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King Konstantinos - 1913-1915
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Konstantinos, the eldest son of Georgios Megos ("the Great," as more nationalist Greeks refered to him), bore an illustrious name. Konstantinos Megos was considered a hero of the Orthodox Church, and founder of the Eastern Roman Empire, yet Konstantinos son of Georgios was to prove an utter disappointment.

At the end of June, 1914, the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne was assassinated, and for the next month the world held its breath, as the various alliances of Europe began to creak into action. Outside of Serbia, initially the Balkans were left out of the machinations, but it wasn't long before events took a path of their own, and Greece's charismatic prime minister, Eleftherios Venizelos, came into his own.

By September of 1914 the major powers were embroiled in a ferocious struggle for domination - Germany and Austria-Hungary on one side, and France, Great Britain and Russia on the other. Germany pulled a diplomatic coup in October of 1914 - her gift of the battlecruiser Goeben along with extensive promises of technical support encouraged the Turks to side with Germany and declare war on the Entente. Germany's diplomatic feelers also reached down to Bulgaria, offering them tracts of Serbian land if they assisted Austria-Hungary. By February of 1915, when Italy joined the war on the side of the Entente, officially every major power in Europe was embroiled in the vast conflagration.

Almost immediately the Greek public clamored for joining the war on the side of the Entente - the plight of Belgium, caught in the crosshairs of a German juggernaught, sympathy for Greece's historic ally Russia as well as hatred for Turkey all fueled these flames. Greece had the manpower (over 400,000 soldiers), and the navy (2 dreadnoughts, 8 other battleships and a battlecruiser, as well as other lighter ships) to contribute significantly. Immediately the Entente recognized their opportunity, and incredible pressure came down on the Greek government to break her neutrality.

To his credit, King Konstantinos remained true to his own convictions - that entering a power struggle between the greatest nations the world had ever known would only result in incredible danger for Greece. At least, that was his official opinion. Many in private wondered if Konstantinos' wife, Sophia (sister to German Kaisar Wilhelm II) was excerting an undo amount of influence on his decision-making. The situation was further complicated by the rivalry between Konstantinos and his own prime minister, the popular and warlike Eleftherios Venizelos.

Venizelos, like most in Greece, saw the Great War was a brilliant, once in a century chance for Greece to realize the entirety of the Megali Idea. Turkey was occupied fighting for her life in the Caucasus, and all of her European troops were tied fighting an Entente invasion in the Dardanelles (indeed, the Entente was holding on on the Gallipoli peninsula in the hopes of Greek intervention). Venizelos argued that now, not later, was the time for Greece to strike - her contribution would be easy, he argued, for all her enemies had their backs turned, and her contribution would be seen as decisive, so her actions would be amply rewarded.

Konstantinos refused to hear this advice, and on May 15th, 1915, Venizelos resigned, bringing down the entire government. Snap elections were called, in which Venizelos won a massive, overwhelming majority. Yet Konstantinos refused to budge, and on August 19th of the same year, Venizelos resigned again - yet this time, he had other plans. Konstantinos' eldest son, Georgios, was known to have similar feelings as his father (as well as having served in the German army prior to the war), but Alexandros, the second royal son, was a pronounced supporter of the Megali Idea. A playboy, known for his car racing exploits and cardgames than his acumen, Venizelos assumed that then 22-year old Alexandros would be easy to control. He could not have been further from the truth.

The two met secretly at Akrotiri on the island of Thera in September of 1915, and planned a full coup. Greece's military wanted the war, Greece's people wanted the war, the Entente wanted the war, all that was needed was for Venizelos and Alexandros to push things slightly.

On October 7th, 1915, Venizelos, in coordination with with General Sarrail, Allied commander in the Balkans and several leading Greek military commanders (including Admiral Koutouriotis and General Papagos) declared Konstantinos a violator of the Greek constitution, and an enemy of free Hellenes. Venizelos called for a vote in the Greek Parliament to confirm their support for Alexandros as the new King. Simultaneous, Koutouriotis positioned the dreadnoughts Lemnos and Elli in position to bombard the palace, while Papagos ordered army troops to surround Konstantinos and his entourage.

