now, like Peel before, Palmerston was dependent on the graces of the Opposition. The bill passed the House of Commons, but the Liberal grandees knew that by the virtue of the slim margin, that Palmerston could not sustain the confidences of his own party. Pressured into resignation, Palmerston visited Her Majesty on the 5th of January, 1863, and tendered his resignation to Queen Victoria. With Russell, more so than any other minister, under the public scrutiny for allowing Napoleon to unilaterally recognize, Palmerston advised Her Majesty to appointed William Gladstone as Prime Minister.

Gladstone was called to Queen Victoria that same evening, and was dutifully appointed Prime Minister of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. The following morning, Queen Victoria signed the letter of recognition.

--

​

I do accept the Letters of Credence of the the plenitpoaentiary ambassadors of the Confederate States of America and register the credentials of their nation at the Court of St. James'.
​

Her Majesty Victoria, by the Grace of God, of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland Queen, Defender of the Faith
​

 

[Cloud Strife]

"In defense of lawful authority."

Franz Joseph of Austria​

The recognition of the Southern Rebellion in the United States by the governments of France, Britain, Brazil, and most ominously for Austria, by the United Principalities, was an unexpected and curious development. The Diet was not in session but why this sudden chain of recognitions had happened was debated in the cafes and drawing rooms across the Empire by both high and low. The "Slave Power" that the Southern Rebellion represented was not quite liked by either Conservatives or Liberals in the Empire. Conservatives associated the Confederates with rebellion against a lawful, Christian, and civilized government and shuddered to think of the potential for copycat actions. Liberals were more explicit in their condemnation of Slave Power. The arch-conservative Archduke Albrecht, the Duke of Teschen and son of the Victor of of Aspern-Essling, was especially worried that an independent foreign policy undertaken by the United Principalities would threaten the Empire's long-term hold on Transylvania. He found himself arrayed on the same side as Archduke Max in demanding the Kaiser take a hard line on opposing further recognition of the Southern Rebels. For his part, Franz Joseph was extremely confused as to why so much attention was being showered on a backwater area of the globe. The Americans were not part of the European Alliance system. The domestic affairs of the United States were not important enough to comment on. However, the notion of intervention into the domestic affairs of a responsible, civilized, and Christian nation was most unusual. Even more unusual was Western European support for an armed, regionalist rebellion against central authority.

Gołuchowski was summoned to the Hofburg to advise the Kaiser on if action needed to be taken and on the quality of the action taken, if need be taken. The First Minister knew precious little on the affairs of the Americas and the officials of the Foreign Ministry knew less still. The Polish First Minister had to summon business acquaintances familiar with the United States to explain the causes of the Southern Rebellion to the Kaiser. The briefing session left Franz even less amused with the situation; to rebel in an attempt to nullify the results of a lawful sortition--the concept of a popular "election" was still too painful for the Kaiser to process mentally--was criminal. While he had become accustomed to defenses of serfdom, Gołuchowski quickly dispelled any comparisons of those continued practices, albeit deplorable, in Hungary with Southern Slave Power. Such tales from the First Minister's mercantile friends on "being sold down river" gave the Kaiser resolve to more strenuously enforce the Serfdom Patent granted by his ancestor Joseph II. No longer would the excuse of land owners that their serfs were “tenants in fee simple, who were fully informed as to their rights and duties by precise contracts” pass muster.

The Kaiser was now convinced that a stand had to be taken on this latest wave of support for regional rebellion. All the better that such movements could be tarred with the stain of slavery by the actions of the Southern Rebels. In a speech from the throne before a special session of the Imperial Diet at the Hofburg the Kaiser spoke on these matters to the deputies;

"We are most concerned and most appalled by the decision of certain states to grant recognition of a movement of a rebellious nature, in defiance of lawful authority, in the lands of those United States of America. Both our Chief Minister, Herr Gołuchowski, and our advisor for Hungarian affairs, Herr Deák, have given statements before the throne on the necessity to correct the dangerous notion that open rebellion in a Christian and civilized nation can be tolerated or granted succor. In particular we are most concerned with a vassal prince of the Sublime Porte making common, declared cause with the Southern Rebels occupying illegally parts of those United States. Rebellion against lawfully constituted authority is a crime against God and his order. The support of a rebellion, which not only resists lawful government but keeps millions in the most violent and deplorable forms of subjugation, is not only an illegitimate policy but absolutely immoral under God's divine laws.

"Therefore, in consultation with our ministers and with use of their advice, we resolve to call upon the Sublime Porte, to call upon the United Principalities to withdraw their dangerous and illegal recognition of the Southern Rebellion, and urge our European neighbors who have similarly recognized this rebellion to retract such statements of support for those Rebels occupying illegally portions of the southern regions of those United States. We also appoint Kálmán Tisza de Borosjenő, of the Diet of Hungary, as our Minister to the United States; who shall be charged upon being granted accreditation of the lawful government of President Abraham Lincoln to head the Austrian Legation in those United States. Given the great interest Europe has taken in the internal affairs of the United States, it is only right as fitting the my government ought to take an interest in the situation as well.

