• We have updated our Community Code of Conduct. Please read through the new rules for the forum that are an integral part of Paradox Interactive’s User Agreement.
MOZART: THE LATER YEARS 1791-1803 Part 1

Written by Gary Smith, taken from www.mozartforum.com

----------------------

INTRODUCTION

There has always been the discussion that starts out in some fashion: What would have happened with Mozart, had he lived longer? In most cases, this becomes just idle speculation that he would have composed more symphonies or piano concerti, assuredly met Beethoven, become a full-fledged Romantic composer, and so forth. But this all happens against what backdrop? What might be the other circumstances that would cause some, all or none of these milestones to be achieved?

Who's to say? Well, in this case, it might as well be me. While, as it is said, prediction is an uncertain thing, especially about the future, things can occur to force ones' hands. In this case, when one gets an illuminating flash and sees a timeline and events suddenly present themselves, uncalled for but presented very clearly, then one is impelled to record the information for discussion, if nothing else.

So, I offer this work, the fruits of a long and laborious labor of its own sort, to the people that love Mozart as I do, and hope that everyone enjoys the reading as much as I did the writing.

Prologue

The biography posted at this site covers Mozart's life up until 1791. One could therefore remove the final pages dealing with that year, and append the following additional research material. As with the former material, I haven't gone into a lot of depth on the better-known facts and events, as this is much more a synopsis of his life than a work of deep research.



1791: The year of 1791 saw many great works premiered. Mozart, with the specter of financial calamity always hovering in the distance, due to his (later) admitted gambling problem, strove to regain his fortune and honor at this time by producing more works in shorter times. His music had been changing again over time and works from this last period are noted for their darker-hued tones, a simplicity without losing directness of purpose and their autumnal "feel", which has been described as portraying that everything in Mozart's life at this point was somehow winding down. From this point on though, within this "feel" as it were, there is a wealth of color and rhythm. All of the instrumental sections are now treated with a near-equal importance. The instrumentation is as rich as Brahms's achieved, yet is utterly lucid. There is nothing like this previous to say Cosi fan tutte (where it occurs sporadically). It truly first comes out, in all places, in the dances from the start of 1791. The first major work after those where it again can be viewed is Die Zauberflöte. After that, it was the major centerpiece of his style.

But, 1791 did not start out with any auspicious events. Rather, it appeared to be a foreshadowing to the events of the upcoming December. Mozart performed Piano Concerto # 27 in B flat K.595 as the third item on another performer's concert bill. Mozart was writing music for playing on mechanical organs at a memorial to a dead war hero in order to get a few more ducats. His last great wind concerto, the Clarinet Concerto In A, K.622, was written for a friend who owed him about $28,000 (2006 A. D. conversion) and never paid that debt, despite Mozart's pressing need for money throughout this time.


Mozart received a commission on short notice in 1791 to compose an opera seria for the coronation ceremonies of Leopold II in Prague, the city that adored Mozart's operas. Compressing 5-6 months of work down to just over 9 weeks, Mozart gave the festivities there the opera La Clemenza di Tito which was not well received initially. For his friend Emmanuel Schikaneder, owner of a suburban theater in a lower middle class part of Vienna, Mozart was inspired to collaborate with the impresario and his troupe and so the German opera Die Zauberflöte came about. Started on the traditional March 18th date, but put aside for La Clemenza, this work was immediately popular, first in Vienna and then throughout the German states, giving Mozart again the taste of recognition and honor that he had felt before.

By this time, after years of poor monetary luck, it seemed that things began to turn around for Mozart and his family (now with two sons). Mozart was appointed unpaid deputy Kapellmeister to St. Stephen's cathedral in Vienna to help the sick composer Leopold Hoffman in charge there (though not without dissent of certain of the overseeing city council members). This put Mozart in line for the post, which paid about $100,000 a year (2006 A.D. conversion). An amateur musical group in Hungary was offering to buy new compositions from him on subscription as was one in Holland, totaling perhaps another $50,000+ yearly. He had received an offer to go to London and compose for theaters there for at least $120,000 for a year as well. Mozart had an understanding with Johann Peter Salomon, the impresario that had taken Joseph Haydn to England for a successful concert season, to go there as well in 1792. Haydn had made about $250,000 on his tour and Mozart could expect a similar success. Other impresarios were offering opera texts for Mozart to compose music for. All that was required now was patience and the time to choose the most advantageous offers, as many of these could be accomplished simultaneously and without conflict. His musical timing had always been peerless; it now was time for Mozart to get his life in step with these offers.

Mozart's last major composition for 1791 was a Requiem in d minor, commissioned and prepaid by an unnamed messenger acting on behalf of an anonymous amateur composer named Count Franz Walsegg. The Count intended to pass of the work as his own, to honor his dead wife. Constanza was sharply opposed to this course of action, calling it "cheap and unseemly" for a composer of Mozart's stature to undertake. Mozart had taken the work on despite these strange circumstances in the spring of 1791, believing he needed about six or eight weeks to complete it and so acquire the commission. But, with other compositions such as the two operas crowding his schedule, Mozart worked intermittently on the Requiem. Finally, after the premier of Die Zauberflöte in September, he went back to work in earnest. By the middle of November, he had, it would appear, about 35% of it on paper when he fell sick.

And it then seemed that the world was closing in again. Mozart's gambling habits had landed in him many troubles over the years (as it turned out), but his inability to honor a payment promise to Prince Lichnowsky earlier in the year came home to roost now. The Prince, stubborn and careless, sued Mozart for the money owed, and in November he won his case, being able to claim 1460 gulden total. Armed with a warrant, he was authorized to attach Mozart's court salary, and by doing so, bring down disgrace and potential ruin on Wolfgang. Mozart's only secure income was his court salary, which if taken would have surely forced the family out of their home, perhaps even back to Salzburg.

Pork cutlets aside, no one is sure what this defining illness was, though a flare-up of his on-going rheumatic condition is still believed the most likely cause, with added complications. Despite treatments by some of the best doctors in Vienna, Mozart became worse and was confined to bed, his joints swollen, and the pain too great for him to move himself and subject to a high fever. The Prince, in the end having some feelings of propriety, held off on collecting his owed moneys. The Count, on the other hand, feeling he had waited a bit too long, kept pressing, even during this illness, for the finished Requiem. He wanted it by the 15th of January, so that rehearsals could begin on time.

By all accounts, Mozart was at death's door. Had he died then, with no money saved, no pension, and creditors just on the other side of the door, Constanze and his sons would have been put in a precarious situation. No doubt she would have been forced to sell off all the manuscripts then in existance at fire sale prices, in order to survive. Though, given later developments regarding her, she may have found a more creative way to salvage the situation. In any event, Mozart's collapse on December 4-5th was the absolute low point. The application of cold compresses (following the bleeding done by his doctor) to his fevered head initiated this collapse, and Sophie, attending the sick man and so having applied the compress, went into hysterics and had to be restrained by Dr. Closset and Constanze. The ruckus brought in neighbors and eventually the police, but over time things were sorted out and calmed down. Mozart remained totally unconscious for nearly 10 hours, motionless with a barely discernable pulse, before coming around.

At this point then, Constanze wrote "?..I resolved never to face this again, except as being as prepared as anyone one could be, to do so." With Wolfgang weak and totally helpless, she left him in the care of Sophie on December 8th and made her way to see Prince Lichnowsky. In an interview (which she described as cordial yet impassioned; his description of it was instead heated and volatile), she and the Prince agreed, given Mozart's condition, to suspend the attachment of his salary and that all other moneys coming in would go directly to the Prince to pay the outstanding debt (plus court costs). However great his need for the money (and surprisingly, the Prince was in need; he eventually lost everything due to his gambling addiction, a source of future quiet satisfaction to Mozart), the Prince did not want to be seen as kicking a sick man when he was prostrate on the ground. So, he acquiesced to the situation. Given this breathing room, she went back to nursing Mozart back to health so as to get him earning money again.

Selling a performance copy of Die Zauberflöte raised part of the money, as well as several of those of the piano concerti (that were merely laying under the fortepiano) to Artaria. The two godsends that truly eased matters were, of course, the benefit performance Schikaneder gave with Die Zauberflöte and the contract and libretto that showed up for The Tempest. By January 5th, Constanze was able to pay off Prince Lichnowsky just over 900 gulden worth of this debt, and armed with two signed contracts, got him to extend the agreed upon payback deadline. In any event, he was paid in full by the end of March.

To all of this, Mozart gave full credit to Constanze, as well as control of the finances from that time forward. Mozart's standard line from then on, to nearly all people paying or requesting money was "see my wife, she's the manager. I make the music, she handles the money." Their system worked to great advantage the rest of Mozart's life. In appreciation of Constanze's efforts and as well of how close he had come to immortality, he swore off gambling as well. Except for two small slips, he appears to have been clean the rest of his life from that addiction.

================================================== ===============

1792: Mozart, slowly healing, used Süssmayr to help with the task of completing the Requiem as well as The Tempset. Given to recurring bouts of fevers and the fairly crude treatments of the day, Mozart remained sick off and on through the first two months of the year. Given his brush with death, the bold dark colors of the opening of Requiem, in contrast to the warm gentleness of the Benedictus and the hopeful rising chords of the closing Agnus Dei, have made this work one of the highpoints of Mozart's church works. There has always been an on-going controversy as to Süssmayr's actual creative involvement with this work, as we only have as a manuscript the first three main sections (the Introit/Kyrie, Sequence and Offertory) and the Benedictus laid out in readiness by Mozart for a full score. Except for the Lacrymosa, of which only 18 bars were written and an "Amen" fugue sketch worked out, all the movements are fully worked out with four vocal parts a base line. Only the first movement is orchestrated in full. The rest is in Süssmayr's hand. This fact is used to explain the lackings in the remaining movements by the reasoning that Mozart simply had Süssmayr compose them himself, subject to the sick man's approval. The opposing viewpoint simply believes that the sick Mozart was, at this time, not able to effectively compose and that the completion we have is a great tribute to his spirit and tenacity in the face of his desperate illness. What Süssmayr got from Mozart's dictations and sketches were "good enough" for the sick man, who would otherwise have taken much more time in correcting and editing the material. But, of all things, time was not plentiful right then.