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Army troops in the streets of Athens during the 1915 coup against Konstantinos

At first, it appeared Konstantinos would resist, and several loyal companies of the Royal Companions seemed ready to lay down their lives in the coming bloodshed. But the appearance of Alexandros, on horseback in full military regalia outside of the palace gates in support of the plotters, broke Konstantinos' will. Seeing the inevitable, Konstantinos abdicated. The very next day Alexandros was proclaimed King of the Hellenes, and within hours, to great fanfare, Greece declared war on the Central Powers.

Konstantinos had originally planned to go into exile and await what he hoped would be an Entente defeat, whereby Germany would then forcibly reinstate him to his throne. But as the war went on his bloody course, this chance turned into something far more fleeting. While Georgios was allowed to return later on to the country, Konstantinos, for the rest of his natural life, was banned from walking on Greek soil. He died in exile in Zurich in 1924.


Alexandros I 1915-
Part One

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Alexandros' reign, like that of his namesake, began immediately with war. At 22, Alexandros had a basic military education (as was required by all the sons of the King), but his main interests lay in fast cars and loose women. Yet once the royal crown was on his head, he set about his new duties with a passion and enthusiasm that surprised and dismayed all those around him, especially Venizelos.

Papagos had pre-positioned several corps on the Macedonian and Thracian borders, and some 250,000 Greek troops on December 10th, 1915 lurched into combat. Quickly some 100,000 troops, named the Army of Thrace, along with 50,000 French, marched towards the Dardanelles under the command of Papagos and the King, who insisted he go with his troops and lead by example.

Another 50,000 Greek soldiers moved into Macedonia and then Serbian, stiffening a badly battered Serbian line in the face of an Austrian onslaught. A further 100,000, labelled the Army of the Danube, marched into an undefended Bulgaria, quickly occupying the nation. By January of 1916, Bulgaria had already been knocked from the war, while 180,000 Turks under Mustafa Kemal were suddenly surrounded on the Gallipoli peninsula. Cut off from all aid, under Entente naval bombardment and pressure
from land and sea, on April 1st, 1916 Otto von Sanders, German military adviser to the Turkish Army of Constantinople, was forced to offer surrender terms to the Allies - Kemal having been killed in a bombardment by Greek artillery.

Alexandros was at the forefront of the action throughout, at points his enthusiasm getting the best of him. Veterans tell the tale that during a particularly fierce Turkish artillery barrage, that the King was founding on a parapet, binoculars in hand. Several soldiers dragged him down and into cover. When they asked him why he'd so foolishly expose himself, the King merely shrugged and said he wanted a clear look. He constantly toured the Greek lines, learning, encouraging, and rapidly becoming extremely popular in his own right.

For Alexandros was not as naive as he first appeared. True, he was wet behind the ears when it came to military affairs - but he was born with a brilliant instinct towards the popular and the flamboyant. His seemingly reckless actions were calculated political manuevers. Each exposure to enemy fire appeared in Greek and Entente press, a King serving alongside his subjects, exposing himself to the same risks. Heroic pictures soon covered the world's press, and Alexandros gained himself an enthusiastic following among Greeks and non-Greeks alike.

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A press clipping from the New York Times from this time period.

By this point the remainder of the Greek armies were moving north, another 100,000 to reinforce Serbia, and 50,000 to Thrace. After some reorganization, some 130,000 Greeks, along with 180,000 Entente troops, jointly marched on Constantinople. As Alexandros was the only monarch present, protocol demanded he be given official command, even if Generals Papagos and Sarrail exercised joint authority in reality. Her armies in retreat, the Turks were unable to marshal an effective resistance.

Citizen-brigades set up barricades and proudly proclaimed that they would resist to the last man, yet in the face of a true army most brave citizens melted away without firing a shot. After a brief siege and a few pitched battles, the Allies occupied Constantinople on the 19th of July, 1916. Alexandros rode into the Queen of Cities, and Turkey was knocked from the war, her fate to be decided by other powers.

This boon came just in time, for in February of 1917, the Russian Tsar was overthrown, and Russian contribution to the war effort slacked off, and then petered out altogether. German troops moved into the Balkans to back up their weary Austrian comrades, and the joint Allied front settled in Romania and Serbia. Greece also moved into Albania, citing the "lawlessness" in the region as pretext for setting themselves up as "overseers of the political process."

