The Love of Liberty - Liberia in the Victorian Era

Magnetic Hyena · Jan 1, 2015

THE LOVE OF LIBERTY BROUGHT US HERE

A LIBERIAN TIMELINE BY MAGNETIC HYENA
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What's this timeline about?

Hello, and welcome to my first Victoria AAR. Since I've recently purchased both games in the series (as well as the majority of the DLC) I've decided to go ahead and post up my first run through of the second game in narrative AAR form as a sort of experiment to see how good I am at the game, having played and enjoyed Victoria Revolutions several years ago. After sorting around the web for a few tutorials and downloading the highly recommended Popular Demand Mod (Divide by ZERO edition), I got to thinking "what country am I going to play as", and after a brief search around the map I've decided to go ahead and play as one of my favourite African nations in the world; Liberia. Small, relatively out of the way, and with vast rooms for improvement, Liberia has managed to exist to the end of most AARs I've read recently and as a result it seems be a fine 'starter nation'.

Set Up

Since I'm pretty new to the game, I've decided to dive into it on medium difficulty, and include no other mods rather than the aforementioned PDM (I have, however, downloaded two save game analysis programs that will allow me to keep an eye on all the vital economic and military statistics around the world). Every few days (please don't expect much consistency from me), I'll run through a year in the game and after recording most major events that occur around the world in narrative form (along with any changes to statistics like population and economic growth), I will come on here and give an update, and hopefully after 100 solid updates, I'll be able to actually finish a game in the Victoria series all the way to the end.

Anything else?

Not really; I'm just hoping all readers enjoy the experience of seeing me blunder my way through the game without Liberia crashing and burning into the ground. In any case, I will give the first update for 1836 sometime later today; so I hope you all stick around and take some time to respond.

oxfordroyale · Jan 1, 2015

100 solid updates? That's quite ambitious. I think you might find that it would be easier to do multiple years per update, especially considering that Liberia is not exactly at the epicenter of exciting world events. Regardless of the format, I wish you luck!

99KingHigh · Jan 1, 2015

100 updates eh?

That'll be the longest AAR in modern history.

trekfan · Jan 1, 2015

Best of luck, subbed.

Magnetic Hyena · Jan 2, 2015

1836

The Colonies

America; home of the freemen and the slave

The year was 1836; it had been fourteen long years since the American Colonization Society (ACS) sent the first crew of emancipated slaves and several free blacks across from New York to the coat of West Africa under the auspices of freedom, in which during that time, several settlements along the so-called 'Grain Coast' have been set up for the now free blacks. Known as 'Maryland', 'New Mississippi' and 'Cape Mesurado', these settlements were located in one of the epicentres of African agriculture, the coast having enough arable land available to the freemen of the six private colonies set up by the ACS (as well as one sponsored by the United States government) to allow them to flourish away from the racism, slavery and severe inequity of life of the America from which they fled, ensuring that they'd never falter or fail and starve like so many other new colonies in the past. With this new-found freedom and opportunity of growth in mind, all emancipated slaves 'returning' to the homelands of their ancestors in Africa came on the back of a single motto; "The love of liberty brought us here".

West Africa; the new motherland for emancipated Americans

Of course, not all was right in these 'freemen homelands' in 1836; death by infectious disease remained the dominate form of mortality during these first years in the colonies, particularly around the densely settled Monrovia (which had by then established itself as the de facto capital of the emancipated settlements), with severe malnutrition and starvation coming in a close second as the placement of colonies along the Grain Coast made it difficult for food and basic goods to reach some of the towns. Murder was also uncommonly ordinary during this time period with several leading members of the ACS who resided in the colonies having been murdered by the ex-slaves which they helped free, or kidnapped by one of hundreds of tribes that laid on the frontier regions of the claim areas of the free settlements. Nevertheless, the freemen of the 'Lands of Liberty' (which the settlements were beginning to be called as a whole) never gave up hope, and despite the hardships of being away from the western civilization they grew up in, their adoration of freedom from the bonds of slavery presented an ever more alluring call to those who had remained in the United States.

Taking only freemen into account, the birth rate was found to be nominal in 1836 census

Mindful of the rapid growth of the colonies, Ezekiel Skinner, the Colonial Agent of the ACS had in 1835 ordered a census be taken to record the demographics of the settling population, as well as give a general overview of the native peoples who lived on the outskirts of the major colonial towns. With the documents of settlement growing less-and-less reliable by the day, this census was incredibly important to the growing settlements of the freemen due to what it revealed about its people and their 'nature', the undertaking being one of the primary issues of Skinner's commission over the colonies and a major drain of energy for him as an individual. Through rain, storm, and drought, census takers had by late February successfully and methodically recorded (or in the case of the native peoples, projected) the beliefs, occupations, gender, and ethnicities of the freemen's settlements, these results being released on March 16.

Three of the projections made by the 1836 census

The results were startling; with an African-American population of 18,360 out of a projected 459,000, the settlers were vastly outnumbered by native peoples which made up 96% of the overall population, however, as a result of the policies of the ACS (which recognized the populations of the colonial towns based on religion more so than ethnicity), the 'general population' of the all settlements like Monrovia and New Mississippi based on their Christianity (Protestant to be more exact) was 37,179, or 8.1% of the total population (the remainder being composed of 7.9% Sunnis in the upper north, with 84.1% following native faiths). From here, the breakdown became even more concerning for the founders and board members of the ACS, the census takers discovering that that vast majority (89.5%) of the population, both native and settler, were in the agricultural sector with very few having the education, knowledge or opportunities to work themselves into positions of administration. However, it wasn't simply that the vast majority of the population resided themselves to near-penniless work on the vast farms and plantations surrounding the colonial towns, but what it meant for the state of industrialisation in the colonies; the African-Americans who resided in leadership positions on the ACS board of directors fearing that without proper growth of industry (particularly the food industry which had been expanding in Europe at around the time), the settlements would find themselves open to hostilities by nearby European powers (particularly Britain, which had recently founded a colony for emancipated slaves known as Freetown, and France), as well as shut out from the growing international economy; their GDP of all the colonies projected to be taking up only 0.001% of the share of the world's.