For the Count was, if nothing else, persistent. The anniversary of his wife's death was in the upcoming February, he wanted the work for the proper rehearsals to be given. He had waited most of a year for a work promised in six weeks of bestowing the commission. While not a valuable source of commissions, Mozart had benefited from this Count before, and hopefully could do so in the future. His father had always warned him about dallying on projects; he had here and now was annoying a nobleman, to boot. For perhaps the first real time, Mozart probably did not care enough to give the material his full attention. He apparently cared more to get it done and off the table. Perhaps to remove a reminder of his mortality from view, as well? In the case of the Requiem, it apparently did get the bulk of his attention. The quality level speaks of this.

The Tempest, on the other hand, falls back into the category of works exemplified by 1791's Tito, Der Stein and Dervish, where despite patches of truly good work appear, the overall effect is one of disappointment. Especially with The Tempest, Mozart's only foray into the works of Shakespeare. The lament that two great artistic forces could be combined to produce a somewhat lifeless work is the standard line, but Mozart evidently did little more (in his condition) then set what was in front of him. We have no records of any give and take on libretto changes, and given a completion (as noted in his catalogue) of April 5th, 1792, one could expect few. Assuming the Requiem was finished by mid-January, the Tempest then must have taken up only 8 or so weeks to complete. While this is over twice as long as the time estimated for La Clemenza, it is far short of what Mozart used for Die Zauberflöte. This quickness of composition and lackluster result hasn't, of course, kept The Tempest of the boards since it's premiere.

As well, without the stimulus of a theater in front of him (The Tempest was for Hamburg, not Vienna), he appears to have been content to supply music without getting in any way "involved" in the story itself. The recent find of sketches of this work in Süssmayr's hand has lent further credence to the speculation that indeed he may have composed many of the items himself. Given his theater efforts in later years, this speculation has a solid foundation. The existing manuscript itself is over three quarters in his hand, not Mozart's, it matches the printed copies exactly, meaning that another slightly different version in Mozart's hand is very unlikely. We have but one short sketch by Mozart to show that he indeed put any in-depth creative thought in it at all. Given the state of the Requiem manuscript, both of these works remain the mysteries of the later Mozart works.

With the December arrival of Cimarosa in Vienna and the spectacular success of his opera Il Matrimonio Secreto (not to mention his payment of 3500 gulden during his 7 month stay), Mozart knew that, in reality, Vienna was not HIS city right now. How long could he count on that 800 gulden stipend? Schikaneder was pressing him to compose another opera, but he seems reluctant to take up another comic opera, what with Die Zauberflöte doing well, and The Tempest apparently not settling well in his mind. Yet, his monetary needs were precarious then. And so, given the unlooked for offer from England that came across his desk at the end of April 1792, he was either mentally prepared to take bigger risks, or more desperate.

vienna_mozart_statue1.jpg
 
MOZART: THE LATER YEARS 1791-1803 Part 2

Written by Gary Smith, www.mozartforum.com

1792 Continued...

Haydn's success in London with Salomon had been at the expense of the other series of concerts held there, the Professional Concert series. They had engaged Pleyel to offset Haydn, but of course this was no match. Thomas Attwood still had the ear of the Prince of Wales, the Storaces were in London as well supposedly helping spread his name, and as the managers of the Professional Concerts (watching their receipts limp along and calculating that they would be out of business by the end of the season), looked for any solution their dilemma. Apparently, with Attwood as the catalyst (and, apparently, armed with at least one letter from Constanze detailing the recent illness and money worries), the Prince of Wales coming in as a backer, and a vital need, the Professional Series sent an offer to Mozart to star in a new series of concerts that year. Their offer was:

A 50-ducat transportation fee there. A guarantee of 6 concerts at which at least 12 new works (or certainly ones unknown in England) were to be premiered by Mozart, the right to sell those works to publishers in England with no royalties to the Professional Concerts, and 500 gulden guaranteed to Mozart per concert or half the house, which ever was the greater. The concerts would get scheduled once Mozart agreed to an arrival date. Getting home was on him, naturally.

Mozart, apparently feeling that he had little to lose, with his head still barely above water, leapt at this offer. Agreeing at once, he wrote his acceptance note out then and there for the admittedly surprised Series agent to send back, and said he would leave in one week. The family of course would have to stay, at least for now. Constanze recalled that week of packing and preparation as "feverish" as Mozart selected music to take for playing and selling, pulled out older dance music for Constanze to supply to the Court when they happened to call for some and wrote out directions on how to deal with the inevitable questions that might arise. As well, he met with Leopold Hoffman, to whom he was an unpaid assistant, to request a six-month leave, which the old Kapellmeister graciously granted.

Leaving on May 1st, 1792 and hurrying as fast as he could across Western Europe, Mozart arrived in England on May 16th. A happy reunion with Haydn insued, with no tinge of jealousy or rivalry staining the day. Hummel as well was there, and Mozart , upon hearing some of his works, warmly congratulated him on his efforts and ever after called him his favorite pupil. Attwood was singled out for praise and thanks for his interceding to help create this opportunity. The Storaces (Nancy and Stephen) were also on hand to welcome Mozart, but his greetings there were said to be less enthusiastic, Mozart knowing that despite their promises, they had apparently overturned NO stones in their efforts to help him with English audiences. The Professional Series, despite the lateness of the season, and the utter shock at Mozart's swift acceptance of their offer, scheduled the concerts over the next 8 weeks, commencing at the second week in June. In all events, they were a success. Mozart had chosen well musically, bringing 6 symphonies and 6 piano concerti, they all being;

Symphonies: #36 in C "Linz". #38 in D "Prague", #39 in Eb, #40 "Romantic", #41 "Jupiter" and #42 in G "Leipzig."

Concerti: #17 in G "2nd Ployer", #19 in F "1st Coronation", #20 in d, #21 in C, #22 in Eb and #28 in D "London," which was only partially composed there, as Tyson's paper studies showed it, like #27, were apparently sketched years earlier and then set aside.

Mozart's success, while less lucrative than Haydn's overall, was a godsend, though not without some pain. Mozart was not use to the swiftly published comparisons and reviews that were created with his concerts. Vienna (indeed most of continental Europe) did not possess the quick by-play and pointed remarks that London papers had in abundance. Being publicly found wanting by some in comparison to Haydn and Pleyel was apparently uncomfortable. Further, London of 1792 was not the one of the 1820's, where Mozart's music found a wider acceptance. So, for example, it should not be a surprise that the later, more complex symphonies such as the "Romantic," "Jupiter," and "Leipzig" were called turgid, overly seasoned and "great, even in failure!" But, there always seemed to be audiences ready to pay, regardless of what negative reviews did appear.

During his 6-month stay, he sent back to Constanze (as recorded in her ledger books) no less than 2526 gulden. He wrote of selling the manuscript copies to many of his works (including Figaro) to various publishers, of playing at many different salons and improvising to all hours there, and being received by the King and Queen for a private concert ("for which I was handsomely rewarded" as he wrote). By all accounts, Mozart made the most of his time there and, even without stinting himself, upon returning home in November of 1792, he brought with him another 662 gulden for the family. As well, he had an offer to return the following year, again in May. Salomon, though somewhat upset that Mozart had linked up with a rival concert series, had congratulated him on a successful tour and again offered to sponsor Mozart in a series of concerts in 1793.

On the home front, Mozart had received his subscription offer from Holland (the Hungarian one apparently fell through at some point) while away on his trip, and duly notified by Constanze, had composed those works while in London. The Court, finally noting that Mozart had traveled to England, had ceased his pay and in June had appointed Kozeluch more or less in his place. While this seems to have stung professionally, Mozart knew that with the money Constanze had banked (which, after paying off debts and deducting living expenses, left 224 gulden, not counting the 662 he brought back with him for a total of 886 gulden), which was more than enough for the family to live well the next 4 months until it was time to depart again for England. There would be a small reserve left, to boot.

Schikaneder, happy to see his friend again, attempted to persuade Mozart to compose another opera, as he had tried back in March. Schikaneder reportedly said of this: "He wants serious, but I need comic!" Mozart apparently, was either unsatisfied with the libretti shown him (a common complaint throughout his life), or perhaps he had just had enough of fluff at this point. What is certain is that Mozart took himself a seat and began to rapidly compose for the 1793 tour he was expecting to go on.

To be continued...

canal.jpg
 
GREAT AAR!

As an avid J.M. Kraus fan I'm happy to see there are others out there who like his music and know of him ;) I've collected most of the music of his that's on CD, it's that good :p And Mozart, well, what can you say. Keep it up, I'll be reading this AAR often :D I also noticed you swapped their stories and Kraus's C sharp minor is my favorite ;)
 
Last edited:
merlin2199 said:
As an avid J.M. Kraus fan I'm happy to see there are others out there who like his music and know of him ;) I've collected most of the music of his that's on CD, it's that good :p And Mozart, well, what can you say. Keep it up, I'll be reading this AAR often :D I also noticed you swapped their stories and Kraus's C minor is my favorite ;)

I've been interested in listening to some of Kraus' music for obvious name reasons, but as also a seemingly good contemporary of Mozart. Can you recommend any pieces that would serve as an introduction to his music? I've been really enjoying this fascinating AAR. :)
 
Thanks !

Thank you very much for your positive comments ! I was already afraid that this thread is not read, as there are only few replies.

I must only appologize for the lack of "originality". I have just copied the Mozart biography that could be found in wikipedia, and renamed him into "Kraus". The same is with Kraus biografy (here renamed into "Mozart"), that is also copied from wikipedia. However, in the case of Kraus ("Mozart"), I personally contributed a lot, gathering data from various sites, and updating and broadening the wikipedia article.

Now, when each composer is again named with his own name, I will continue posting a marvelous fictional biografy of Mozart, during the years 1791-1803, written by Gary Smith (much more talented writter than me).