While the rest of the Great War dragged on, Greece and the Balkan allies hungrily divided up the spoils. Greece, as Venizelos predicted, recieved suzerainty over Albania and Bulgaria, and was able to place heavy demands on Turkey, taking western Anatolia. When Turkish nationalists resisted and tried to raise an army in Ankyra, a force of 80,000 Greeks crushed the revolt and then placed even more onerous terms - Turkey would now cede Constantinople, all her EUropean possessions, as well as all her coastal positions and the Turkish battlefleet. Powerless, the Turkish National Assembly in Ankyra aceded to the demands in the Treaty of Ankyra on November 8th, 1917 - the same day a group of radical communists led by Lenin overthrew the Provisional Government in Russia and proclaimed the Soviet Union of Socialist Republics.

Germany's master plan to end the war - hold the Balkan line and knock France from the war with a sledgehammer victory in the West faltered in the Spring of 1918, and the intervention of the United States finally cracked the four year stalemate that was the Western Front. On November 11th, 1918, Germany surrendered, and the greatest war humanity had ever known came to an abrupt, silent end.

Yet things were just beginning to get interesting for Greece...

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A map showing the growth of Greece from 1832-1922. Greek gains after 1872 were extensive and immensely influential on the future course of the nation.
 
Looking good, a very interesting alternate history there, Alexandros sounds just like my kind of King, I'm looking forward to more of him!
 
Mwah.

Tough being King in Greece it seems...

And now you're certainly the pre-eminent regional power.
 
At long last, revenge against the Turks! Truly a great day for the Greek people and the Orthodox faithful.

On a side note, your AAR inspired me to start a game as greece w/ the 1914 mod. I planned to join the Entente and win as much Turkish land as I could. Spent the first year preparing the country for war when, to my disappointment and surprise, Austria backed down. Oh well, I kept preparing and waited for the next spark that would ignite the Great War. It never came. Every successive opportunity to start the war was avoided! I'd never been so frustrated with the triumph of reason! :D
 
Is the first son still lying around somewhere? He’ll be trouble…
 
Excellent update. KUTGW. :)
 
Alexander I 1915-
Part Two

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The "Big Three" of post-war European reconstruction - Lloyd George of Britain, Georges Clemenceau of France, and Woodrow Wilson of the United States

The old Europe of 1914 was in shambled 4 years later. Germany was in the midst of a Civil War, Austria-Hungary had fragmented into numerous states, and Russia was now in the hands of Communist ideologues. It was left to the surviving three Great Powers - the United States, Great Britain, and France, to attempt to reshape this new, forbidding world. The role of Greece in this new field was to prove instrumental to their plans.

To secure "perpetual and unending peace," Wilson, Clemenceau and Lloyd George collectively realized two major events needed to happen. One, all of the old multinational empires had shown their weakness in the modern era, and needed to be dismantled. Secondly, above all else, the tinderbox that was the Balkans, source of nearly half of the major European wars in the last half century, needed to be doused with diplomatic water. To accomplish the former, the Great Powers formally broke apart the sad heap that was Austria-Hungary, stripped Poland from Germany and Russia, and recognized the independence of the Baltic states.

To solve the Balkan problem, two theories were put forward. One involved aggrandizing existing Balkan states into a few "super-states," paving over problems of national unity by lumping peoples together - in effect, ignoring the first principle out of convenience. The second was to build up an existing Balkan state to the extent that it could serve as a regional peace-keeper, a local hegemon with enough clout and power to fix problems without involving any of the Great Powers. As was typical of much of the post-war rearranging of Europe, no clear choice was made, and thus both ended up being practiced.

The former states of Serbia and Montenegro were merged with Bosnia, Croatia and Slovenia to form the conglomerate state of Yugoslavia, conveniently shoving that Balkan problem under a collective rug. Yet what to do in the far southern Balkans remained a thorny issue. Greece had occupied Macedonia during the Great War, and Venizelos was pressing historic Greek claims to the region with a vengeance. It was helpful that King Alexandros now ruled - and the formidable Greek Prime Minister Eleftherios Venizelos could point to the sympathetic Western press and quote Macedonia as the birthplace of the King's namesake. Albania, a Principality declared on the eve of war in 1914, was also in flux - the region had booted out their Prince shortly after his arrival, and descended into chaos.