For the learned settlers it was clear; the economy needed to grow and industrialise if their settlements were to ever develop into those of their dreams, the first course of action being the resignation of Ezekiel Skinner from his commission on March 19, his position as the chief Colonial Agent of the colonies being put up to a vote by the board members the following week. After long sessions of debating and back-and-forth arguments between the twenty-two member board of directors for the ACS, one prominent member of their organization had leaped forward in their minds and on their documents; one of rugged determination with years of effort and experience within the organisation behind him.

On March 27, a new Colonial Agent is promoted

His name Anthony D. Williams; born freed in Virginia he grew up to become a Methodist preacher by his late adolescence, and in 1823, with the help of several slaves he helped support during the time following the granting of their freedom, he emigrated to Monrovia and quickly made a greater name for himself. Running several small grocery stores along the main street of the largest colony, Williams had become widely popular for his famous stump speeches during political debates across the settlements (helped in part from his preacher beginnings), and in 1830 he had been accepted to the position of ambassador of Monrovia for the ACS, later being given a nominal position on the Directory Board. And, through his support for the growth of local business and small industry, he was finally being voted into the position of Colonial Agent by the ACS on March 27, 1836, the business owner accepting their proposal several weeks later when the news had finally reached him.

During his first few months as Colonial Agent, Williams wanted to force through several of his personal proposals for the colonies through the Board of Directors, particularly those regarding to economic management. A staunch protectionist and interventionist, his support for limited economic freedoms on a large scale caused him to be placed at odds with many freemen (the slim majority having supported early economic liberalism), and after a number of fiery debates across the 'Lands of Liberty', he came to be known in local newspapers as the 'grumpy economist'. Nevertheless, his domineering attitude towards his own position managed to persuade enough people throughout the year to his own economic ideology, with policies such as the implementation of tariffs (which were raised to 5% by the end of the year) resulting in the colonies narrowly entering into a phase of stimulus growth which helped fuel another one of the new Colonial Agent's policies; education spending (which was raised to 60% during the year). As a result, the slumping colonial economies that had been stagnant on the large scale for several years began to grow to greater scales, the settlements GDP share rising to 0.005% at the beginning of 1837.

Williams' personal beliefs promoted the initiation of another major policy

However, despite his own strong opinions regarding his personal economic policies, Williams had recognized that small scale economic liberalisation would be beneficial to the growth of economy as a whole due to the fact that it would undoubtedly promote new colonists setting up new businesses. As a result, Williams and his Board of Directors (using a doctrine known as the 'Rights of Man' which set out the basic economic and social freedoms) set out to work on how they could successfully implement their small scale economic liberalisation. The result was publishing of documents on January 1, 1837 which were simply titled, "Freedom of Trade"; the contents promising that policies of free non-tariff trade between the colonies, the initiation of a 'militia market' (free trade between members of the local militia which stood at around 3,000 standing members out of a total 8,721), as well as ending of high tariffs on local farmers and industrial producers would be initiated by the end of 1837, all reforms which would hopefully boost the local economy into greater strength.

The ideology of Directory Board members at the beginning of 1837

1836 had proven itself to be a fruitful year for the 'Lands of Liberty'; the results of the 1835-36 census having ultimately resulted in the initiation of a new economic program under Anthony D. Williams. Economic growth, despite being slow, was by far the most strong in several years, with the Colonial Agent's policies regarding the balance of free trade, protectionism, as well as local population growth having seen not only the economy begin to flourish, but also the population (which had risen up by 3,400 over the course of the year to 462,400 by 1837). With growing ties around the global market, with the initiation of the 'Freedom of Trade' policies being planned for 1837, the future seemed bright for the flourishing African-American settlers.

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The World

Outside of the ACS's settlements on the West African coast, several events across the remainder of the world had been given growing coverage in newspapers and pamphlets in a region as isolated as theirs. War was the dominating factor in this news; it's effects on the world economy too strong for even the freemen to ignore, and during 1836 five major conflicts had appeared at least once on the pages of the small but burgeoning newspapers of the colonies, with several small pamphlets being published regarding the whispers and rumours of other wars in Northern Africa (the Ottoman-Tripoli War), Central Africa (the Massina Jihad), and Asia (the Bukkharan-Kokandi Conflict). Other major news stories to reach the colonies during the year was the beginning of the breakdown of the mysterious and almost Byzantine United States of Central America (which had two separate nations, Costa Rica and Nicaragua, free themselves from the 'tyranny' of Guatemala City), as well as the vast and extremely strong growth of European industry which included the proliferation of the relatively new and frightening 'railway lines'.

