PRESIDENT’S OFFICE
ORAL EVIDENCE
TAKEN BEFORE THE
PRESIDENTIAL COMMISSION FOR GOVERNMENT OPERATIONS
CRIMES AND MISDEMEANOURS OF THE LILIC ADMINISTRATION
THURSDAY 11 DECEMBER 1885
FIELD-MARSHALL SYMON REVENJO
Evidence heard in Public Questions 258 - 276
USE OF THE TRANSCRIPT
1. This is a corrected transcript of evidence taken in public and reported to the President’s Office. The transcript has been sent for publication on the authority of the Committee, and copies have been made available by the Vote Office for the use of Congressmen and others.
2. The transcript is an approved formal record of these proceedings. It will be printed in due course.
Oral Evidence
Taken before the Presidential Commission for Government Operations
on Thursday 11 December 1885
Members present:
Commissioner Josef Faber (Chair)
Deputy Zoran Antić
Deputy Josip Leko
Deputy Christoph Matznetter
Councillor Sebastian Bodu
Councillor Roman Hladík
Councillor Roberto Maroni
________________
EXAMINATION OF WITNESSES
Witness:
Field-Marshall Symon Revenjo, Chief of the General Staff, gave evidence.
Q258 Chair: Mr Revenjo, would you please briefly outline for the Commission your history within the armed forces, specifically your position under Lilic's administration?
Field-Marshall Revenjo: As a military officer, I have served in the Danubian Armed Forces since its conception in 1848. I was initially appointed as Chief of the General Staff by the Minister of War in the fading days of the Kraus administration, and served that position for several junctures during the following Presidencies. Under the Lilic administration, I was again appointed Chief of General Staff after my predecessors either resigned or were promoted to Ministerial positions.
Q259 Chair: What was your opinion of President Lilic as President?
Field-Marshall Revenjo: Excusing the circumstances that Lilic ascended to the Presidency, I continue to hold Lilic's tenure as President in high regard. He was a man of pragmatic approach, and decisive exertion.
Q260 Chair: Were you aware of any wrongdoing by the President in regards to his treatment of the electoral process and the constitution during his administration?
Field-Marshall Revenjo: I was aware that President Lilic had recruited the support of a politicized organization, not as a movement for electoral fraud, but rather, as an institution that resembles an advocacy establishment. After the electoral vote in 1880, I inquired into President Lilic's employment of the organization as well as the wide-spread accusation regarding fraud. He confessed that he was unaware of any electoral fraud, although he attributed functions of his victory to the campaigning of Professor “X’s” institution, not chicanery. It is my humble opinion, based around my conversations with the executive, that President Lilic remained unaware of X’s political reach in both elections, despite recent accusations. In honesty, I do submit that President Lilic held me in esteemed confidence, and considered my voice part of his political circle.
Q261 Roman Hladík: What evidence do you have to back up the assertion that President Lilic held you in esteemed confidence?
Field-Marshall Revenjo: His final letter.
Chair: Could you please present this letter to the Commission?
[The following letter was submitted to the Commission and is held on file in the Commission’s Archive. It was read aloud by Commissioner Faber.]
Noco19 said:
Dear Symon,
I fear these days may be my last. Your devotion to the Federation is not forgotten.
Don’t let the French win,
J.L
Q262 Chair: Do you have any further evidence which suggests President Lilic took you into his confidence regarding more sensitive information?
Field-Marshall Revenjo: I can provide no further written evidence of his confidence. I can, however, affirm that I was the only individual informed of the employment of "X's" organization. President Lilic believed that moderates in his cabinet would disapprove of external employment by a far-right "advocacy" organization, yet he was compelled to inform me (as a non-political member of the armed forces) after I inquired on the 1880 electoral results. When the electoral inquiry found Lilic had still won the election, I was of the mind that the organization had remained within the confines of legality. I would also note that I never knew of the man "X" - only the broad description of his group that the President offered.
Q263 Chair: You seem to be giving the impression that you unconditionally supported Lilic's government right through to the end: is this a fair description of your relationship with the administration?
Field-Marshall Revenjo: Mr. Chairman, I find that to be an unreasonable inquiry. As an individual - a citizen of the Federation - I supported Lilic and his administration under the belief that the operating channels were within legal boundaries. I believe it is my right to support the dutifully elected President of the Federation as a voter - and I must also remind the inquiry that my knowledge, as a matter of fact, the entire public knowledge, was blurred by the Free National Army. I would almost contend that Lilic remained entirely ignorant of their grand plot. But as a professional. As an employee of the Federation, my personal convictions never interfered with the responsibilities of my office. You have inquired if I supported Lilic to the end; as an individual, ignorant to the intentions of the FNA, yes, I did. But, as Chief of the General Staff, I ensured the neutrality of the armed forces, prevented Civil War, and negotiated peace agreements with the present incumbent in order to maintain stability across the Federation. These actions do not resemble an officer downright dedicated to a fallen President - on the contrary, Mr. Chairman.