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Eleftherios Venizelos, the great Prime Minister, alongside General Sarrail, CinC of Entente Forces in the Balkans

Greece had formally occupied the region in the name of 'stability,' but to Wilson, it looked to be a simple land grab. Bulgaria was another thorny issue. Tsar Ferdinand had declared for the Central Powers in 1915, and Bulgaria's armies had marched north against Romania and the Russian Imperial armies in that same year. It was unfortunate for the Tsar that Greece entered the war shortly thereafter and quickly occupied all of Bulgaria. Now, Venizelos pressed Greek claims of ownership on Plodiv and all of southern Bulgaria save the region around Sofia itself. Ferdinand had since died, and his son Boris ruled as a Tsar who had no Tsardom to rule.

Turkey was a far easier problem to solve. All present agreed that the Ottoman Empire was a failed state, and Greek bayonets had forcibly solved the territorial issue. As the Turks were not Europeans, in the eyes of the Great Powers, the issue was more beneath their more pressing concerns - and thus Greece was allowed to keep all her gains, so long as an autonomous Turkey remained to be a home for the Turkish people.

Venizelos pushed hard for Greece's gains - Greek intervention had allowed the Allies to occupy much of the Middle East, knocked Turkey and Bulgaria out of the war, and buffered the vulnerable Serbian line to allow Serbia to survive to form the core of Yugoslavia. Yet adhering to Wilson's principle of national self-determination in his Fourteen Points, neither Bulgaria nor Albania could not be merely ceded to Greece. With the Great Powers unwilling to budge on the negotiating table, Venizelos came up with a brilliant compromise - Bulgaria and Albania would retain their independence, with governments appointed and arranged by the Greeks to ensure "stability and good governance." In effect, they would become puppets of the Hellenic Kingdom. On the subject of Macedonia, Venizelos stood his ground, and threatened to walk out of the Conference should the allies take it away. Weary and eager to compromise, the Great Powers caved.

With the fall of the Ottoman Sultan, no clear ruler had arisen to establish control over the region, and a fratricidal war had erupted. Alexandros, the Greek government, and more importantly the 80,000 Greek soldiers in the region, threw their support behind the leadership of Ismet Inonu, a former military officer. Inonu was seen as a man who could quell the chaos on Greece's new, fragile frontiers. As such, he was named Regent of Turkey (in lieu of a new Sultan) with Greek backing in September of 1921, and reaffirmed the new borders and power relationships. The Treaty of Ankyra also spelled out how Turks now living within Greece's borders were to be treated, and in this regard, Venizelos and Alexandros broke into their first major disagreement.

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Ismet Inonu, the man to whom the Greeks turned to quell chaos in the nascent Turkish Republic.

Venizelos, ever the nationalist, was in favor of expelling all Turks from these new "lands of the Greeks," while Alexandros was in favor of something more moderate. The King agreed that malcontents should leave the country, but he felt that able-bodied and skilled workers, if they showed themselves loyal to their new government, should be allowed to begin a path towards citizenship. To Venizelos' surprise and dismay, the King milked every ounce of his popularity and clout into drawing a significant majority of the Parliament into backing his actions. Once that was achieved, Alexandros telegrammed Venizelos, informed him of the numbers, and asked him to not resign - the King felt that the Prime Minister's abilities would be wasted if he resigned over one such issue. The two agreed to disagree, and Alexandros' landmark Citizenship Laws were passed in February of 1922 by the Hellenic Parliament.

Yet a problem remained - how could Greece, a kingdom, claim suzerainty over two other kingdoms? Venizelos dived deep into his bag of political tricks, and pulled out an institution that had not existed for the better part of 500 years - the Byzantine Empire. By its end Greek in form, thought and function, claiming the ancient title would give the Greek monarchy, and thus the Greek government, enough authority in the eyes of monarchists throughout the Balkans to justify the domination of her smaller neighbors. Venizelos dismissed options to sway democrats or leftists, deciding they would be lost causes anyway. By 1921, Venizelos and Alexandros both decided this principle of suzerainty should be expanded to cover the rump of Turkey as well.