The degeneration of the USCA by the end of 1836
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6th Xhosa War

The first of the conflicts that made a mark on colonial newspapers during the year was the 6th Xhosa War between the Xhosa people of South Africa and the British administration in the Cape. With tensions having run high for years between these two peoples, conflict had broken out in the summer of 1834, and throughout 1835 death by war became one of the greatest killers of the regions with over 500 people being killed, with homelessness reaching towards the tens-of-thousands. As a result of their ineffective methods of routing the Xhosa completely, the British in 1836 decided to focus on a different method to force a peace with their enemies to the east; cutting of supply lines. Having grown far to interconnected and reliant on outside trade during the decades previous, the Xhosa tribes found themselves at the mercy of the British embargo from sea and across land, the native's European enemy taking almost no causalities during this new phase of the conflict as the Xhosa were forced into submission by simple starvation techniques, their sheep and farmlands on which they relied so heavily being stolen and burned. As a result, in mid-June the chiefs of the Xhosa came to the British administrators to resolve their war, the European colonists agreeing to come to the drawing board, and on July 13 the end of the conflict came with the signing of the Treaty of Umtata which granted large swaths of land to the British in exchange for the raising of the embargo.

South Africa at the end of the Xhosa conflict
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French-Algerian War

Beginning six years earlier in 1830 shortly before the death of the Bourbon Restoration, the French-Algerian conflict entered into a new phase in 1836 with the conquest of the Constantine region. A stop-start sort of war, this new conflict was to soon to prove itself the polar opposite of the far more successful Xhosa War in South Africa; the Algerian defenders successfully managing to cut of the French supply lines running into the inhospitable desert lands that was the Constantine Sanjak whilst they picked away at their European enemies using a form of proto-guerilla warfare, the French, unable to fully support their soldiers, being delayed time-and-time again. Nevertheless, despite the remarkably bloodless nature of the war, there were two major battles that ultimately decided the conflict; the Battle of Bône, and the Battle of Constantine. With French casualties reaching into the hundreds (or in the case of the Battle of Constantine, over one thousand), the Algerians, despite their minuscule casualties were being continually pushed back by the rugged determinism of the French who in June managed to reach an agreement for armistice with the Algerians; the lands of the Constantine Sanjak being granted to the French on the promise that no further campaigns against the Algerian people would be carried out, a promise the European kingdom agreed to, but time would tell if they would uphold it. In the end, almost 1,800 Frenchmen had died in the major battles that decided the war, with countless others falling to disease or guerilla guns, all whilst only 188 Algerians fell, the European nation being forced to accept far less than what they set out for, the only success of the conflict in regards to its peer war in South Africa was it's far shorter length; the Conquest of Constantine lasting a little over three months between March and June 1836.

A romanticised portrait of the Battle of Constantine
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Wars in South America

Playing out almost in tandem, like a methodical dance, the two wars in South America filled out several news publications in the freemen colonies during the year. Composed of two conflicts (the War of the Farrapos between the Riograndense Republic and Brazil, and the War of Chaco between Argentina and Paraguay), these wars were fought with similar manners, over a similar period of time, both using techniques borrowed from the Napoleonic Wars of two decades earlier, their main goals being the control of territory. On the Southern Brazilian front, the militias of the Riograndense Republic, having rose up against their Empire due to conflict over the state of the nation's economy (the Riograndense having focused more on internal protectionist policies rather than Brazil's free trade and international market based economy), had been conducting a relatively successful guerilla war against the far more organized Brazilian military, the rebels leading several major campaigns into their enemy's territory in hopes that they could wear down on their spirits. The Brazilian Empire on the other had had been focusing more on traditional, Napoleonic-styled tactics of attempting to pitch large-scale battles that could decisively end the conflict, this failing time-and-time again as they were forced by the of 1836 to change their style of war, this time focusing more on embargoing and 'starving out' their enemy by taking ports over land and blocking the flow of goods. As a result; the casualties of the War of the Farrapos by the end of 1836 had reached the tens-of-thousands on both sides, with 7,103 Brazilians and 7,498 Riograndense having fallen in battle with countless more being starved and driven out of their homes.

On the Argentinian-Paraguayan front, a major conflict had flared up over the volatile Chaco region that had been the center for violence during the prior several years, the Argentinian government taking a decisive step on April 10 by declaring a war on their northern neighbour for the province. However, in one of few stark differences from the sister conflict only a few hundred miles away, the 'Chaco War' featured more large scaled, Napoleonic-styled battles, with 3,416 dying via direct conflict in the Argentinian army, whilst 2,880 died in the Paraguayan military force by the end of 1836, a relatively large number compared to the War of the Farrapos if it's far shorter length was taken into account. By the dawn of the new year, the general tactic of both armies have remained relatively unchanged; the Argentinians focusing on taking and consolidating the Chaco region from their enemy in hopes that it would demoralize them to the point of defeat, whilst the Paraguayans focused on a southward campaign to take Buenos Aires, their efforts hampered by several of the war's larger battles which saw them pushed back again-and-again. By the beginning of 1837 with the wars still in full swing, time would only tell if they could end as soon as the leaders of the belligerent states wished.

The state of the wars in South America by the end of 1836
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Texan War for Independence

Perhaps the largest and most publicised war of the year in the African-American colonies, the Texan War for Independence caused a massive ideological rift between the members of the ACS's Board of Directors, the black members of the board perceiving that the conflict was over slavery whilst the whites were more inclined to believe that it was about freedoms and rights the Mexican government wasn't granting the American settlers in the region. Nevertheless, the war was completely out of their control, and all they could do was stand whilst the events of which were carried out by either of the two belligerent sides. Having begun in the October of 1835 over the Texan's belief that the Mexican government was preparing to stamp out slavery in their state, the war had devolved into several large scaled skirmished by mid 1836 with the balance of the war for both sides being placed into precarious balance on each occasion. Losing over 3,000 men after two battles near Laredo in March and April, the Mexicans conduct in the war became far more violent and direct after Antonio López de Santa Anna became the leading General for their troops on the Texan front, his will and brutal determination to crush the rebels resulted in a massive Texan rout from Laredo in July. As the Mexicans conducted a colossal campaign into the heartland of the Texan revolutionaries, turning them away during several skirmishes, the two forced clashed near the city of San Antonio, one of the many provisional capitals of the new Republic, and after a day of fighting, the Mexicans came out of the battle bloody but victorious. What happened next would change the face of the conflict forever.