Q264 Chair: Could you please detail for the Commission what actions you took to ensure the neutrality of the armed forces, prevent Civil War and negotiate peace agreements?
Field-Marshall Revenjo: The Commission must note that several high-ranking officers in the Armed Forces declared for either Lilic or the opposition in the weeks following the ‘84 election. I delivered a telegram to all standing armies that had clarified their position, ordering them to remain neutral and return to confront enemy forces on the western front. It is my belief that this action prevented an unwanted escalation of tensions and limited the possibility of a full-scale Civil War. The Commission must also note that I was in contact with the opposition leader and current President, Lukas Banik, as clarified in a public statement made during the crisis. Due to his quick response, we were able to ensure peace in regards to the Armed Forces. All generals and admirals, thanks to these aforementioned negotiations, proved the decisive factor in preventing military intervention in the crisis.
Q265 Chair: I hope you will provide names of those who declared in favour of Lilic's regime for the inspection of the Commission. Would it be fair to say that your actions in ensuring military neutrality prolonged Lilic's administration?
Field-Marshall Revenjo: Leopold von Tirpitz was the premier commanding general in support of Lilic, although upon request, he submitted to neutrality and respected the transition to our restored democracy. And to answer your second question, I would wholeheartedly disagree. Had I declared for either Lilic or the opposition, the rift in the military would be widened and the Federation would be faced with internal military conflict. Either declaration would have allowed Lilic’s administration a more attainable chance at sustenance as it would have provided him with profound military support and forced confrontation.
Q265 Zoran Antić: I understand you decreed that any troops not respecting this neutrality would be regarded as deserters and shot; would you agree that this would have led to great conflict within the armed forces had Lilic not come to such a swift and fortunate end?
Field-Marshall Revenjo: Can the inquiry specify the aforementioned order?
Zoran Antić: It is an order originating from army headquarters in France on the 14th August of this year specifying that "any part of the army actively returning to Federal soil before the war is over without explicit orders from the Chief of the General Staff are to be treated as deserters". I believe you will find it in your evidence folder under tab 12.
Field-Marshall Revenjo: The inquiry should conclude that those mentioned orders were never formally approved nor proposed by my office. However, I would refer the inquiry to the conflict with the French for the cause of the desertion executive from the serving Generals, where desertion is an obvious injury to our war-efforts. I do not object to the executive. Desertion from the military is a crime. It should be treated as such and enforced no matter the circumstance. Additionally, I find the excerpt delivered irrelevant to the matter of neutrality, but rather, entirely relevant to the war in the west.
Q267 Chair: Prior to your testimony, we heard from Consul Donato, who raised allegations to threats and abuse within Lilic's government; did you ever experience or see such abuses of power?
Field-Marshall Revenjo: I have found that Consul Donato's testimony has been far from completely genuine. While I do not blame Consul Donato for this - I am of the opinion he was not consulted often by the executive - his allegations were not specific and seem to play off the mass sensationalisation following Lilic's downfall. Unless the Commission could specify the abuses addressed - I am afraid I am of no use in this question to the inquiry. However, I would note the possibly of such allegations outside the information that the Lilic and his government provided the General Staff. To answer directly, never did I witness, nor informed of a misuse of power by Lilic. I will supplement this statement by an excerpt from Consul Donato: “I am afraid that Mr Lilic did not always consult or confide in his ministers on his actions. He was a cautious man, and I doubtless believe that he did not trust to inform anyone else of his actions, even his own ministers. Also, not all those in my ministry cared to answer to me.”
Q268 Chair: Do you believe that President Lilic forced you into appointing commanders more loyal to him than you, in a similar manner that that described by Consul Donato?
Field-Marshall Revenjo: No, President Lilic never interfered in the private affairs of the Armed Forces. In fact, the Comission should note that the majority of the General Staff were self-identified RUF members.
Q269 Roman Hladík: To what extent was, and is, politics intergrated with military power, both in terms of oversight by the execuitive and political beliefs within the body of military leadership?