For this plan, Venizelos went abroad yet again, visiting the UK, Italy and other royalist countries to ramp up international support for this move. Alexandros' close ties to the British Royal Family paid off, and the House of Gluckberg's Danish ties secured Scandanavian support. Woodrow Wilson and France of course protested, France only slightly as Venizelos offered to fully recognize French claims in Syria in return. The promise of Greek hegemony and stabilization in the region eventually won out. The delicate diplomatic dance took most of 1921 and into 1922, when finally, the Greeks went ahead with their plan.

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The lavish coronation ceremony of Alexandros. The scepter alone supposedly cost 150,000 pounds.

On July 6th, 1922, Alexandros and an immense entourage entered the Hagia Sophia where Patriarch Meletius IV crowned him Autokrator ton Romanion, Basilieos ton Hellenikon, Basilieios ton Makedonikon, kai Basilieos ton Ionia (Emperor of the Romans, King of the Hellenes, Macedonians and Ionia). The carefully worded title automatically raised the Greek Royal government to an Imperial one, giving it a measure of supposed "authority" above the puppet regimes around it, while for Greek nationalists it carefully preserved the royal prerogatives of "King of the Hellenes." To appease the Turks, only the title "King of Ionia" was included, giving Inonu's nascent regime a chance to take hold. The name of the state changed, from the "Kingdom of Greece" to the "Empire of Greece."

Yet this happy occasion was eclipsed by something far more sinister. In Italy, a revolutionary named Benito Mussolini had led a legion of followers in a "March on Rome," to oust the Italian Prime Minister and his government. Upset that Italy's losses in the Great War were hardly being rewarded, and that the Great Powers seemed willing to bend over backwards for Greece, Yugoslavia and themselves but not for Italy, they demanded justice. King Vittorio Emmanuel III duly asked for the resignation of Prime Minister Luigi Facta, and Mussolini's "Black Shirts" took effective control of the government. The fate of Mussolini and his party would be inextricably tied to the fate of Greece for the next two decades...

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Benito Mussolini - nationalist, populist, and avowed enemy of the Greek Empire. Mussolini felt that the Greek Imperial title infringed on his aims to restore the glory of Rome.




The Washington Naval Treaty

The general mood after the end of the Great War would seem to be one of disarmament, but almost immediately afterwards the Great Powers set about building warships on a vast scale. The United States pronounced it would have a navy "second to none," the Japanese announced a plan to build 8 battleships and 8 battlecruisers, while the British solemnly announced that they would allow no navy to overtake the Royal Navy in supremacy. Quickly realizing that this arms race bore many similarities to the British-German rivalry on the eve of the Great War, the powers of the world gathered in Washington D.C. in 1921 to discuss methods of reducing naval construction.

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The Navy had long been a center for Greek national pride. The Battle of Elli in 1906 is one such example. A Greek fleet of 5 pre-dreadnoughts decimated an equal Turkish force.

Greece at the end of the war had a fleet of 6 dreadnoughts and 4 battlecruisers, with 3 more dreadnoughts on the slips. The potential for animosity between Italy and Greece was recognized as early as 1920, and thus both were invited to participate in arms reduction talks then going on in Washington D.C. After cantankerous negotiations (many of which were the subject of nationalist ridicule in both Italy and Greece) the six signatories emerged on the 6th of February, 1922, with agreements limiting the size and number of capital ships in each nation, as well as a ten year moratorium on capital ship construction.

Greece and Italy both recieved an allotment of 225,00 tons of capital ship vessels, and the other Mediterranean power, France recieved an allotment of 250,000 tons. This meant Italy was allowed to keep all four of her Francesco Caracciolo class dreadnoughts - powerful ships armed with eight 15 inch guns that clearly outclassed any of the Greek dreadnoughts (The largest Greek dreadnoughts, the Leonidas class, had twelve 14 inch guns whom the Italian ships clearly outranged). Under the terms of the treaty, Greece would have to consign three of its dreadnoughts to the slips, and was allowed to build or purchase two "large hulled vessels" to compensate for Italy's superiority, yet many Greek nationalists furiously fought this limitation.

The Venizelos government, fresh off of the popularity triumph of the coronation of Emperor Alexandros, now faced a considerable public backlash once the terms of the Treaty became public. The Great Powers all felt that Greece had asked a great deal, and during negotiations had been unwilling to budge from any of the terms. While Italy and Mussolini smiled at the guarantee that Greece could not outstrip their navy, Greeks from all sides of the political spectrum ranted and raved.