Santa Anna's signing of the Velasco Treaty flipped the war on its head

After brutally sacking San Antonio following their notable victory and killing the majority of its populace (an action that caused massive outcry across Texas and a United States which had been busy carrying out the 1836 election), Santa Anna turned his army towards the small city of Velasco and it's relatively small garrison army, and after a brief unsuccessful attack on it's walls, he made the fatal mistake of deciding to camp outside it's gates, an action that would ultimately lead to the early morning raid by the far smaller Texan militia which forced the Mexicans into a rout, Santa Anna himself being detached from his main contingent forced and thrown off his horse into a river. Lost and without men, the general attempted to make his way south-west to the Mexican border in hopes of catching up to his armies, however after days of wondering in circles through the harsh Texan wilderness he was captured by the rebels who offered him a choice; death, or the signing of a document they had drafted; the Treaty of Velasco which would bring an end to the war and grant Texas their freedom. Fearing for his own life, Santa Anna agreed to their second proposal on the promise that he be given free passage back to his home country, as well as give free trade and movement to Mexicans within the Texan border, two offers the rebels accepted begrudgingly. Soon after these documents were released to the Mexican government, the legislature of the Hispanic nation debated and argued over its validity, many claiming that without Santa Anna at the helm the war would just continue to drag on and may possibly lead to an American intervention. However, after several stirring speeches on the floor of their government, the majority of Mexican ministers of state agreed on two basic principals; that Santa Anna did not have the authority to sign those documents on behalf of their nation, and that Mexico, after all of its victories, couldn't simply leave the broken and half-occupied state. As a result, President José Justo Corro declared to the Texans that they would not recognise their independence or lay down their arms, and in September another massive, two-pronged invasion of the rebelling state began under his orders (an action that would ultimately lead to Santa Anna's execution later on in the month by enraged and disappointed Texans).

The outrage in the United States was palpable. Having already maintained strong sympathies to the Texan people during their struggle for independence, many American citizens and politicians petitioned President Andrew Jackson to do something in support of their 'brothers' to the west. Having never been fearful of another conflict after his victory over the British at New Orleans two decades previous, Jackson had began to throw around more-and-more of his nation's military strength in the western regions, primarily by sending the Amy of Observation to the Texan (nominally Mexican)-American border as a broad 'letter of support' for the rebels (with the secret order to have the troops run goods and supplies to the Texas militias). Slowly and methodically, the President had discovered he had assurances from James K. Polk and his Democratic-controlled Congress that they'd support any action that'll help expand American markets into Texas; and soon after the Mexicans stormed across their rebelling state in September, this assurance had grown to calls for outright intervention against their south-western neighbour, and soon following a call by Vice President Martin Van Buren to join on the side of the rebels (believing that intervention would be his greatest bet on winning election during that year's presidential campaign, despite his own moral outrage against the slavery-holding Texans) the vote for a declaration of war went straight to congress. Splitting votes down to party lines; the vote for war being overwhelmingly supported in the House of Representatives whilst in the Senate, after a few tense days of cajoling and debating, the vote came down to the two Nullifier senators, one of whom was against intervention, and one of whom was silent on the matter. Ultimately, this broke down the final vote for war to only 26 in favour of a declaration, and 25 against (the smallest margin for a declaration in US history). The state of events was summed up on the front pages of almost all African-American colonial newspapers the following week.

Intervention by the Americans would ultimately become world news

Despite not seeing any combat by the end of 1836, the entry of U.S. troops into the conflict and the nation's declaration of war on Mexico sent shock waves around Mexican society after so many believed that the American's were to weak and isolationist to not support the Texans. Stalling their campaign for several weeks at the end of the year to debate the merits of continuing the conflict, President Corro ultimately had the final say in legislative matters; and his decision to continue the war until a decisive Mexican victory could be achieved would ultimately prove to be a fateful one that would change the course of the Republic's history forever. In America, President-elect Van Buren (who had his electoral victory over his Whiggish opponents confirmed in late December) would ultimately follow up on his messages of support from his campaign by giving his final speech on the floor of Senate in which he declared that the United States would be unwavering in their effort to bring the conflict to a satisfactory conclusion. In the 'Land of Liberty' so far away from the conflict, the emancipated slaves who eked out livings away from America would all hold their breaths as they witness their homelands fall into conflict once more, and as the determination to win boiled over in both the U.S. and Mexico, their chess pieces slowly being assembled on the board known as Texas, the entire world could only watch and wait to see what would happen next.

The state of Texas at the end of 1836

Magnetic Hyena · Jan 2, 2015

Well, here it is; the first update in this century long Liberian ride. I apologies if this is coming out later than I intended; it is the greatest amount of work I've ever put into an online project of mine (which is saying a lot of my abilities to actually stick to something like this). Nevertheless, I hope all my readers enjoy the first year of my first Victoria II game, and here's another good 99 years of war and diplomacy.

oxfordroyale said:
100 solid updates? That's quite ambitious. I think you might find that it would be easier to do multiple years per update, especially considering that Liberia is not exactly at the epicenter of exciting world events. Regardless of the format, I wish you luck!