Field-Marshall Revenjo: The relationship between the armed forces and the political sphere is an altering correspondence. Certain measures have been implemented to divide politics and military policy, most recognizably, the Military Neutrality Act. Although I was an early opponent of the MNA, after viewing the occasional misplaced ambition of military officers, I have repositioned myself as an ardent enforcer of the legislation and its later amendments. It is often difficult to determine the position of the General Staff and their approach to politics, but it is undeniable that the military executive needs to distance himself from all matters political. It would be a heinous crime to advise the political body on any matter extending beyond military advice or in some cases, defense funding. During my stature as Chief of the General Staff, stretching past several presidencies, never have I influenced political decision or provided international advice unless requested by the executive. To specify the latter, it is often customary during a military crisis to request a report from the General Staff. I am, however, concerned by the growing partisanship in the General Staff. While the composing members do not influence government policy, it is clear by the swift declarations provided by the standing officers after the ‘84 election that the stance of purposeful neutrality is quickly becoming affected by political passion.
Q270 Chair: Do you believe anything can be done to stem this tide of partisanship?
Field-Marshall Revenjo: I would conclude that the partisanship is only so dangerous when it comes into contact with administrative policy. Nonetheless, I would find it beneficial for the Armed Forces to remind the serving officers that they are employed and are sworn to protect the country, not the incumbent administration.
Q271 Roman Hladík: Why do you believe Lilic did so little to interfere with the armed forces when there were clear signs of opposition from within its upper ranks?
Field-Marshall Revenjo: I believe Lilic was undisturbed by the opposition in the Armed Forces because he had reached such a level of popularity following the attempted uprising. It would almost seem that Lilic had constructed a false sense of invincibility around his administration after the primary opposition had been enfeebled.
Q272 Roberto Maroni: If that is indeed the case, then what do you make of the letter you earlier presented to the Commission, which states in what purports to be the President's own hand, "I fear these days may be my last."?
Field-Marshall Revenjo: The final letter was delivered shortly after Lilic's guard turned on him, during which hope for the President was vanquished. His invincibility died after he percieved the massive decline in state support, long after the military had secured neutrality.
Q273 Roberto Maroni: What that vulnerable side something you had not seen previously in Lilic's character?
Field-Marshall Revenjo: Yes, excluding one exception. During the uprising, he was very much counting on loyal electoral voters and local police to maintain order throughout the duration of the uprising. Aside from that brief episode, Lilic was very much in control of his Presidency.
Q274 Roberto Maroni: You stated earlier that you do not believe that Lilic was aware that electoral fraud had occurred; do you believe this is consistent with your previous statement that 'Lilic was very much in control of his Presidency.'? And, in light of this statement, to what extent do you believe Lilic was aware of his government's other unconstitutional actions?
Field-Marshall Revenjo: I must confess that I’m no phrenologist. From an opinionated view, I would assume that Lilic may have suspected the work of the FNA in any electoral fraud, though I continue to hold the opinion that Lilic was separated from the actual criminality by the apparent discretion exercised by the FNA. And to the latter, would the inquiry specify the unconstitutional actions?
Roberto Maroni: There are a wealth of such cases; the creation of the Censor's Office, for example, to remove the constitutional principle of the freedom of the press, or the use of the Trade Unions' Congress as a means to limit the rights of association guaranteed by the constitution to name but a few.
Field-Marshall Revenjo: I've separated myself from the more political nuisances that the administration handled, as I stated before. I would assume that these actions were taken through legal constitutional alterations following the widespread resignation of seats from the opposition, but such actions were certainly the constructions of the Presidency. And by actions, I of course mean the legislation.
Q275 Chair: I don't believe the Commission has any further questions for you. Is there anything further you wish to add?
Field-Marshall Revenjo: I would humbly request the Commission provide its evidence or cause of apprehension regarding the arrest of President de Palma. It is essential to recognize that de Palma was generally absent from administrative affairs and often away on diplomatic envoys. If I must, I will testify on behalf of the President - assuming of course, I am not apprehended in the mean time. The inquirty must excuse me if this request is beyond my purpose in this Commission.
Q276 Chair: Though we do have the requirement to uncover the truth and aid the police in any of their duties, and certainly have in many cases cooperated with the police to ensure that a successful arrest is made, any and all arrests are made by the local police force. If you have any queries, I would recommend directing them to the police at the appropriate juncture; however, would you like to say anything now, while on the record, regarding President de Palma?
Field-Marshall Revenjo: I would say that I don't even believe President de Palma is even a Federal citizen: I don't think I saw him touch Danubian ground once during Lilic's tenure! Anything further I will direct either to local authorities or the presiding jury in his trial.
Chair: Thank you, Field-Marshall. I am sure the relevant authorities will be more than happy to speak to you post-haste.