To save his political skin, Eleftherios Venizelos began negotiations with the Japanese. The government, to appease the nationalists who were riding high on the crest of conquest, needed those two "large hulled" ships immediately - which meant acquiring a partially built hull from somewhere else. Both Britain and the United States were well on their way to scrapping or converting their post-1918 "large hull" capital ships, and were thus not options. The Japanese, however, had spent much of the fall of 1922 vaccilating on whether the two Tosa fast battleship hulls were to be scrapped, or the hulls of the two Amagi battlecruisers.

Venizelos offered help them with their dilemma. Greece formally tendered an offer to purchase both Amagi hulls on the slips, and pay for their completion by Japan to Greek specifications. Initially the Japanese were stunned by the offer - the monies earned would compensate the expected slump in the shipbuilding industry from the cancellation of so many large projects. The Greek demands to the design were simple - the removal of one of the twin 16" turrets, with the weight savings to be used for even larger, more powerful engines and heavier armor. The Japanese eagerly accepted, changing plans to make the Tosa and Kaga into the two large carriers allowed under Treaty obligations.

Construction proceeded apace on the two new vessels, with one major hiccup - when an earthquake badly damaged the hull of the Tosa the Japanese initially announced they would rescind the sale of the Akagi. Yet when the Greeks made it apparent that they would cancel the entire order if either ship was retaken, the Japanese backed down. In 1924, the first of the ships, christened the Alexandros Megos was launched, and her fittings were completed in 1925. By 1926 she, along with her sister Basilieos were in full service. At 41,000 tons, and armed with eight 16 inch guns, they outclassed the Carraciolo's and were the post powerful capital ships in the Mediterranean.

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The Alexandros Megos, flagship and pride of the Imperial Hellenic Navy.

These vessels, however, weren't enough to save the Venizelos government. Disappointed by the results of the Naval Treaty and an economic slowdown, the Greek public voted decidedly against Venizelos in the 1924 Parliamentary elections. Nikolaios Plastiras, a popular commander of Greek forces during the Great War, succeeded him as Prime Minister. Plastiras was a parliamentary novice, and his inexperience would prove a playing ground for Emperor Alexandros in the coming months...

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Nikolaios Plastiras - general, Prime Minister, and naive statesman whom Emperor Alexandros would manipulate to his own ends...
 
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Ahh the Washington naval treaty, no-one seemed to win at Washington or Versailles. Still, Greece has carved itself a niche in Europe, hopefully Greece and Italy can come to some sort of an arrangement..
 
So the stage is set for a not-so-friendly rivarly with Italy. Considering the trouble the Italians had with the invasion of Greece in OTL I'm not too worried. ;)
 
Good alternative history you have here. Poor Greece, her neighbours will surely be back with a vengeage sooner than the Greek politicians might think :(
 
the Greek Empire has been formed, but spending all that money on the coronation can't be good. :p
 
A very good AAR thus far.
 
What's the greek economy like at the moment?
 
English Patriot - Alexander in real life was certainly a character. He was kind of a dare-devil, and since he was the second son of Constantine, his wild behavior was permitted. He was especially infatuated with race cars, and injured himself several times in auto accidents testing out vehicles. I tried to extrapolate how this behavior would go into politics if Venizelos lost his steering influence on Alexander.

One of the biggest decisions coming up (which I plan on leaving with you, my readers) is whether Greece should side with the Allies against the other claimant to Roman ancestry, or if she should make an "arrangement" with Italy to split the Mediterranean, become more authoritarian and join the Axis...

RGB - Trust me, Constantine wasn't exactly the best King in the world. It was a good thing for Greece in his alternate history IMHO that he was there for only two years. :)


Deus Eversor - Thanks, I hope you enjoy how the AAR progresses!

VILenin - I'm hoping this one doesn't end as boring as yours. My first time playing HOI2 Poland fought Germany of the Czechs in 1938, the West never got involved, and Germany steamrolled on through the Soviet Union, making a huge empire by 1942. No Western powers got involved, and the US-Japanese war was mostly a sitz-krieg. Very boring from my perspective as a fascist Brazil (I was hoping Germany would DW the US so they would become to busy with me seizing all of Latin America... never happened).