Don't worry, I can be pretty exceptional sometimes in extending out smaller events into obscenely long stories...now whether those stories are interesting and exciting though is something completely different.

99KingHigh said:
100 updates eh?

That'll be the longest AAR in modern history.

Oh, I bet a few interactive AARs would like to have a word with you.

trekfan said:
Best of luck, subbed.

Cheers; thanks for everyone's support so far.

99KingHigh · Jan 2, 2015

Magnetic Hyena said:
Oh, I bet a few interactive AARs would like to have a word with you.

I don't think any of the Interactive AAR's have had anything near that...

Most of the pages are IG discussion/argument/debate/voting - certainly not updates.

oxfordroyale · Jan 2, 2015

Well, from reading this update alone I think you'll do just fine.

DKM · Jan 2, 2015

subbed

Phroane · Jan 3, 2015

That was long and awesome.

GoshDaMule · Jan 4, 2015

Subbed.

AshWarrior · Jan 9, 2015

And many moooooore
May the great Liberian Empire rival the United States, and with 100 updates, Liberia would certainly be as documented as its predecessor.
Best of luck

KanyeWest · Jan 9, 2015

^ No, may the United States of ~~Liberia~~ Africa conquer the areas of the United States to liberate the Afro-Americans from their chains, all the while liberating all of Africa for the glory of freedom! I EXPECT TO SEE THAT "LIBERIA" REACH FROM TANGIER TO CAPE-TOWN!

Firehound15 · Jan 16, 2015

This looks great, hope you keep with this AAR. I think it has a ton of potential.

Magnetic Hyena · Jan 20, 2015

1837

The Colonies

An Americo-African militia camp in 1844

Following the announcement of the United States' declaration of war, the expected outbreak of activity erupted within the ACS's Board of Directors, as well as in all colonial offices across the 'Land of Liberty'. Due to the private corporate nature of the American Colonization Society, as well as the distance of the colonies from the United States proper, no politicians, nor men in government truly expected the emancipated settlements to support the war effort both economically, or militarily, however the close interconnected relationship of all the colonies to their 'motherland' across the Atlantic (especially the settlement held by American government) placed the African-Americans in a position of 'nominal conflict' with Mexico. Nevertheless, whilst the War for Texan Independence didn't affect the freemen in any direct away (despite the participation of several emancipated journalists who travelled to Texas to report on the conflict; many of whom never returned), it did however lead to two changes to the official policies of the ACS regarding the administration of their only standing armed forces; the Liberian Militia.

Ever since the construction of Monrovia in 1822, the small one-regiment militia set up to defend the colonies (primarily from native raids) had been administered in the fashion of the early U.S. militias of the American Revolution; with a position of leadership for the forces being almost non-existent or ever changing, and membership low. In the years leading up to 1837, this structure was beginning to break down as more and more men managed to enlisted to join the militia despite regularly not meeting qualifications, many using their new-found power to brutalise or (with the support of their fellow 'soldiers') take control of small neighbourhoods, political corruption being particularly strong and concentrated around the militia barracks on the outskirts of Monrovia. However, with the ushering in of America's intervention in Texas, many of the flaws that riddle the freemen's only forces began to grow more-and-more clear to the Directory Board members, most of whom supported the reformation of its structure to something far more rigid and malleable to the ACS's jurisdiction. Over a period of months over the course of the year, Anthony D. Williams, with the support of his most trusted advisers, set out to draft and process several documents that would ensure the complete re-structuring of his military, some of the primary policies put out by the Colonial Agent was the creation of the most of 'Major General' (who would be the commander of all colonial militias), the raising of military spending to 60%, and the initiation of part-time pay for the militia's leading generals.

Despite the significant outcry from many soldiers and nominal leaders within the existing militia, the Board of Directors managed to push through their vision of a semi-standing army that could more effectively protect the colonies (with significant support from the ACS's President, Henry Clay, who had reluctantly agreed to support their endeavour), and after over a thousand men were expelled from its ranks, the so-called 'Liberian Militia' was born, the name originating from the popular term for the colonies; 'Lands of Liberty'. Ultimately, by the end of 1837, the standing numbers of the army had not changed all too much, however the number and quality of their arms had increased immensely, especially under the leadership of the force's first Major General; Lloyd Pinn, a drunken but highly intelligent and resourceful freed slave who has repatriated to Monrovia in 1825 and became a leading member of the reformist faction within the militia itself.

The state of the 'Liberian Militia' in 1837

In terms of the economy in 1837, the changes brought about by the beginning phases of Anthony D. Williams 'liberalisation program' brought about significant and immediate growth to the local economies throughout the largest colonies. From Monrovia to New Mississippi, local produce stores and servicing parlours began to appear where only half-a-decade ago there was only woodland and grass, the influx of freedmen from America furthering the episode of continuous (albeit soft) stimulus growth that had begun only a year earlier. Indeed, despite the fears of the conservatives and protectionists on the ACS's Director Board, it appeared their new Colonial Agent had a very keen sense of the economic opportunities that would present themselves to the colonies, despite the short-term breakdown of trade from the United States shortly after the Americans intervened in Texas. This 'break' in the system of trade was ultimately filled with a limited goods exchange period with the British colony at Freetown until American shipping could begin again in bulk, the agreement between the Americo-Africans and the British being carried out almost entirely by the local colonial governments in one of their earliest signs of independent action.