Thanks again for your replies.

taymor_papgeno.jpg
 
Check this link out:

http://www.naxos.com/mainsite/default.asp?pn=Composers&char=K&ComposerID=568

Any of the volumes 1 thru 4 are excellent. Volume 1 has the Oplympie Overture, which Kraus wrote for an opera of the same name, Voltaire did the Libretto. Volume 3 has the Symphony in C sharp minor, one of only two written in the 18th century, and the one he did for Haydn. You will hear genius, and the best part is, you have never herd any of em so it will be very enjoyable ;) Despite being Naxos, the recordings are of very very high quality with a great performance. Enjoy :cool:
 
Kraus' works


kraus_p.gif



Compositions by Joseph Martin Kraus

Two different catalogs exist of Kraus' music, one by Karl Scheiber, Verzeichnis der Musikalischen Werke von Jos. Kraus, which gives each composition an A number, and Bertil van Boer's Die Werke von Joseph Martin Kraus: Systematisch-thematisches Werkverzeichnis, which gives each composition a VB number.

vb 1 \ requiem in d minor

vb 2 \ jubileum mass for pater alexander keck (lost)

vb 3 \ requiem for joseph ii (lost)

vb 4 \ miserere in c minor

vb 5 \ parvum quando in d major

vb 6 \ te deum in d major

vb 7 \ fracto demum sacramento in d major

vb 8 \ proh parvule in c major

vb 9 \ mot en alsvoedig magt in e flat major

vb 10 \ stella coeli in c major

vb 11 \ in te speravi domine in e flat major

vb 12 \ miserere (with roman hoffstetter) (lost)

vb 13 \ miserere nostri domine in c minor

vb 14 \ fragments of a motet in d major

vb 15 \ cantata for the installation of magnus lehnberg in d major

vb 16 \ der geburt jesu (lost)

vb 17 \ der tod jesu

vb 18 \ azire (lost)

vb 19 \ proserpin

vb 20 \ zoelia, ou l'origine de la foelicitoe (lost)

vb 21 \ oedipe (destroyed)

vb 22 \ soliman ii, eller de tre sultaninnorna

vb 23 \ aeneas i cartago, eller dido och aeneas

vb 24 \ half of a "musik spiel" (lost)

vb 25 \ le bon seigneur

vb 26 \ hoer mina oemna suckar in a major

vb 27 \ 4 intermezzos to molioere's amphitryon

vb 28 \ couplets to fintbergs broellop

vb 29 \ couplets to fri-corpsen, eller dalkarkarne (lost)

vb 30 \ du i hvars oskuldfulla in g major

vb 31 \ couplets to foedelsedagen (lost)

vb 32 \ oefventyraren, eller resan till moenens oe

vb 33 \ olympie

vb 34 \ moe sveafolk din tacksamhet in c major

vb 35 \ choruses to oedipe

vb 36 \ marknaden (lost)

vb 37 \ pantomime in d major

vb 38 \ pantomime in g major

vb 39 \ ballet movements for gluck's armide

vb 40 \ fiskarena

vb 41 \ zum geburtstage des koenigs

vb 42 \ funeral cantata for gustav iii

vb 43 \ la scusa

vb 44 \ la pesca

vb 45 \ den frid ett menloest hjerta njuter

vb 46 \ la gelosia

vb 47 \ la primavera

vb 48 \ non pioe fra sassi algosi in e major

vb 49 \ in te spero o sposa amata in b flat major

vb 50 \ t'intendo, si mio cor in e flat major

vb 51 \ conservati fedele in g major

vb 52 \ duet in g major (lost)

vb 53 \ aria in a flat major (lost)

vb 54 \ misero pargoletto in f minor

vb 55 \ sentimi non partir...al mio boene in e flat major

vb 56 \ innocente donzelletta in b flat major

vb 57 \ aure belle che spirate in c major

vb 58 \ du temps qui doetruit tout in g major

vb 59 \ ch'io mai vi possa in c major

vb 60 \ del destin non vi lagnate in a major

vb 61 \ ch'io parta? m'accheto in f major

vb 62 \ se non ti moro al lato in e flat major

vb 63 \ ma tu tremi in e flat major

vb 64 \ non temer non son pioe amante in b flat major

vb 65 \ fermati!...se tutti i mali miei in e flat major

vb 66 \ son pietosa e sono amante in f major

vb 67 \ fra l'ombre un lampo solo in f major

vb 68 \ carmen biblicum

vb 69 \ meine mutter hat goense in f major

vb 70 \ chorus and canon

vb 71 \ aandes sagte, vestenvinde in f major

vb 72 \ schweizerrundgesang in f major

vb 73 \ rheinweinlied in g major

vb 74 \ an - als ihm die - starb in e flat major

vb 75 \ an die quelle in e flat major

vb 76 \ die welt nach rousseau in g minor

vb 77 \ die henne in g minor

vb 78 \ hans und hanne in c major

vb 79 \ an den wind in b flat major

vb 80 \ an den wind in f major

vb 81 \ ich bin ein deutscher joengling in c major

vb 82 \ ich bin vergnoegt in c major

vb 83 \ daphne am bach in g major

vb 84 \ phidile in c major

vb 85 \ das rosenband in a major

vb 86 \ anselmuccio in a major

vb 87 \ an mein moedchen in b flat major

vb 88 \ das schwarze lischen aus kastillien in g major

vb 89 \ der nordische witmer in a major

vb 90 \ ein lied um regen in d major

vb 91 \ der mann im lehnstuhl in g major

vb 92 \ die mutter bei der wiege in b flat major

vb 93 \ ein wiegenlied in e minor

vb 94 \ an das klavier in e major

vb 95 \ der abschied in f minor

vb 96 \ ein wiegenlied in g major

vb 97 \ gesundheit in f major

vb 98 \ depuis longtemps in g major

vb 99 \ dors mon enfant in e flat major

vb 100 \ est on sage in a major

music2.jpg


vb 101 \ point de tristesse in a major

vb 102 \ sans venus in f major

vb 103 \ aan de lente in g major

vb 104 \ conservati fedele in f major

vb 105 \ notturno in g major

vb 106 \ si mio ben in e flat major

vb 107 \ l'istessa canzonetta alla calabrese in c major

vb 108 \ ti sento sospiri in g major

vb 109 \ broeder se boelen in g major

vb 110 \ charon poe en doktor soeg (lost)

vb 111 \ elegie in f major

vb 112 \ hvart hastar du in c major

vb 113 \ stancer till elias martin in g major

vb 114 \ mina herrar in a major

vb 115 \ oefver mozarts doed in e flat major

vb 116 \ posten riktigt oeppnad blef in f major

vb 117 \ se koellan, se lunden in d major

vb 118 \ ynglingarne in d minor

vb 119 \ atis och camilla in g major

vb 120 \ den 9 januarii 1793 (lost)

vb 121 \ gracernas besoek vid professoren herr tobias sergel (lost)

vb 122 \ cantate till en voerdig voen (lost)

vb 123 \ fiskarstugan

vb 124 \ moeltiden i fiskarstugan

vb 125 \ oeterfarten ifroen fiskarstugan

vb 126 \ den 24 januarii 1792

vb 127 \ mjoelkkammern poe haga

vb 128 \ symphony in a major

vb 129 \ sinfonia buffa in f major

vb 130 \ symphony in f major

vb 131 \ symphony (lost)

vb 132 \ symphony 'goettingen' 1 (lost)

vb 133 \ symphony 'goettingen' 2 (lost)

vb 134 \ symphony 'goettingen' 3 (lost)

vb 135 \ symphony 'goettingen' 4 (lost)

vb 136 \ symphony 'goettingen' 5 (lost)

vb 137 \ symphony 'goettingen' 6 (lost)

vb 138 \ symphony in c major violino obligato

vb 139 \ symphony in c major

vb 140 \ symphony in c sharp minor

vb 141 \ symphony in e minor

vb 142 \ symphony in c minor

vb 143 \ symphony in d major

vb 144 \ symphony in e flat major

vb 145 \ symphony in f major

vb 146 \ sinfonia da chiesa in d major

vb 147 \ sinfonia da chiesa in d minor

vb 148 \ symphonie funoebre in c minor

vb 149 \ concerto for 2 violins (lost)

vb 150 \ flute concerto (lost)

vb 151 \ violin concerto in c major

vb 152 \ concerto for violin & viola (lost)

vb 153 \ sinfonia concertante for flute, violin, viola & cello (lost)

vb 154 \ riksdagsmarsch in d major

vb 155 \ contradances (lost)

vb 156 \ duo for violin & viola (lost)

vb 157 \ sonata for harpsichord & violin in d minor

vb 158 \ duo for flute & viola in d major

vb 159 \ sonata for piano & violin in d major

vb 160 \ sonata for piano & violin in c major

vb 161 \ sonata for piano & violin in e flat major

vb 162 \ sonata for piano & violin in c major

vb 163 \ allegro for piano & violin in d major

vb 164 \ string trio (lost)

vb 165 \ piano trio 'hoffstetter' 1 (lost)

vb 166 \ piano trio 'hoffstetter' 2 (lost)

vb 167 \ piano trio 'hoffstetter' 3 (lost)

vb 168 \ piano trio 'hoffstetter' 4 (lost)

vb 169 \ piano trio 'hoffstetter' 5 (lost)

vb 170 \ piano trio 'hoffstetter' 6 (lost)

vb 171 \ piano trio in d major

vb 172 \ string quartet 'goettingen' 1 (lost)

vb 173 \ string quartet 'goettingen' 2 (lost)

vb 174 \ string quartet 'goettingen' 3 (lost)

vb 175 \ string quartet 'goettingen' 4 (lost)

vb 176 \ string quartet 'goettingen' 5 (lost)

vb 177 \ string quartet 'goettingen' 6 (lost)

vb 178 \ string quartet in f minor

vb 179 \ string quartet in c minor

vb 180 \ string quartet in e major

vb 181 \ string quartet op 1 n2 in b flat major

vb 182 \ string quartet op 1 n5 in c major

vb 183 \ string quartet op 1 n3 in g minor

vb 184 \ string quartet op 1 n4 in d major

vb 185 \ string quartet op 1 n1 in a major

vb 186 \ string quartet in c major

vb 187 \ string quartet op 1 n6 in g major

vb 188 \ flute quintet op 7 in d major

vb 189 \ keyboard sonata for countess ingelheim (lost)

vb 190 \ zwei neue kuriose minuetten foers klavier

vb 191 \ rondo for keyboard in f major

vb 192 \ swedish dance for keyboard in c major

vb 193 \ variations for keyboard in c major

vb 194 \ larghetto for keyboard in g major

vb 195 \ keyboard sonata in e flat major

vb 196 \ keyboard sonata in e major

vb 197 \ 5 chorale preludes for organ

vb 198 \ exercises for soprano

vb 199 \ foerkunnom hoegt hans lof och magt in c major

vb 200 \ du, voer voelgoerare och far in b flat major

vb 201 \ droej, sol, uti din uppgoengstimma in d major

vb 202 \ kleine quatro (lost)

vb 203 \ mannheim symphonies (lost)

vb 204 \ buchen symphonies (lost)

vb 205 \ arias and motets (lost)

vb 206 \ 6 pieces for keyboard (lost)

vb 207 \ paris symphonies (lost)

vb 208 \ oder af horatius (lost)

vb anh 1 \ mass in e minor

vb anh 2 \ entr'acte to oefventyraren in a major

vb anh 3 \ poeter prisa moenga goeng in a major

vb anh 4 \ lydia och arist in e flat major

vb anh 5 \ polonaise for orchestra in d major

vb anh 6 \ symphony in d major

vb anh 7 \ symphony 'sigmaringen' 1 in a major (lost)

vb anh 8 \ symphony 'sigmaringen' 2 in g major (lost)

vb anh 9 \ symphony 'sigmaringen' 3 in e flat major (lost)

vb anh10 \ symphony 'sigmaringen' 4 in c major (lost)

vb anh11 \ symphony 'sigmaringen' 5 in d major (lost)

vb anh12 \ trumpet concerto (lost)

vb anh13 \ variations for trumpet and orchestra (lost)

vb anh14 \ trio for keyboard, flute & cello in c major

vb anh15 \ rondo capriccio for keyboard in g major

music1.jpg
 
List of Kraus CDs

The list of CDs of Kraus' music could be found in my homepage:

www.geocities.com/mozartkraus

The link is:
List of CDs

I hope that Paradox would not mind this marketing of other products in this thread, because both Kraus and most of the performers are from SWEDEN :rolleyes:

Most of the CDs could be ordered from Amazon, while Funeral Cantata can be found in Musica Sveciae.

The best CD is Symphonies Vol.1 by Naxos, with Olympie ouverture and the brilliant, marvelous, wonderful symphony in C minor, VB 142.

anniversary.gif
 
Sturm und Drang

Sturm und Drang (literally: "storm and stress") was a Germany literary movement that developed during the latter half of the 18th century. The period is most commonly characterized as having lasted from 1767 - 1785 although the dates 1769 - 1786 and 1765 - 1795 are also given. It takes its name from a play by F. M. von Klinger. While the ideas of Jean-Jacques Rousseau were a major stimulus of the movement, it developed more immediately as a reaction -- often inspired by Johann Gottfried von Herder and Alexander Lessing -- against what was seen as an overly rationalist literary tradition, and its rejection of the rules of 18th-century neoclassical style firmly situate it as part of the wider cultural movement known as romanticism.

Sturm und Drang was revolutionary in its stress on personal subjectivity and on the unease of man in contemporary society, and it firmly established German authors as cultural leaders in Europe at a time when many considered France to be the center of literary development. The movement was also distinguished by the intensity with which it developed the theme of youthful genius in rebellion against accepted standards and by its enthusiasm for nature. The greatest figure of the movement was Goethe, who wrote its first major drama, Götz von Berlichingen (1773), and its most sensational and representative novel, Die Leiden des jungen Werthers (The Sorrows of Young Werther, 1774). Other writers of importance were Klopstock, J. M. R. Lenz, and Friedrich Müller. The last major figure was Schiller, whose Die Räuber and other early plays were also a prelude to romanticism.

The movement also influenced classical music of the period, resulting in stormy minor key writing in pieces such as:
F. J. Haydn: Symphonies nos. 55-69
W. A. Mozart: Symphonies nos. 25 & 40, Piano Concertos nos. 20 & 24
J. M. Kraus: Symphony in C minor, VB 142

"Sturm und Drang" or "Storm and Stress" is a type of "passion" language used in the late 1760's and early 1770's by composers such as Haydn, Mozart, and Austrian composer, J.B. Vanhal. Characteristics of the "Sturm und Drang" movement include wide leaps and syncopations, repeated quarter note and/or eighth notes, crashing and percussive chords, dramatic use of silence, and often four rather than the usual two horn parts. Sturm und Drang acquired its name from German literature during this same time. Several works following these patterns in music writing had been composed before the literary works were written, but the "Sturm und Drang" name was given later. Mozart only used this practice once in the mid-1770's in writing K. 183, but used it more frequently and effectively in his later works while living in Vienna.

Taken from:
- wikipedia
- Comparing and Contrasting the G-minor Symphonies of W. A. Mozart

oxbow.jpg
 
Recommendation

Mettermrck said:
I've been interested in listening to some of Kraus' music for obvious name reasons, but as also a seemingly good contemporary of Mozart. Can you recommend any pieces that would serve as an introduction to his music? I've been really enjoying this fascinating AAR. :)

Here are my 8 recomendations as an introduction:

1. C minor Symphony, VB 142

2. Olympie Overture, VB 29

3. Flute quintet, D major

4. Riksdagssymfon VB 146 and Riksdagsmarch VB 154

5. D major Symphony VB 143

6. C major Symphony with violin obligato, VB 138

7. chor "Der Raecher kommt", from "Der Tod der Jesu"

8. ouverture to opera Proserpin
 
igorvragovic said:
Here are my 8 recomendations as an introduction:

1. C minor Symphony, VB 142

2. Olympie Overture, VB 29

3. Flute quintet, D major

4. Riksdagssymfon VB 146 and Riksdagsmarch VB 154

5. D major Symphony VB 143

6. C major Symphony with violin obligato, VB 138

7. chor "Der Raecher kommt", from "Der Tod der Jesu"

8. ouverture to opera Proserpin

Don't forget the C-Sharp Minor ;)
 
C-Sharp Minor

merlin2199 said:
Don't forget the C-Sharp Minor ;)

Yes, I like C-sharp minor symphony too. However, I prefer much more C minor symphony. Well, the third movement is actually the same (copy-paste).

What amazes me is that Kraus took one secundary , nonimportant, insignificant theme from the first movement of C-sharp minor symphony, and later developed it into one of the most meditative Allegros (if "meditative Allegro" could exist at all) in the first movement of the later C minor symphony.

P.S. This thread will at the end , eventually, turn back to EU II . Just be patient.
 
Mozart: The Later Years 1791-1803

written by Gary Smith

1793-94

The early months saw Mozart composing for his upcoming tour, as well as taking some pupils for compositional studies. But, then the news came that again threw a major alteration into Mozart's life. Back in 1791, Mozart had become unpaid assistant Kapellmeister to Leopold Hoffman at St. Stephen's Cathedral in Vienna. Hoffman, who had been sick then, had gotten well and continued in place. Now, he was sick again, and after a two-week illness, he died on March 17th 1793. With Mozart now as his successor, Wolfgang could command a 2000 gulden a year salary, plus free firewood and candles, and a liberal tradition of delegating off duties so that the Kapellmeister could spend time at other creative efforts.

Mozart now had a difficult choice ahead: go on a potentially successful tour or achieve a liberal kapellmeister post, something he had spoke of obtaining many times. Mozart's choice was the kapellmeister post, since in the end he could tour in the future (but not now, as he would be too new in the post to do so), he could stay put in Vienna for his family, compose as he saw fit at his leisure, and enjoy real security for the first time in his life. So, with regrets, he informed the Professional Series of his decision (which at such short notice made for some furious letter exchanges), and turned to the composition of religious works as a serious effort.

The first effort was the beautiful and austere Missa Solemnis in d, which the Tyson paper studies show was initially (at least in the Kyrie) was begun in Munich during the time of Idomeneo, back in 1780. This work, as well as the bulk of Mozart's efforts at St. Stephen's, according to H. C. Robbins Landon, shows Mozart "?establishing what he considered to be the new style of church music. The style of the Ave verum corpus in its Volkstumlichkeit, its deliberate attempt to be unadorned, devotional and easily understood, is entirely in accord with enlighten reforms of Emperor Joseph." The Missa Solemnis in d "?and the Requiem show the other side of the coin. Austere, even awesome, both of these d minor works nevertheless preserve a positively Josephinian sense of simple directness. Even in his church music, Mozart was an inspired product of the Enlightenment: vox populi = vox Dei, that is, a return to the voice of the people in its simplest and most basic form, implies a kind of truth which in turn was considered to have a touch of the divine."

Mozart added many other shorter works through this time: vespers, a regina coeli as well as other hymn settings. Mozart's Masonic beliefs, as strong as ever, saw no conflict between his new post and his continuing work on behalf of the Order. However, with Masonry under attack (and soon banned), he apparently saw his position as a sort of pulpit, where he could, through small meeting and salon appearances, continue to quietly push the truths he saw the Masons possessing. What appears to have triggered the famous meeting episode were remarks at the Countess Thun's salon, comparing Josephinian reforms to the current state of affairs in Austria under Franz II. In his personal attachments to people to this point, Mozart had been perhaps more open and talkative then circumstances warranted (certainly the city councilors had thought so, when they first denied him the assistant's post at St. Stephen's). However, with a near-paranoid monarch now on the throne and an ever-suspicious head of the police, Mozart's choice of words, comparisons and audience in this case were to prove trouble.

And so, barely 6 months in his new post, on July 4th 1793, police officials (apparently the deputy for Vienna himself was present, though unannounced) arrived at Mozart's door at 10 or so in the evening, and he was "detained" for questioning. Warned by the police to say nothing, Constanze and the family spent a very scared 22 hours awaiting news. The Vienna police records for this time were all destroyed by fire in the 1920's, and so there is no proof as to exactly what happened. Rumors, gossip, cryptic comments and diary extracts are all historians have had to deal with, but the general thrust of the story appears to be as follows:

The family was told that Kapellmeister Mozart was taken to the district police HQ for questioning, but apparently he was at that site less than an hour. Sometime after 11:00 P.M. an unobtrusive carriage pulled up, Mozart and two officials only were quickly loaded and were swiftly off to Schoenbrunn, where they apparently went in by a back passage. Mozart's supposed comment to one of the officials "At least I'm not bringing the wash in with me" would tend to imply that entrance was through the laundry, which would have had no one at work at so late an hour.

In any event, Mozart met alone with Franz II in a library (several have been proposed as the site; no solid proof exists to assign the meeting to one) for approximately 4 hours, perhaps as long as six. Neither participant ever spoke in any detail of this meeting; Mozart by order (apparently) and Franz by choice (perhaps by some embarrassment as well?), but from cryptic comments gleaned from both men, plus information from some palace officials who were in a position to know something, it was at least a discussion of sorts, as opposed to a diktat issued by Franz. Given the length of time involved, it surely had to be some sort of discussion.