As for Italy - considering that Greece in this scenario has a major battlefleet, a larger army and a sizeable, if outdated, airforce, they will definitely run into problems if they come at us alone. THe problem is, then tend to drag their big German neighbor along...

Fulcrumvale - Yes, he's actually allowed back into Greece and assumed the role of Crown Prince. George II, from what I understand, was rather aloof anyways - though his status might become a problem later on. Stay tuned. :)

The next update will take things up to 1936 and the start of the game itself... and a full description of the Greek economy at the start will be included. :)

LordoftheMind - Thank you! I hope you like the rest of the AAR as well!

Karelian - Oh yes, the lesser powers in this arrangement aren't exactly happy...

rcduggan - True... but its better than Bokassa spending a year's GDP of the Central African Republic on his coronation as Emperor. :)

stnylan - Thank you! I hope you enjoy what is to come!

asd21593 - Partially yes... I've read through it before and it gave me some ideas. I was already contemplating how a Byzantine Empire surviving through to the modern era would cope from dealing with my CK AAR (I still intend on taking that thing up to EU3, even if its been three months and were only up to 1120! :p ). I did some research, and came up with this possible scenario that has a strong Gluckberg monarch and a marginalized Venizelos...
 
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To understand how Greek politics came to their place in 1936, with a monarchy that had gained power instead of lost it like other monarchies around the world, one must understand the person of Emperor Alexander I, and his relationship to the people of Greece.

Alexander was born the second son of King Constantine in 1893, and as he was never expected to succeed to the throne, he had a vastly different upbringing than his brother George. George was reared from the beginning to be an army commander - in 1906 George was an adjunct on his father's staff during the successful Balkan War, and in the Great War after his brief exile George commanded a corps in action at Gallipoli. He went on to command the field army sent to quell the Turks who rebelled against the Treaty of Ankyra, and overall, he had a decent combat record, and was respected by officers and men alike. However, he never was an inspiring individual, described by others around him as "bland," "boring," and even "insipid."

Alexander, in contrast, was flamboyant. While he entered the bare minimum of officer's training, he was mostly allowed to do as he wished. He became an avid outdoorsman, a crack shot with a pistol, and was in the running to represent Greece at the 1912 Olympic Games. Boating, horseback riding, hiking and fishing were all avid diversions of his. Hale and hearty, he loved nothing better than taking friends with him, regardless of their social station. Likewise Alexander was known for his daring, to the point that many called it rashness. He loved automobiles and automobile racing, entering himself incognito into the lists on multiple occasions. Twice he was found out when his car wrecked and he had to spend time in the hospital. Well travelled, versed in many languages, he had all the hallmarks of becoming a "playboy royal," that made many friends but did not rule.

Above all, Alexander was an ardent Greek nationalist, believing in the power and righteousness of the Megali Idea. As early as 1913 Alexander was agitating for renewed war against the weakened Turks, regardless of what the Great Powers said, to try to seize Constantinople. He eternally advocated a powerful military for Greece, despite the fact he never served as an officer. His views, as well as his lifestyle, made him very popular long before he assumed the throne.

That changed when the Venizelos government entered its duel with King Constantine in 1915. Venizelos quickly realized that Alexander was far more popular with the people and the army than the King - Constantine's constant requests for moderation in Greek foreign policy were seen by some as almost treasonous. Alexander was indignant on the issue as well, and it was easy to
persuade him that he should take the throne. Little did Venizelos realize what he was unleashing.

After the 1915 coup, to Venizelos' surprise, Alexander leapt eagerly into the role of governing. He read and travelled widely throughout his realm, learning about the lives of his citizens, and his exploits at the front quickly became the source of legend. He quickly brought his elder brother George back from exile and gave him an army command - George was not keen to rule, and the army was wildly in love with their new King. Alexander continued his spate of decisive and/or rash action, exposing himself to fire, driving himself everywhere he wanted to go, often disdaining protection. All of these things made him even more popular with the people of Greece than any of his prime ministers, even Venizelos.

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King Alexandros at the Gallipoli Front, February of 1916, at the far left.

After the Venizelos government fell in 1924, there were no prime ministers who came even close.