However, the then new economic system Williams was willing to continue to push had a viciously unequal and disparaging side to it; for whilst tariffs were being lowered for the farmers and industrial producers, unlanded members (as well as members who held low-valued land) of the colonial society found themselves being placed further to the bottom of the proto-society the Americo-Africans were setting up for themselves. A decade earlier, when egalitarianism was a much desired trait in the settlements to ensure the early colonial towns wouldn't fall apart due to the sheer division of the classes, complete suffrage for all members of society was a tempered area of the colonies laws that would ensure they remained united during the greatest phases of colonial growth. However, it would only be a short time before the new land owners of this brave new world began to grow more and more influential within the ACS and the Board of Directors, their efforts to set up 'new democracy' in the colonies ultimately coalescing in the decision by Henry Clay to allow them to decide their new system of voting, and, like the founders of the United States before them, the wealthy land owners of the African colonies fought and won for a system of suffrage that would be founded on the idea that property would provide voting rights.

Ultimately, the protectionist economic system of the colonies had slowly built up had been pushing the divide between the real estate owners and those who didn't hold land further and further apart; the 'shaving of tariffs' by Williams only furthering the economic line between the two voting and non-voting classes. In 1837, the first fight against this system was about to be fought.

The 'Douglass affair' resulted in the first public debate on the landed voting system since its inception in 1832

In later years, it would be called the 'Douglass affair', but in 1837 it was the beginning of a mass debate on the landed system of voting set up by the wealthy 'founders' of the colonies. The affair began on November 7 during a local borough election in Monrovia when the wealthy and influential widow of the former Assistant Administrator in the town (Arthur C. Douglass) was refused the right to vote, despite holding a vast tract of real estate on the outskirts of the settlement. The basis for the decision was the fact that her land had lost so much market value (primarily due to the stalling of trade between her business and the southern United States during one of their brief economic downturns) that her property could no longer be considered 'real estate' under colonial law at the time. Outraged by the refusal to grant her perceived suffrage rights, she rallied behind several other land holders who were refused the right to vote on the basis of the loss of their real estate's market value and began to clamber against the Anthony D. Williams administration, the Colonial Agent famously brushing off her arguments for the right to vote by proclaiming;

"I'm sure you'll see Widow Douglass that you are a woman. The 'rights' that you proclaim to wield through your so-called 'property' never existed in the first place; for despite your husband’s well-built character, it is the sheer fact of your sex that renders all your current actions 'privileges' rather than 'rights'. It is through your husband's legacy in which the colony granted you the privilege to vote, but without true real estate or a position on the side of the fairer sex, that privilege has been struck down."

The actions from both sides were a rallying cry for radicals. Indeed, as the month marched on, many in the intellectual community of the colonies (including those that resided on the Directory Board, as well as several land owners) began to call out not just for the reinstatement of the lost voting rights for some of real estate holders, but a full restructuring of the voting system itself. Having clearly turned down (what now seemed to be) Widow Douglass' modest proposal, Williams found himself standing firmly behind the might of the influential real estate owners (the class to which he belonged himself), his resistance to the 'floating of the market indexes' (which would have reinstated the voting rights of hundreds of colonists whose land had lost value) and instance on fixing indexes by hand (which would reaffirm the current laws would have made the value of real estate required to vote higher than what it had currently stood at) resulted in the so-called 'day of chaos' in Monrovia. Across the Americo-Africans largest settlement, unlanded colonists who had braved the currents of the Atlantic found themselves braving the solid will and force of the ACS and colonial heads, men without the vote being 'forced' to run out into the streets and sack the down town buildings of the enfranchised. Across the settlement, several voters were beaten by those that didn't have a say in their colonies governance, fires being lit and stones being thrown as the riot of 1837 reached its climax with the deaths of five colonials.

The ideology of Directory Board members at the beginning of 1838

The resulting backlash of the riot of December 2 was immediate and heartfelt; in the Board of Directors itself, several of the leading colonial assistants who supported the expansion of suffrages resigned, disgusted at Williams' and most Directors unyielding support of landed voting which only served to give the supporters of the current system more power within the ACS itself after the reshuffling of the cabinet at the end of the year. In the colonies themselves, Williams and his supporters used the riots as justification for the further entrenching of their personal ideals on the settlements; the planned rise in trade tariffs to 5% (which was scheduled for January 1) was to be reconfigured to ensure that they would instead be increased to 10% by mid-1838. This would ensure that many artisans who would otherwise receive their suffrage rights wouldn't be able to as a result of inability to maintain their land's market value, all of which would make sure the enfranchised population would remain that of the landed and economically protectionist. Furthermore, the building of military hospitals later in the year (brought about by logistical information on 'basic chemistry' introduced from Europe) would result in the planning of an expansion to the militia, a plan widely and popularly received in the ACS's upper echelons after its proposal by Williams as a means to 'keep the peace' in the colonies and ensure that no riot would threaten growth to the colonies again. Only the future would tell if the plan would succeed.