"Our Minister Tisza shall be transported by a squadron lead by Kommodor Wilhelm von Tegetthoff, on account of the potential threat of rebel actions against shipping in the waters of the Eastern Atlantic. We pray his journey to take up his new post in those United States will be both safe and uneventful.

"We direct our government to keep the members of the Diet informed about these matters on a regular basis and pray that the government of President Lincoln shall carry the day against the Southern Rebellion, in defense of lawful authority."

 

[99KingHigh]

Trilateral Agreement of London

​

Agreed this day by the plenipotentiaries of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the United Principalities, and the Sublime Porte.

I. That the privilege of the Treaty of Paris, enshrined in ARTICLE XXII of the Treaty of Paris (1856), is reaffirmed, and the Suzerainty of the Sublime Porte confirmed by law.
II. That by consequence of the former article, the statements of the United Principality are invalidated and retracted.
III. That by reaffirmation of ARTICLE XXII, which gives Guarantee by the Contracting Powers, and the fact that by Right of the Treaty of Paris, no exclusive Protection shall be exercised over them by any of the guaranteeing Powers, excluding the Suzerainty of the Porte, also delineated in Article XXII.
IV. That any attempts to intrude upon the Integrity of Article XXII by other Contracting Powers is henceforth condemned as violation of that document by the plenipotentiaries of this agreement.
V. That there should be friendship between the plenipotentiaries of the agreed parties, and consideration of peace between their nations.​

 

[oxfordroyale]

A Brief History of Italy
A Rock and a Hard Place: Italy and the American Civil War​

To say that the subject of the American Civil War had rapidly become one of great concern to Bettino Ricasoli’s government would be a gross understatement. Over the course of roughly two years, the peninsula’s relationship with the conflict across the sea had changed in several distinct and important ways, the combination of each serving to greatly complicate the position of the administration going forward.

The first incident occurred in early August 1861, almost five months after the attack on Fort Sumter. Observing events as they occurred in the country, Prime Minister Ricasoli penned a letter to President Lincoln reaffirming Italy’s support for the Union in the civil war and strongly expressing his government’s condemnation of the “treasonous rebels of the South.” This was a decision motivated almost entirely by domestic considerations rather than foreign policy; in the letter, Ricasoli drew parallels between the secessionists of the southern United States and the secessionists of southern Italy who, at that time, had posed a significant threat the stability of the new country with their campaign of guerrilla violence and petty brigandage. However, it is also worth acknowledging the Prime Minister’s personal morality and philosophical outlook as a significant factor behind the assurance of support he gave to Lincoln -- after all, the Iron Baron had been a noted opponent of slavery for much of his adult life, having publicly described it as a reprehensible and barbaric practice on more than one occasion. Whether or not slavery really was at the root of the secession (a topic of dispute to this day), he at least viewed the war through that lens.

Italy’s pro-Union approach to the conflict became even more pronounced with the decision by Giuseppe Garibaldi to enlist in the northern army in late 1861, something that, while having been in the works for some time, was only finalized after a personal correspondence between Lincoln and the Italian revolutionary. Newspapers on both sides of the Atlantic had been speculating on the activities of the peninsula’s resident heroic figure for months prior to the official announcement, and as a result the Italian public reacted to news of Garibaldi’s commission as a brigadier general in the Union army with predictable excitement. Garibaldi’s exploits in Latin America as an exile were already the stuff of legend (having earned him the moniker “The Hero of Two Worlds”), and the prospect of the renowned general taking his unending moral crusade overseas once more proved rather popular. The government itself was neutral on the matter; while Ricasoli had not desired to give the Union anything more than his vocal support, he thought it wise for the famously hot-headed and volatile revolutionary to vent his energies abroad in what was certainly a delicate time for the young nation. He therefore gave his approval when Garibaldi requested it, something he hoped he would not later regret.

By far the most important – and, all would agree, the most complicating -- event affecting Italy’s relationship with the American Civil War leading up to 1863 would be the Ricasoli government’s decision to grant major loans and subsidies to the northern Italian textile industries in order to expand production and spur the country’s economic growth. While Ricasoli (and Cavour before him) had strongly supported the Union at the outset of the conflict on both political and moral grounds, the parliamentary bloc which they headed had always been decidedly less firm. La Destra, populated as it was by Italy’s wealthy elite, was practiced at advancing its own moneyed interests under the guise of prosperity for the nation as a whole, and as such its members lobbied ceaselessly (and successfully) for the expansion of the Italian textile industries which they -- and supposedly the Italian people -- would profit handsomely from. However, as La Destra’s championed economic platform came into effect, it quickly became obvious to all that it would be somewhat difficult to reconcile their policies with the Italy's ongoing relationship with the American Civil War.