Franz, by all accounts, warned Mozart that times were different now, revolution and revolutionaries were everywhere, and vigilance was required to snuff out any embers or sparks before they could grow into an inferno. Mozart's replies appear to have been to promote the good the Masons did and could still do, noting that he personally had never seen any revolutionaries in the Viennese Masonic lodges. Further, that scaring a population by intimidation would never stop the real threats.

Franz for his part apparently professed admiration for Mozart's work, since he had known of, and been entertained by Mozart at a yong age, but warned him to steer clear of future "public debate" (an exact quote from Franz) and "comparisons." His role as a "kapellmeister "was to glorify God and support the State" and not argue issues above his place. Mozart's supposed reply "Kozeluch can't do any better than to follow orders, Sire, but you need the truth before you to make the right decisions for Austria" has always been deemed apocryphal and wishful, but it follows Mozart's Masonic beliefs, and so who can say how Mozart truthfully reacted at such a time?

Apparently, Mozart was told that this would be the only warning he would receive, and to keep quiet on the events of this night. Mozart's supposed comment of "Honest men don't need any more such warnings" of course can be taken both ways; as agreement with Franz, and as a warning to him as well. With that, it seems the "audience" was over.

As one can see, even the shortest estimate of the time this extraordinary meeting took (3 hours), would mean that there had to have been much more "discussed" than what snippets we do have. History and nature both abhor vacuums, and so, once the very limited news leaked out about this in the 1820's, explanations, descriptions and much commentary were offered. Obviously, Pushkin's poem Mozart & Franz was the most famous (spawning plays and movies), but German literature was rife with speculative works as well.

Mozart was taken back to the district police station, held there the rest of the day through to 9:00 P.M. at night, then released with stern warnings to remain silent on the events that took place. Mozart reunited with the vastly relieved Constanze and sons, but except for one later comment, never spoke again of that night and forbade his family to do so. Beethoven quoted Mozart in one of his sketchbooks (dated to 1797) as saying "Truth met falsehoods that night, and reasonable men had to choose which was which." The sketches were for an opera project Beethoven was toying with for Schikaneder, and it is known that Mozart was offering help on choosing libretti at that time.

And so, Mozart was forced to quit being an overt Mason, a choice many others had to make at the same time. A large number simply ceased being Masons at all. An underground Masonry thus seems to have sprung up instead. A much more dangerous path to follow, to be sure. Thus, a seeming end was put to the era of Masonic works by Mozart, but as will be seen later, such works do not cease completely.

The balance of time at this point was spent by Mozart taking his new post very seriously (naturally, given the circumstances) and cutting back on the salon parties. One would guess that he felt that the fewer parties he attended, the less chance of talking himself innocently into trouble. However, Einstein and Landon both note that Mozart, in achieving a post that he always dreamt of acquiring, was unable to delegate enough to fully enjoy it. Doing the work himself meant less time for sheer compositional efforts. Aside from church music, Mozart almost appears to have drifted through this time, his output being far lower than comparable years past. Artaria published two new symphonies in the early part of 1794, fruits of the cancelled tour it is suspected, while Hoffmeister issued three piano trios and the six Elector String Quartets through the course of the same year. However, it should be remembered that Mozart was fast on approaching 40, and while he was always accorded as being a nervous fidgety man, the natural tendency for age to to slow one up cannot be ruled out.

Naturally, one's eyes are drawn to Mozart's only real "public" success of the time, the "grand heroic comic opera" Der Spegel von Arkadien (The Mirror of Arkady) which premiered in November of 1794. Another "magic" opera, but with Mozart talked back into the musical theater of Schikaneder, he gave it far more attention than The Tempest. Despite a plot similar in outline to Die Zauberflöte , with the inclusion of a "catalogue-type" aria for the Papageno clone Metalio (played by Schikaneder) the viper catcher, it includes as well the Olympic gods in the clouds, a romantic magic castle, thunder, lightening and mock sea battles on stage. Despite all the fluff, Mozart's attention to such items as the catalogue aria noted above, Philane's aria in the second act, the lament of the quartet of lovers and the overture, one of the more bustling and joyous that he wrote, shows that while not taking the opera too seriously, he was back into crafting work tailored for specific singers and audiences. Der Spegel enjoyed a prosperous run and brought Mozart back to the theater in a big way. He resolved at this time, as he wrote to Puchberg, to "?compose one work a year for Schikaneder's theater. This way, I neither get stale or tired of the effort, provided I can secure good libretti! That is always the problem, especially so with this theater. But the money is good and the company enjoyable. For now, we're both happy with the plan." The last surely signifies that Constanze was able to budget for a year with a base of 2900 gulden (2000 as kapellmeister, 450 as payment for one opera, and 450 for 4 pupils over the course of a year), as far cry from the 800 per year under Joseph II. These were her main budget building blocks; obviously the revenue from concerts, sales to publishers, commissions and the like would bolster the final total.

Regarding Beethoven, he arrived back in Vienna at the beginning of 1793, wanting to take up as a pupil with Mozart. Mozart had apparently at first dissuaded him from doing so, as he was busy composing for the planned upcoming tour and hence would not be in Vienna many more months. With that, Beethoven had gone to others for training. With sudden shift in all of Mozart's plans, Beethoven apparently came back in the late summer and took compositional lessons. Mozart appears to have quickly sensed the ability latent within him, and strove to give him a thorough grounding in the art of composition. As one might suspect, this was not an easy task, despite their common brotherhood within the Masons.

Whichever one of them came up with the idea is unknown (most favor Beethoven), but the training of this upcoming master was spread out over many teachers. Haydn, Salieri and Albrechtsberger each contributed to his training in different areas. Beethoven however was not looking for the teaching of a style, only the learning of the techniques. As a result, he quarreled with Haydn and Mozart when they corrected his music. The others only corrected exercises, and so became the more favored teachers.

However, Mozart and Beethoven did respect one another's music, if not the basis for that music's creation (Beethoven's comments on Mozart's early libretti choices, for one, and Mozart's sharp comments on the 3rd Symphony revolutionary aspects, for another). And of course, the piano served as a link between the two as well. Aside from the Great Duet and the acclaim it received, through Beethoven, Mozart's later piano music lost some of the inherent joy it nearly always contained, but it elevated the concept of struggle to greater heights. Through Mozart, Beethoven was able to see that melody did not always have to equal inevitability, that the flow of music did not always have to spring from just one source. Neither man radically changed, obviously, but both were competitive and strove at this point to incorporate concepts from the music around them that they felt significant into their newer works.

To close this time period out, the Emperor and his Court had become so severe on the Masons (in general, as it was "secret societies" in particular that the government feared) that many lodges closed voluntarily rather than face official harassment and scrutiny. Capital punishment was officially reinstated, and some accused "Jacobin" conspirators were then hanged in 1794. January 1795 saw the issuance of new laws prohibiting ALL secret societies, which Franz saw by now as associated with high treason. Finally, a specific order was issued in June of 1795 " to close all surviving Masonic lodges." Despite Mozart's alleged discussions with the Emperor, the night had descended on the Enlightenment and Masons.

Beethoven_and_Mozart.jpg
 
MOZART: THE LATER YEARS 1791-1803 Part 4

MOZART: THE LATER YEARS 1791-1803 Part 4

written by Gary Smith

1795-1796: These years are dominated by the conflicts brought on by Mozart's official post as kapellmeister to St. Stephens' cathedral and his continuing to compose opera scores for Schikaneder's theater. The city councilors of Vienna were a loosely pious group, but as politicians they had certain obligations to fulfill. In selecting a kapellmeister for St. Stephen's, they had hoped to gain someone of note. They did with Mozart, but as well they wanted someone who could "live up" to the post as well. The Kapellmeister not only composed religious music and oversaw choirs, musicians, music and church property, he was expected to play the role of a good Catholic. Given the checkered pasts of similar kapellmeisters, BEING a good one was best, but most municipalities settled for LOOKING the role.

Mozart, while as good a Catholic as say 90% of his fellow Viennese, bothered the councilors. While previous men in this post had composed for the Court theater in Vienna, or for foreign court theaters, Mozart was not so inclined at this point. In his replies to the complaint letters, Mozart noted that he "?had not been recently offered such opportunities since La Clemenza di Tito, and would of course accept such offers, should the Court look favorably on me." Naturally, given the tepid response to Tito and Franz II's coolness towards him, this was not likely to result in opera offers for the Court theater. As well, Franz II and the Court tended towards opera seria, which while still popular in the Italian states, was much less so in Austria proper. And for Italian comic opera buffa, Italian composers were preferred.

Perhaps a good example at this time would be Antonio Salieri. He had scored his biggest success back in 1788 with Axur, re d'Ormus, which was in fact an Italian language adaptation of his French grand comedy opera Tartare. In 1795, he produced an opera very similar in feel, Palmira, regina di Persia (which in fact was an Italian adaptation of a French opera Le Princesse de Babylone, which he had never finished back in 1789. Musical recycling didn't start with him, but he embraced it well). It was a major success in Vienna, shown 39 times over the next four years. It played all across Europe. It was a very successful mining (as noted) of familiar themes, constructs and writing. Salieri in fact invited the Mozarts to the premiere, telling his biographer Mosel:

"At 6:00 I picked up Mozart and his wife in my carriage and we went to my box at the theater. They were a charming couple and we all had a very good time. Mozart complimented me on the music and on the staging itself, saying it could not fail to please. 'One hears such music' he said, ' and knows the composer.' He watched it with great attention and many were the numbers he called out bravo or bello at. He pointed out one or two spots where he claimed I had seemingly "borrowed" from his works, but that could only, if at all, been by accident. He meant no offence. It was a most enjoyable evening."

But, even within this style of opera, the Court theaters were not open to Mozart. He was not in favor, though respected for his talents. In fact, Imperial favor, with one noted exception, never came his way again.


On the other hand, Schikaneder offered the opportunity to continue theater work. Granted, the themes were less than elevated and in German, not Italian as well. But, Mozart was truly welcomed in this theater. His works were popular, long running and accessible to all levels of audiences, from connoisseurs to shopkeeper's daughters. This is of course getting a bit ahead of ourselves here, as at the start of 1795 Mozart had only two true successes (Flute and the Mirror). The only problem he had with the theater was that Schikaneder was perfectly happy churning out the same type of productions with only the music being different. Still, this is a bit of a simplification, as the Theater auf der Wieden staged not only singspiels, but spoken German plays and German translations of Italian works, among which was Don Giovanni, though cut down and chopped up.