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The World

The world entered 1837 on the back of several continuing conflicts; both violent and diplomatic. In Europe, no major violent confrontation had been fought since the end of the Napoleonic Wars 22 years earlier, however, with the changing shape of the world around them, many of largest and most prestigious states on the continent found themselves vying for influence in any which way they could discern. The most notable and popular of these diplomatic fights was that of the battle for Belgium; a small, new kingdom with ties to both that of France, Britain, and the Netherlands, the new Belgian state found itself the centre of the growing industrial revolution in the mid 1830's due to the cheap support being granted to the state by the wealthy industrialists of its larger neighbours. As result of their new found commercial power, the King of the Belgians, Leopold I of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, found himself and his cabinet in Brussels being pulled in primarily two different directions; towards the aristocracy and shaky democracy of King Louis-Philippe's France, or the growing liberalism and suffrage of King William IV's United Kingdom. Throughout the year, the new state was courted several times by the two leading world powers, economic investment in the small kingdom tripling over the course of 1837 as Britain took the lead in establishing a firm diplomatic hand to this minor, albeit growing, European 'power' (to the point in which many began to call the UK the 'workshop of the world'), all whilst France squandered the good will of Belgium's large French minority after a disastrous visit to Leopold's kingdom later in the year.

Outside of Europe and the terrible conflicts that were flaring up across the world, many nations were facing the growing strain of increasing industrialism, population, or both. In the American north-west, particularly in the New England states, industrialism was beginning to firmly entrench itself as the sole financial contributor to the region’s economy, the British colonies to the north receiving a number of benefits from this growth as immigrants from the home country flocked to invest in this new world (the Americo-African colonies also began to experience new opportunities with their growing population, tinned food manufacturies being introduced to the settlements late in the year). Indeed, so many men and women flooded the Canadian provinces throughout the year to the point in which Rupert's Land (which had been nominally independent for one-and-a-half centuries prior under the jurisdiction of the Hudson Bay Company) became officially independent from colonial control in Upper and Lower Canada. Meanwhile in northern Africa, the Ottoman Empire was busy ensuring the integration of the Tripolitanian rebels after their successful 'war of attrition' against their native enemies, all whilst the French administration in northern Algeria (which was attempting to peacefully integrate a still rebellious new province) was being publicly humiliated throughout political newspapers throughout Europe to the point in which one Sicilian journalist wrote that "to compare the Ottoman's model colony in Tripolitania to that of the French wreck in Algeria would be the same as comparing a well-built mansion in Naples to the broken boroughs of Paris."

The remainder of the year, however, had to face the tyranny of near constant war.

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Texan War for Independence

The largest and most reported news story of 1836 for the Americo-Africans still held that distinction throughout much of early 1837; that story of the Texan War for Independence. As the world still reeled in shock of the American's surprise intervention in the conflict, the Mexicans attempted to remain calm in the face of the greater American industrial and (perceived) military capability. Indeed, whilst President José Justo Corro remained adamant in his orders to continue the war until a 'satisfactory' conclusion, many of his generals who had seen the bloodbath that was Texas were far less resolute in their determination to continue the war. In the United States, the newly inaugurated President Van Buren was far less adamant in his feelings towards the conflict; despite his rallying cry on the floor of the senate to back the Texans in their "valiant fight for liberty", his abhorrence at the practices of the slave-holding Texans was unshaken, and his will to oversee the details of war as Jackson would have done was unfounded. Instead, the new President temporarily handed over the military powers of his office (that of the Commander in Chief) to Alexander Macomb, the then Commanding General of the United States Army, granting him the privileges to convene a war council and appoint his own officers as he would see fit, and with plans to begin their march into Texas to support their militia in mid April, the United States had managed to assemble its largest, fully professional modern army in its history; 36,000 infantrymen, 15,000 artillerymen, and 9,000 mounted infantrymen. However, in the words of the concurrent journalist Howard Cramper; "it was a shame the Mexicans came here first."

A contemporary etching of the Battle of New Orleans

The Mexican incursion into Louisiana has sometimes been called the most daring military manoeuvre since Hannibal crossing the Alps, and whilst it hasn't quite lived up to its spiritual predecessor that so many foreground it against, it still remains a significant part of Mexico's 'unyielding' character to this day. Having amassed an armed force of 24,000 men (primarily infantrymen and conscripts from Texas) in the space of only five months after their defeat at Velasco and the declaration of war by the United States, and on April 2 they began their invasion of the south-western states despite the great stakes against them. Having agreed to the plan wholeheartedly, President Corro felt that their incursion across Louisiana towards the Mississippi River would be enough to disrupt American goods transport up the great waterway to force their new enemies from the war, and on the aforementioned date, a two pronged attack headed by General Martín Perfecto de Cos drove its way across Texas and into American territory. It was the first time a foreign army had touched American soil since the British in 1815, and in a way, the Mexicans emulated several tactics employed by the former masters of the United States during their famed actions in the War of 1812, particularly the looting and burning of small settlements to feed their soldiers. One tactic not employed by the Mexicans that the British once used however, was that of 'search and destroy'; to use their armies more experienced soldiers to defeat the enemy in one swift movement on the field of battle. The invading generals knew very well that the Americans had the numerical advantage within their own nation, and despite the experience of Mexican troops after a year of fighting in Texas, they also knew that the superior technological capability would render whatever 'experience' their soldiers would have, useless.

Instead, they vied for quick manoeuvres and diversions to keep the Louisiana militias far away from their main force and only fight skirmishes against the US's Army of Observation (which had been sent to slow and intercept the Mexicans prior to the intervention of the primary American Army which was stationed in south Arkansas) only when it was necessary. During the first month of incursion the tactics employed by the invaders worked brilliantly, the American's reeling from the sheer shock and surprise of their enemy's drive into their territory, however, soon after the fall of Vermilionville the Mexican army was beginning to struggle in its duty, the logistical strain of the incursion beginning to weigh heavily on the armies of Perfecto de Cos as he found himself forced to make a fateful decision; would he push towards New Orleans as planned in the hopes of ending America's involvement in the conflict, or withdraw and consolidate new gains in Texas whilst retaining the bulk of his forces. The decision wasn't made easy, but in the end it was made; and on May 8 the Mexican army began the decisive drive towards the 'gateway to the Mississippi'.