The reason for their concern was rather straightforward: the Italian textile industries required cotton, and as such the route to the cotton’s source, the Confederate States of America, needed to remain open. In resting the Italian economy and the future of the country’s industrial power upon the foundation of the textile industries, the government was taking a serious gamble. Should events in the Americas proceed a certain way, they stood to gain immensely; conversely, if Italy were to find itself starved of cotton, the house of cards would come tumbling down. With the declared Union blockade of southern ports now finally in danger of being put into effect, some politicians started to sweat, worried that their monumentally risky bet was in danger of falling through. As diplomatic recognition of the Confederacy began to pour in from Paris, London, and (controversially) Bucharest, Ricasoli and his cabinet faced significant pressure from within their own camp to do the same, the argument being that an Italian recognition of Jefferson Davis’ government might lead to a more rapid peace and eliminate the threat to cotton trade.

But Ricasoli was not to be swayed. He had given his word to President Lincoln, he abhorred the cause of the Confederacy, and moreover he was highly skeptical that Italian recognition would do anything to bring the conflict to an end, especially when the British and French had already done so. Convinced of what he saw as his practical and righteous course, he coldly rebuffed the efforts of his colleagues to convince him to abandon the country’s previous policy. There was, of course, a political element at play: while the wealthy industrialists of Italy would no doubt cheer at an extension of diplomatic acknowledgement to the South, and rest easy under the assumption (false or no) that their pocketbooks would remain plump and secure for the foreseeable future, the Italian left and much of the public would likely have reacted with confusion or outright anger at the government’s seeming lack of conviction in supporting a slave state. Garibaldi was also a consideration – how would his supporters react to a betrayal of his cause? The potentially devastating consequences were not worth the potential benefits in Ricasoli's eyes.

And so, as France, Great Britain, Austria, Russia and the Ottoman Empire drew their battle lines in the sand over the matter of diplomatic recognition, Italy remained noticeably silent. Whether or not this would prove a wise choice on the part of Ricasoli remained to be seen. One thing was certain, however: the continued supremacy of La Destra would almost certainly hinge on the health of his nation’s economy and industry in the coming years, and the American Civil War would prove instrumental in deciding that.

 

[Cloud Strife]

From: Agenor Gołuchowski, First Minister of the Empire, and Deputy Chairman of the Council of State of the Austrian Empire
To: Alexandru Ioan Cuza, Prince of Wallachia and of Moldova (@Arrowfiend)

​

Sir,

The Imperial Government writes to you on a matter of great concern. The language of the "Trilateral Agreement of London" must be clarified; specifically with regards to Section, the Second. Therefore we inquire as to the position of your government towards the rebel forces operating in the southern regions in those United States of America. In no uncertain terms, have you abandoned your support for that illegal rebel faction calling itself "the Confederate States of America," and has your Highness taken affirmative steps to make it widely known to the international community that you have abandoned your support for the aforenamed rebels?

We require your prompt response to our inquires.

Sincerely,
Gołuchowski

 

[KeldoniaSkylar]

The actions of the a certain Apostol Arsache, have created a great uproar in Eastern Europe through his ill-advised actions that step far beyond the bounds of permissible for a vassal of the Ottoman Empire. That Mr. Arsache attempted to perform foreign relations at all, and especially without informing Porte of his intentions is most alarming. The statement made by the supposed "foreign minister" of the United Principalities is thus null and void. The Porte apologizes for any confusion or inconvenience that this has caused for our neighbors, steps have and are being taken to mitigate future risks.

~ Grand Vizier Mehmed Emin Âli Pasha​

 

[Arrowfiend]

United Principalities of Romania
Principatele Unite României​

To His esteemed Imperial Majesty Abdülaziz I,

Spoiler: List of Titles of the Ottoman Sultan

Caliph of Islam, Sultan of the Ottoman Empire, Caesar of Rûm, Sovereign of The Sublime House of Osman, Padishah of The Three Cities of Constantinople, Adrianople, and Bursa, and of the Cities of Damascus and Cairo, of the Maghreb, of Aleppo, of the Arab and Persian Iraq, of Basra, of El Hasa strip, of Raqqa, of Mosul, of Diyâr-ı Bekr, of Cilicia, of the provinces of Erzurum, of Sivas, of Adana, of Karaman, of Cyprus, of Rhodes, of Crete, of the Mediterranean and Black Seas, of Anatolia, of Rumelia, of Baghdad, of Kurdistan, of Bosnia, as well as all the dependencies and borders, and many others countries and cities,

I wish to profusely apologize for the actions of the previous minister of foreign affairs. His actions were exceedingly unbefitting of a person of his stature and his statements do not represent the overall opinion of the Romanian government. Indeed, he has since been removed from his position and replaced with an individual more befitting of such an office, that being the esteemed Nicolae Rosetti-Bălănescu. We hope that the amicable relations of previous years may continue for many more to come.

Your humble and most loyal servant,
Alexandru Ioan Cuza, Prince of the United Principalities of Romania

​

---------------------------------------​

To Mr. Agenor Gołuchowski,

We humbly refer you to agreement that was made between the Sublime Porte, the United Kingdom, and the United Principalities, specifically Article II, where we can confirm that recognition has indeed been retracted.

Sincerely,
Nicolae Rosetti-Bălănescu, Minister to the Prince of the United Principalities of Romania​