In any event, the city councilors were not happy that Mozart was involved with a suburban theater in the lower class part of the city. Despite the fact that Mozart had his name removed from the theater's billing list to reduce his prominence, this did not mollify his critics. Neither the manager (Schikaneder), the clientele or the location had anything to recommend themselves to the council. Lurid tales of debaucheries and affairs always were running loose about these places and people. While this was all right from afar, to have a respected Kapellmeister somehow involved in any aspect worried the councilors. There was never any truth to the murmuring one might have heard, but the fact that Mozart was even involved in supplying music appeared to some to be casting a shadow on the propriety of the office, and by extension, the men who had filled that post.

And so, Mozart had to deal with these complaints. He came to say that things were as bad at times as they were working for the Archbishop of Salzburg. The council never had any real problems, except the one of image, and that was in their own minds. Mozart never ceased working for this theater, though he made sure that any mention of his official titles were not placed on playbills or on any printed scores. This did not fully satisfy his critics. The council was able to harass Mozart in the ways all officials can when crossed; they examined the books closely looking for irregularities, they requested works on short notice for special occasions, refused many requests for changes and additions for the musical efforts of the cathedral and requested most replies to their requests/complaints be in writing as opposed to being delivered verbally. To be fair, this was not a constant annoyance, but it was always there in waiting.

In this regard then, Goethe's famous 1st pairing with Mozart in early 1795 helped put a stop to this problem. It came about because, as the producer at the Court Theater in Weimar, Goethe had staged Die Zauberflöte a revamped libretto by his dramatic factotum Christian Vulpius. Under Goethe's eye, Volpius had cleaned the language up in the Flute, removing the cruder rhymes and dialog and replacing them with smoother replacements. Naturally, the Weimar score only mentions Vulpius in regards to the libretto; it omits Schikaneder altogether. Once he found out, Schikaneder and Volpius exchanged stinging comments in a war of words about each other's talents or lack there-of.

Goethe contacted Mozart in order to help calm the situation, and a correspondence sprang up between them. There had been, it's true, letters back in 1792 on the possibility of creating Faust as an opera, but neither Mozart or Goethe could (or would; opinions differ here) schedule the necessary time required to work on this project. In these new initial letters, it appears that a mutual admiration sprang up between the two, and soon discussion centered on the opera itself, which quickly turned to the concept of creating a sequel to Die Zauberflöte. Mozart had refused Schikaneder years earlier in a direct sequel, not wanting to risk comparison with the great success they had had (besides, remembering the struggle he had turning that libretto into useful, he may well have been leery of tackling that AND risking comparison). But now, with perhaps the greatest German poet of the time interested, Mozart was no doubt flattered and now interested.

As it turned out, Goethe supplied specific material to Volpius, who crafted the libretto (similar in some ways to Mozart and Süssmayr working on The Tempest, one suspects), sections of which were sent to Mozart. This accounts for the unevenness of Das Labyrinth in some areas. One can only imagine the correspondence between the parties (most is gone) with Goethe crafting the words for the arias, correcting Volpius in stitching them together to the master plan, and Mozart correcting them both for his needs. Schikaneder was none too happy to see this collaboration, but his input was needed (by Mozart, if not the others) to craft in the staging to insure success for the Viennese audiences. It can be argued that the Die Zauberflöte owed much of its success to his audience pleasing staging, and so it was necessary to involve him on that end of it. Besides, he could be mollified by Mozart's enthusiasm and the prospects that such a writing duo would have on the box office receipts.

Finally, in February of 1796, after 8 months or correspondence back and forth, Das Labyrinth premiered in Vienna and Weimar to great reviews. It is a worthy successor to Die Zauberflöte and a fine distillation of the skills of all parties involved. Eschewing most (but not all) of Schikaneder's formalistic style, it takes up the struggle of light versus the night with the same cast and the addition of the infant son of Tamino and Pamina. Written and composed with the same cast as the Flute in mind, it is meant to be performed with the same singers. In fact, as is well established now, it has been performed very often as a true sequel, given on the following night as the Flute.

Mozart took great care with the Masonic symbolism as well in this work. Taking due notice of Franz II's proclamations, nothing is overt in the dialog, though Chailley finds many links in there. In fact, guessing "true" meanings has always been part of the study of this work. The music does have the Masonic touches (for one thing, Court censors can't see those when they check the libretto), especially in the overture, Sarastro's two arias and the Chorus of the Priests. In fact, this is where one would expect them to be. One would NOT expect them to be in Papageno's material, but Mozart slips in several in the exquisite glass coffin scene. It's doubtful though, that Schikaneder knew they were there.

Wagner complimented both Mozart and Goethe for this work, especially singling out Mozart for "?finally selecting German text worthy of a great master." In fact, one of his first conducting stints was for both works in sequence at Weimar. His many perceptive writings on these two works as paired can be seen as forerunners of how he handled the Ring cycle. The argument has been be made that Wagner, utilizing these two Mozart works as examples, sought to build upon their concept of integration in forming his own works.

goethe_tischbein_campagna.jpg
 
MOZART: THE LATER YEARS 1791-1803 Part 5

MOZART: THE LATER YEARS 1791-1803 Part 5

written by Gary Smith

1797-1799: With Haydn done with his 2nd London tour and back in Vienna, he turned to composing religious music, after a hiatus of nearly 14 years. Researchers are split as to how much influence Mozart's latest works had in moving him in this direction, but it is known that he had made very complimentary remarks on the Missa solemnis in d. In any event, 1796-1802 saw Haydn produce 6 new masses, most notably the "Nelson" Mass and the Harmoniemesse. Mozart as well must have drawn inspiration of sorts from Haydn's efforts, as he produced 4 such masses himself during the same time. While they naturally follow old procedures in many aspects, it is no longer a question of development or simple progression moving through them. Each work has its own individual character, with a wonderfully rich and near-inexhaustable invention seen throughout. This includes the synthesis of the symphonic mastery of the symphonies now seen here in the orchestral writing, a varied and free handling of the chorus, and a late classical simplicity first seen with Die Zauberflöte and continuing with the Requiem, Das Labyrinth and glorious exampled with the Missa Solemnis in d.

In contrast, Mozart's creative low point of this time appears to nearly all scholars to be the opera Babylon's Pyramids from 1797. The best brief notes on this work appear in Kurt Honolka's book on Schikaneder (entitled Papageno), and are as follows:

"In the grand heroic comic opera Babylons Pyramiden, Schikaneder once more took refuge in the exotic and spectacular. Sacchetti (his set designer of that time) designed no fewer than 21 amazing scenes: trees set on fire after being struck by lightening, pyramids opening to reveal secret underground passages, etc. They were probably a more powerful attraction than the music, with was once again the result of teamwork. Mozart composed the first act, while Peter von Winter the second. The opera once again had to be put on very quickly, perhaps because Schikaneder wanted to outdo the rival Leopoldstadt Theater's brilliant new production of The Twelve Sleeping Virgins by Hensler and Wenzel Muller, which had just come out, or perhaps because there was talk of an even greater hit in preparation, the Donauweibchen. It was honestly admited in the printed program that "because time was short, the music has been composed by two masters."

"Masonic symbols were once again invoked, first in a three fold warning to keep silent, yet more clearly in the vocal score arranged by Schikaneder, which contained definitive Masonic objects, from compasses to the lodge symbol. This Babylonian opera may be nothing more than a jumble of shallow phrases in the second half, coupled with a more erudite opening, along with the sumptuous staging, but its many Masonic allusions to the better, more liberal Josephine era were significant."

In comparison with Das Labyrinth, one can see that Mozart and Goethe took great care there as to the Masonic presentation and the overall harmony of the libretto. Schikaneder, in his rush to get a new "magic" opera on stage, took no care, despite Mozart's urgings, to produce a better crafted work. In addition, Winter and Mozart didn't get along well at all either. With both being Masonic composers, it's obvious that Schikaneder must have been wanting to create his own Das Labyrinth, having been mostly shut out of the creative end due to Goethe's complaints. Certainly Schikaneder's grumblings on that score are well known.

That Mozart went along with this rough production is strange as well, in that it harks back to his desperate days in 1791 when he worked in league with others to produce The Philosopher's Stone and The Beneficent Dervish singspiels. The results still appear to be the same, i.e. areas of excellent work coupled with music less than inspired. In fact, there have been parallels drawn between Mozart's "mining" of the magic opera genre with Salieri's "mining" of the Axur/Palmira world as well. However, it can be noted that aside from the rare staging, Salieri's works are barely beyond being historical curiousities. The number of Mozart "magic opera" festivals alone attest to the quality he gave to this area of his works.

While Constanze's ledger books don't show any driving need for income at this time, we can see that Mozart did get full payment for half an opera. This may indeed have been done as a favor to Schikaneder, at the full price to insure speed of delivery. However, it has be argued as well that Mozart's heart was aligned with what Schikaneder was trying to say in his own way, and that time pressures simply kept him from intervening more. The more cynical critics believe that if this were the case, then if the Court decided to mete out punishment, Mozart could say that he had no knowledge of the 2nd half libretto or of any printed symbolism to be used. In fact, we have no information that Mozart knew anything beyond what was in front of him to set. Thus the "betrayal" controversy that swirls around this work. Considering the future works in Schikaneder's theater, this concept certainly didn't appear valid at the time between the two. We don't have any letters or comments by Mozart or others "in the know" concerning the Masonic materials that are present in Babylons Pyramiden; what of course has always been suspected is that Schikaneder's theater was just lower class enough in the eyes of the Court (and police) that such things could be viewed as "allowable satire". In fact, by this time there was much freedom for intellectual argument, however, only within the confines of the theaters of Vienna. Certainly it can be seen that this work did Schikaneder no harm, for he was able to gain, three years later (in April 1800) permission to build a more expansive, safer and up-scale theater, the famous (and still standing) Theater an der Wien.