Venizelos' first replacement, Nikolaios Plastiras, was a brilliant cavalry general who had served well in war, but proved himself indecisive in peace. At Cabinet meetings it was often Alexander who chaired, directed discussion, and took on many of the roles of Prime Minister. Alexander freely bullied his Prime Minister with his own popularity, confident that should anyone in his Cabinet cross him, he merely needed to go public with his misgivings and the government would fall.

For all his nationalist sentiment, Alexander was also a realist. With the vast new territories taken from the Turks, Alexander new people were needed to man the factories, shops, and economies of the new conquests. This meant coming to terms with Turks living under Greece's protection, and while Alexander never became pro-Turkish or a loud advocate, through quiet mentions and murmurings he turned government discussion towards extending some rights to Turks living within Greek lands, retaining at least some of the Turkish population. These Turks, however, looked at the Emperor as their savior, and through the early 1930s as more and more of them passed the requirement of the Citizenship Laws and gained the right to vote, they backed whichever party Alexander indicated.

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A gathering of the Hellenic Turkish Congress in 1934. The Congress, which was an umbrella organization covering numerous Turkish civic and charitable organizations within the Greek Empire, voted to endorse the Greek Union Party at this meeting.

Slowly, the Emperor consolidated an undo amount of power into his personal hands, alternating by exercising his Constitutional duties when he wished, acquiring, creating and keeping embarassing information on opponents, and consistently placing his Prime Ministers into positions where their public confidence would be undermined. When the international markets collapsed in
1929, the Emperor forced Plastiras to propose an unpopular banking reform initiative, then publicly spoke against his Prime Minister's actions. Plastiras was throttled in the following elections. The Emperor's personal network of informations let him known that the next Prime Minister, the seemingly old and decrepit Simon Voulontis of Venizelos' old Liberal Party, was actually having an affair with his secretary. Once that information was leaked to the public, the Voulontis government fell and the old man took his own life. Public opinion began to sway that the Emperor was the only true and stable part of government, and his 'unofficial' opinions quickly began to have 'official' weight.

Alexander's popularity was sufficiently strong that in 1932 the academic and polemic Konstantinos Demertzis created the 'Greek Union' Party, an organization fully dedicated to backing the judgements and opinions of the monarch. Quickly its ranks filled - some, like Ioannis Metaxas, were ardent monarchists in the first place, some, like Plastiras, were opportunists, rankers who had lost out and wanted back into the political game, and some, like Georgios Logothetis, sensed a winner and wanted to ride a coattail. Regardless of their reasons, in the next parliamentary elections, Greek Union won enough of a majority that laws were quickly enacted curtailing who could take seats in subsequent ballots. After this measure was quickly passed, Demertzis quickly called a snap election, which solidified Greek Union, and thus royal, control over the Parliament.

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The Greek Cabinet as it stands in January of 1936. The only member who is not a part of the Greek Union party is the indomitable Eleftherios Venizelos in his capacity as Minister of the Air Force.

By 1936, a system where once the Emperor was mostly a figurehead and the parliament truly in control (as developed by Venizelos) had now been changed to one that was roughly equal - on paper the Emperor was a figurehead, in reality he exerted immense influence and control through the organs of the Greek Union and his own personal opinions. A public word from Alexander carried immense weight, to the point when he commented that the MP Georgios Kandaramis was "holding up reforms" the man recieved death threats from private citizens and his home was vandalized. Royal family members were respected members of the government and the military - Alexander's brother George and uncle Andrew were highly respected commanders in the Greek army, both with combat experience commanding large units in the field (Both commanded corps during the Great War). His other brother, Prince Paul was one of the more senior officers in the Greek Navy, having served with the Greek and later Royal Navies during the Great War, seeing action at the indecisive clash at Jutland.

The Gluckbergs thus held a stranglehold on power in interwar Greece, a stranglehold that looked to not be loosening any time soon...

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The flag of the Greek Empire
 
Awesome! And the game's true start approaches... :)
 
Alexander's position is an interesting one, no formal power but still wielding large amounts unofficial influence due to his popularity. Of course that puts him in a problematic position. If he doesn't take steps to legitimize his position as head of state he could find himself shut out of government if his popularity ever wanes.
 
I’m actually, quite literally, drooling right now. Let the game begin!
 
Now that is a very interesting post on the constitutional developments.