During this time as well, two more symphonies made their appearance. As was the case back in 1794, these two (#45 in G, #46 in Eb) show via paper studies to have probably been started for the aborted 1793 London tour. However, the matching paper constitutes at most a movement in each work, indicating that the vast bulk was composed in this timeframe. Long past was the time when Mozart staged his own piano concerts and needed a constant supply of symphonies to flesh them out. Symphony #45 ("Ployer") did premiere at a concert given by Mozart's old pupil Barbara Ployer (along with Piano Concerto #29 in C "3rd Ployer") in late 1798, but both symphonies were sold to Artaria shortly thereafter. Both of these symphonies mark the next transition occurring with Mozart's works, with the advent of true early Romanticism pushing past the boundaries of Classical form. Certainly Eberl and von Weber were to cite these two works as inspirations. While neither of them were in Vienna at this time (Eberl was in St. Petersburg, von Weber in, of all places, Salzburg, taking lessons from Michael Haydn), they acquired copies for study. It appears, due to a note found in Constanze's ledgers, that Eberl was sent his copy as a present. For what reason is not known, though the scandal mongers generated much verbage from this fact.

A small aside here with von Weber: We know that he composed an opera while studying with Michael Haydn, which is now lost. With the recent discovery of a portion of a letter (specifically the second page; the first is still lost) by Mozart to Salieri (and found in the archives at the Museo Fioroni, Legnago, Italy) which mentions, in passing, this opera : "Carl Maria has composed an opera good enough for Haydn [presuming Michael here], but alas not for our newer theaters." This passage obviously shows that Mozart knew this work, since he passes judgement on it. The question is: what is meant by "...newer theaters"? Did he mean the actual newer buildings, or did he really mean the newer theatrical approach, i.e. the Romantic Era just now starting to unfold? And if he passed this judgement of that work along to von Weber, did Carl Maria in fact discard the opera himself in order to start out with a new approach? Instead of it merely being lost?

As noted, Mozart produced two more piano concerti at this time as well. The above-mentioned #29 was for Barbara Ployer's concert, but #30 in a minor was for Mozart alone. The concert he arranged in the Karntnertortheater in July of 1798 followed the premiere of Figaro there in German. While one might have expected a more buoyant work, this moody yet impassioned concerto struck a nerve in the audience and reviewers present. D. F. Tovey points out that this work is the one Hummel really wanted to write when composing his own a minor work a few years later. "The difference between talent and genius" as he put it. A reviewer in the Musikalisches Taschenbuch auf das Jahr 1798 expressed it a bit more lushly as:

"No words can express Mozart's universality, originality and individuality. Each new work is a new wreath that glorifies him and documents his originality: every measure and every phrase. Every tone in its place is evidence of his elevated artistic sensitivity. In his wonderful representation of the sublime, the heavenly, and the melancholy, he is holy."

To be continued...

Magic_Flute_1_091.jpg
 
MOZART: THE LATER YEARS 1791-1803 Part 6

MOZART: THE LATER YEARS 1791-1803 Part 6

written by Gary Smith

1800-1802: One of the last great highpoints of Mozart's life occurred in 1800, with the premiere of his last great opera Faust. The success of Das Labyrinth had been lasting in more ways then one, in that he and Goethe kept in contact through the years that followed In any case, Mozart had received a presentation copy with a cordial inscription in it from Goethe back in 1792. It had rung a bell in Mozart's mind instantly that there was an opera in there, but 1792-93 were not good years for Mozart to allocate the time required. When he did have the time, Goethe had projects that made the months required unavailable. Again, we have no proof exactly who suggested what (Goethe always said he had broached the subject first; Mozart's one comment in a letter to Hoffmeister was a firm "I told him it would make an excellent opera and he agreed.") but by most accounts the two of them were at work converting the play into a workable libretto by December of 1799. The production of this libretto took longer than Das Labyrinth, even though it involved the same people, less Schikaneder ("I don't want his grubbing hands on my work" was how Goethe put it), as being a serious work and one of great power, Goethe was far more particular on how he wanted the story presented. In any event, his trip to Vienna in early 1800 helped smooth over the difficulties that were occurring with too great a frequency at this point. Mozart was far sharper with Volpius, whom he considered a hack not much advanced over Abbe Varesco, of Idomeneo fame (but also of L' Oca del Cairo as well). "It's like pulling a sow through a drainage pipe!" was one of Mozart's more colorful descriptions of his attempts to get the changes he felt were necessary.

Mozart was able to get the Court theater management (here at the Burgtheater) to stage Faust with the major help of Salieri, who worked to assure the management that Mozart could indeed provide a serious opera worthy of the Court. Though a sad commentary on their tastes and memory, one needs to remember that Mozart's last truly serious opera was La Clemenza di Tito, and before that Don Giovanni (despite the comic aspects of it) and before that Idomeneo, a work no one in Vienna had seen. The fact that even with Goethe's name linked to the project, a work with Mozart's name attached to it did not on its own find much favor at the Court. As the former favored Kapellmeister for the Italian Opera in Vienna, Salieri still had influence with the officials in charge there. Thus, his efforts secured this contract for the premiere, which made Wolfgang very grateful. "A great colleague! A true connoisseur of opera!!" were remarks he wrote to Goethe on the success of Salieri's efforts.

Premiering on October 31st, 1800 (the date chosen by design), Faust has been acclaimed as the opera that truly commenced the 19th Century. From it's opening, brooding overture to the final realization of Faust's loss, Mozart's near-unerring delineation of character, so pronounced in Don Giovanni, is elevated to a new level here. The character Mephistopheles has been called "Don Giovanni returned, with darker levels revealed." And, of all Mozart's heroines, none surpass Marguerite for the range and depth of emotions the character reveals, from the dawn of love, to the depth of the infanticide, to her final salvation and redemption. Many other Faust-derived operas were created in the next century, and as with Don Giovanni, Mozart's version became the gauge against which all were measured, but that few could compete.

The final four years of Mozart's life saw a move back towards orchestral music, due to the advent of two people. Of course, the most important was Beethoven, who had continued his rise in Vienna as a composer and pianistic rival to Mozart. Indeed, he had surpassed Mozart in some people's eyes since the Great Duet, though mostly because Mozart had moved out of the salon scene to a degree, spending more time at his post as Kapellmeister, as well as composing. The time spent at composing at this time shows that Mozart was not the composer of years past. His pacing and methods had changed.

Since turning 36, Mozart's output, though still large, had been slowing down on a year to year basis. For one thing, actually managing a musical establishment such as St. Stephen's took time. Mozart had never been one to delegate well, and so despite the chance to use deputies, he chose often as not to see to things himself. Part of this of course was due to the harassment by the city councilors. Mozart felt he was less likely to create problems by taking care of things himself. If mistakes were to be made, they could at least be fixed more quickly by the man in charge. Despite the success with Faust, the habits of old were hard to break, and the harassment never ceased, but it did diminish.

He was sketching more, drafting more and being critical more, thus spending more time with less output. Studies done of the work habits of many composers have shown that nearly all of them slowed down after passing their middle 30's in that they sketched more, revised more and just plain worked less. It was no different for Mozart, though his "less" would have been the envy of many others. As mentioned earlier, his inability to delegate well also took up much time that could have been spent composing. The suggestion has been made that he was more critical in his output because he was mindful of his position and thus didn't want to issue work not commensurate with the title "kapellmeister." Others have sought to include the notion that Mozart was using these other works as a counterbalance to the singspiel works, in order to placate the Vienna city councilors. This seems a logical approach, although there is no direct evidence one way or another on this point.

On the other hand, Beethoven, always struggling within him to create music, turned to Mozart to discuss his efforts. He didn't ask advice (he NEVER asked for advice), but he did look to Mozart as someone who could offer choices and opinions that he could then evaluate. Constanze records many such meetings between the two. The famous argument over Beethoven's Piano Concerto #3 in c aside ("there's a difference between using a quote and doing a reading, my friend," as Mozart is quoted to have said), both were able to discuss music without arguing over it enough to wound one another. Certainly the premiere of Beethoven's 1st Symphony stands as an example of their mutual admiration.

The first performance of this work was given on April 2nd, 1800 (in the midst of working on Faust) as part of an "academy" Beethoven was giving at the Hofburgtheater in Vienna. Mozart's last symphony. #47 in A (premiered as well) opened the event. Mozart had composed it without apparently using older material, surprising at this point, considering it was written in some haste for this performance. However, it seems clear that he had done so in order to lend his name here to help secure backing and interest in Beethoven's premiere. Next followed two items from Haydn's "Creation" then Beethoven playing his Piano Concerto #1. Then came the premiere of his Septet Op. 20, followed by his improvising at the keyboard on a theme supplied by Mozart. Finally, a "grand new symphony" by Beethoven, #1 closed out the academy. Beethoven's shift to being considered a composer as opposed to a just pianist was given a great boost by this landmark concert.

Of course, this move may have had something to do with the rise of Hummel as a lion of the piano in Vienna. Not that Beethoven didn't consider himself a better player than Hummel; it was more that, at the start, Beethoven wasn't too concerned as to who was more popular. Already at this stage, one can sense Beethoven's growing distance between composing for the "popular" market (which Hummel and Eberl did so well), and composing in order to make a statement, which Beethoven saw as more of the model of Mozart. True, he never fully forgave Mozart for calling Hummel his "favorite pupil." Despite his aloofness, Beethoven did apparently want THAT title and was piqued that it was never bestowed.

For, this was the last greatest "Golden Age" of great pianists for Vienna, though nobody at the time suspected as such. Mozart, Hummel and Beethoven all held court at the fortepiano in those years, each making their mark on the musical palette. Hummel, the first great pupil of Mozart, pockmarked, personally coarse, and heavy-set (and later badly overweight), was highly prized for his fluidity, clarity and refinement. Beethoven, on the other hand, was sought out for his flinty, aggressive and dynamic approach. And at this time, while Hummel's works were more popular than Beethoven's, it was at improvisation where Beethoven was judged to hold the edge (but not by much) over Hummel.

Mozart, in the eyes of the connoisseurs, was the better musician of the trio. He was capable of interweaving theme and architecture into works superior to that of Hummel, who, in using long, elaborate, ornate themes, found he couldn't really do much in developing them. The comment was made that his sonatas "?seemed like a series of events, connected with exciting virtuosic filler." Thus his true weakness was in that of the structuring of his works. Beethoven, on the other hand, with his craggy, sometimes strange and twisted thematic ideas, was fascinated by thematic development and could "build" a work second to none. Mozart, while a builder as well, always sought to balance thematic material against the structure it was to fit into, and in the minds of public of the times, came to be the more preferred pianist because of his approach.

Though, for what it was worth, this didn't come easy. As Ralsten notes, Mozart was, by this time, not truly into publicly competing for the post of the Greatest Pianist Alive, but then again he never turned away from such comparisons either. His later piano sonatas such as the "Evergreen" and "Karlsruhe" are exquisite blends of gorgeous music and thematic development (the latter influenced no doubt from Beethoven's approach), coupled with the onset of Romantic virtuosity as produced by Hummel. Mozart indeed changed with the times, as in the case of the piano, he learned and grew from the efforts of his pupils and incorporated the best of each into his own style.

Hummel, on the other hand, did appear to want such a title and while not letting it go to his head, strove to play and compose accordingly. His works show a dazzling skill for the times at the keys, but in the concept of living and dying by the sword, von Weber, Liszt and Chopin came onto the scene and moved technique further along. Thus today, Hummel's music is much less played and appreciated than it deserves. Beethoven said initially that he didn't want such a title, but he ended up doggedly striving to meet and pass every "challenge" he saw Hummel toss at him. While he knew he couldn't compete with Hummel's Italianate lyricism (acquired in part from Mozart) that was embellished with melodic filigree, Beethoven knew he could compete "simply" by creating music that SAID something as opposed to music that impressed by technique. Taste changes, Mozart had always said, but a musical truth always stays a truth.

"A great era. A pride of lions at Vienna's keyboards. We never were so lucky again." (Stadler, 1825).


The next major person crossing Mozart's path at this time was actually two people, strangely enough; Muzio Clementi and John Field, his pupil. Clementi had been a pianistic rival of sorts with Mozart back in the early 1780's, due mostly to the famous "contest" Joseph II had arranged between them in 1781. Relations had not been helped much between them when Clementi claimed that Mozart had "borrowed" a theme of his for the overture to Die Zauberflöte . Mozart's scathing comments at hearing that claim far outweighed those he sent to Leopold regarding Clementi's playing back in 1781.

But, as fate would have it, in 1802 Clementi was on a business tour across Europe on his way to St. Petersburg, promoting his line of pianos. Field was his demonstrator at that time, and intending to go along to Russia with the older man. When they stopped off in Vienna however, things changed. Clementi, ever the salesman, met up with Beethoven, Hummel and Mozart as a courtesy to get them to sample his latest model. As one would expect, Beethoven was impressed with the piano and talked hardware issues with Clementi. Hummel came to the showroom and talked technique with the older master. When Mozart came calling, he immediately became interested in the player.

Basking under the attention of "the great Mozart" as he put it, Field mentioned that he also had composed a piano concerto. Mozart expressed an immediate interest in it and Field ended up going off to show him the manuscript, which irritated Clementi. However, Mozart apparently smoothed over the ruffled feathers this caused, and praised both the work and the piano. In fact, he placed an order for a piano right at this meeting "subject, of course, to the approval of the city councilors."

Clementi originally had plans to get Field in as a compositional pupil with Albrechtsberger (since he, as it turns out, didn't want the expense of taking Fields to Russia with him), but instead it became Mozart who ended up the teacher. Mozart took a shine to Field, and was thus always annoyed with his habits of staying out far too long with friends, drinking too much and being far too careless with money. He put up with this because, as he said, of "Field's pure tone, skills both at the keys and with a pen on paper, and his wonderful spirit." When Clementi left for Russia, Field stayed in Vienna.

After the traditional rounds of the salons, Mozart arranged for a concert so that Field could display his talents. This concert was so scheduled as to allow Mozart to premier his last piano concerto, # 31 in A, the "Archduke" so named for the Archduke Rudolf, a piano pupil of his who commissioned this work. The concert was a large success and Field immediately set to work to produce a second concerto.

But, Mozart's concerto had been well received also, and he had earlier received an offer from Andre' to publish a complete edition of "all" the piano concerti. ("All" in this context to Mozart was the Vienna works). Mozart, thus emboldened by the praise for his latest offering, utilized Field as he had Süssmayr in years past, and went through all his piano concerti, producing the definitive editions. In the main, Mozart added in all the piano notes, as many had bars empty of any notes in order that no one could steal the manuscripts and use them. Unusual to Mozart, he revised some works to add in clarinets, timpani and trumpets where he now thought appropriate. To purists, Mozart's revision of some of these works into more "modern" editions smacks too much of a kind of commercialism foreign to him before, but the original copies were left untouched (Field made the new complete drafts) and thus have been recorded many times in their original glory.

RayLago-Faust1998Large.jpg
 
Mettermrck said:
My first CD of Kraus arrived in the mail today, the Naxos CD with Olympie Overture and three of his symphonies. Most enjoyable. :)

This CD is really great. I like most of all his great symphony in C minor. Very worth CD is also Funeral music for Gustav III, released by Musicae Sveciae ("Sorgemusik oever Gustav III: Bisaettningsmusik, Begravningskantat").

I also strongly recommend his Flute quintet and romantic piano sonata in E major (VB196) looking forward to Beethoven, Chopin or even Liszt.
 
MOZART: THE LATER YEARS 1791-1803 Part 7

MOZART: THE LATER YEARS 1791-1803 Part 7

by Gary Smith


1803 saw the final chapter in Mozart's life played out, with Beethoven as its centerpiece.

Mozart's last opera, Alexander, had been premiered in November of 1802 in Schikaneder's theater to good but not great reviews. Mozart had owed him an opera and agreed to a German heroic opera text based on Alexander the Great, but the libretto had been so unsuited in Mozart's eyes that a much longer time than normal was taken to get it usable. However, Schikaneder had offered the work first to Beethoven, who had turned it down, calling it simply unusable. He later became upset that Mozart HAD found Alexander usable and worth staging, and accused Mozart of attempting to make him look bad. Mozart had sought to defuse the volatile Beethoven, but apparently his comments about the skills required to discern the good out of the bad only made the younger composer believe that Mozart was implying that Beethoven lacked those skills as well. Relations were thus strained between them.

So, when a few months later, in May of 1803, when Mozart learned from Beethoven that the latter was sketching a new symphony to be dedicated to Napoleon Bonaparte, the stage was set for a far worse disagreement. Mozart earnestly sought to dissuade him from such a dedication. He reminded Beethoven of the horrors of the French Revolution, out of which Napoleon rose, and warned him that this man was not who he appeared to be on the surface. Further research shows that Constanze tried to intercede on Beethoven's behalf, but that the discussion by that point had moved beyond reasoning. Finally, Mozart reminded Beethoven of the police surveillance that was ongoing to seek out dissenters and "traitors" and that such a dedication would certainly brand Beethoven as a potential troublemaker. (Even at this time, Mozart's meeting with Franz II was not very common knowledge. Beethoven seems not to have known, at least at this time). Beethoven, in a monumental rage, declaring that no man, however great, told Beethoven what to do with his music, and then stormed out of Mozart's home. It was the last time they were together.

In 1768, 35 years earlier in Vienna, Mozart as a boy on tour with his family, had composed a mass, offertorium and trumpet concerto for the dedication of the foundations of a new church at the Rennweg Orphanage in Vienna. The orphanage, still in existence, had requested St. Stephen's musicians and music for a mass to be held in October of 1803. As a non-delegating Kapellmeister, Mozart went there himself to coordinate these activities. While there on that call, he remembered his earlier works written for the orphanage and was delighted to see them again when brought out. Further discussion revealed that the 35th anniversary of the dedication was shortly to occur. Mozart offered to hold a re-dedication ceremony on that date, and supply the music and musicians for the event as well. The grateful administrator agreed to this, letting Mozart take the originals of his compositional efforts from 35 years ago so as to be copied for Mozart's archives.

Mozart determined to perform his standard "Coronation" Mass (K.317) as the centerpiece, with an offertorium written for the occasion as well as two motets. Planning and preparation were thus set in motion. Rehearsals were set to start two days before the anniversary, which was Wednesday December 7th. Strangely enough, the original dedication had also been on Wednesday, December 7th.

On Monday, December 5th the rehearsals began in the early afternoon. It was cold in Vienna, overcast with some snow on the ground and wind flurries. Rehearsals had only just started when a commotion was heard from the living quarters of the orphans. A fire had broken out, not doubt from candles or attempts to heat the cold rooms. The fire very quickly grew, leaving many children trapped within. Mozart along with others, made repeated dashes inside to save whomever they could find, not dissuaded by the roiling smoke pouring out. After at least half a dozen runs into the burning structure, Mozart apparently summoned up enough energy for one more dash and quickly disappeared into the smoke towards the sounds of screaming children.

He was not seen alive again.









Epilogue

The fire consumed the entire structure, killing an estimated 21 children and 9 adults. Mozart's body could not be identified out of the 9 adult bodies. With neither a distinctive watch or jewelry, the forensics of the day could make no positive identifications. It had been 12 years earlier to the day that Mozart had collapsed and nearly died, but there was no reprieve on this occasion. Constanze and their 3 children were distraught with grief, but thankfully Constanze's budgetary skills meant that they never suffered thereafter for lack of funds. Eventually, due to her efforts, Mozart's scores and manuscripts were collected up from all over Europe for systematic publication by Breitkopf & Härtel, over the next decade. This allowed for all of Mozart's music to finally be available to the public, especially the early works. This effort led, in the decades to come, to her helping to found the Mozarteum in Salzburg, an institution which continues to examine, unearth and study Mozart's music.

A memorial gravesite was set up in St. Marx, which was attached to St. Stephen's and was where all the burials were made. (The bones of all the victims were interred in a common grave here dedicated to the "Fire Martyrs"). Services were held at St. Stephen's Saturday 10 December, where Mozart's Requiem was given (conducted by Salieri), a work that Wolfgang often joked he thought he had written for himself, back in 1791. The estimates are that over 10,000 people paid their respects that day, and the orchestra was filled with many Viennese notables as a last tribute as well. A far cry from what probably would have been the turnout in the dark days of December 1791. Joseph II's burial reforms, though not fully followed by that date, would have meant a much more austere funeral and gravesite marking, making the odds for a "lost" gravesite at St. Marx rather good.

Beethoven, upon hearing of Mozart's death the night of the 5th, was inconsolable for days. It was during this time that he went to the manuscript of his then "Bonaparte" Symphony (No. 3) and with a pen scratched out the name Bonaparte so violently that he tore through the manuscript cover. Over top of the old dedication he retitled the work:

"Heroic Symphony, composed to celebrate the memory of a Great Man."

mozart1.jpg