It was the worst decision he could have made. Having fully defeated the Army of Observation on the outskirts of Vermilionville on May 10, the Mexican general forced his men to march throughout the night of May 12 and 13 to ensure they'd be able to take Louisiana by surprise the following morning, the leaders of the two armies certain in their belief that the main force of the United State Army wouldn't be able to reach them before they could fortify their positions in the city. They were wrong. During the pre-siege preparations of Louisiana on May 13, three-quarters of the Army of the United States arrived from the north to meet the Mexican incursion force head on after having been marched for a week down from their positions in Arkansas in an effort by Alexander Macomb to destroy the last vestiges of Mexico's northern manpower and end their ability to wage the conflict. As a result, on this date on 1837, 23,000 Mexican soldiers clashed with those of the United States (whose numbers bolstered over 33,000 new recruits from across the country) on the plains outside of Louisiana, the second time in the century in which Americans would rally against an invading force near the city. With the United States down the primary attacking throughout the battle, it seemed Mexico's superior mounted troops and infantry experience would wear the Americans down, however, after the deployment of artillery to the US's flanks (which served to protect infantry from cavalry harassment), the soldiers of the United States managed to turn the tables against the Mexicans and inflict heavy casualties against their strongest, most experienced men. Realizing the collapse of his armies flanks were imminent, Perfecto de Cos ordered a general retreat away from Louisiana, leaving the region unconquered as the invaders fled back west to take up further defensive positions in their fort at Lake Charles. A week later; the Americans and Mexicans clashed once more on the banks of that great lake on June 5, and after the deaths of 1,500 men, the invaders retreated in bulk, humiliated and shaken by the failure of their war goals.

The Battle of San Antonio; the final engagement of the war

The losses at both Louisiana and Lake Charles were some of the two most crushing defeats the nation had felt during the course of the war; 3,300 of their most experience mounted troops had fallen in battle with hundreds of artillery armaments being captured by the Americans. Crushed by his failure as General, Perfecto de Cos decided to voluntarily step down as the head of the Mexican armies shortly after the arrived at their last remaining large fortification in Texas; San Antonio, the remainder of their great forts having been overrun by rebels during the incursion into Louisiana. Having no clear leadership remaining, thousands of conscripts, despondent at the two decisive losses, simply gave up their arms in a refusal to fight as one-by-one they returned to their homes, leaving only 12,000 poorly armed irregulars remaining of the once promising force of 24,000. In the United States on the other hand, events were far more jubilant; Van Buren was at the peak of his political power in the wake of news from Louisiana, and with a clear view of the front in Texas being carved out by the rebels, he authorized General Macomb to lead the combined Army of the United States into their south-western neighbour. Following a month of hard marching and minor skirmishes with final dregs of Mexican loyalists, the American Army, now 36,000 strong, found themselves on the outskirts of the final fort of their Latin American enemies, their soldiers having been demoralized to the point of mutiny by the time the opposing soldiers arrived. After a brief period of siege-and-attack, the Americans forced their enemies to meet them out on the fields surrounding the once great Mexican city; nearly 3,000 Latin Americans falling to superior armament that July day as Macomb successfully routed his opposition one last time.

In wake of the losses and full retreat from the north-eastern territory that once comprised part of his nation, President Corro began to approach American diplomats in order to formulate an end to the disastrous war, and after a brief period in which the Americans stalled the Mexican ambassadors long enough to ensure their soldiers would receive 'compensation' for the pillaging of Louisiana, President Van Buren accepted an offer to end the hostilities between his and Corro's nations. Three days later, on August 6, 1837, the Mexican Parliament, lacking in the backbone that saw it continue the conflict after Santa Anna's defeat, accepted a revised version of the Treaty of Velasco, ending the war in favour of the Unites States and presenting the Americans with their first true victory in war since that fateful date in Paris that officially brought an end to the War for Independence. The next day, whilst diplomats and politicians were toasting Van Buren in Washington, José Justo Corro resigned his position as President silently and in disgrace, never to return to politics again as Texas, the newest state on the North American continent, was all too busy ensuring their new government would be formed as quickly and stably as possible. In the end; a little under 11,000 Mexican soldiers had died during the conflict, all whilst 12,300 Texans and Americans infantrymen fell to their opponents sword in the battles for independence.

The agreement that brought an end to the Texan War of Independence

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Wars in South America

Coming off of their successful incursion into Brazil in late 1836, the Riograndense would find in 1837 that they would never again be able to reach the heights of their success from the previous year. Adopting a far more hard line, scorched earth policy against the rebelling provinces, Diogo Antônio Feijó (the regent for Emperor Pedro) of Brazil gave his reluctant support to his nation's generals as to ensure that the war would be brought to as swift a conclusion as possible as to bring about the growth of the straggling economy. Reinvigorated by their government's support for a more 'brutal' method of warfare, the generals of the new Empire took about ransacking and slaughtering thousands in their wake as a surprise counter-attack against the Riograndense by the Brazilians would force the rebels from imperial lands. Having already focused on naval blockade to 'starve out' their enemies, the Brazilians forced several pitched battles against the Riograndense army (which after 1837 was beginning to break down due to lack of supplies), the imperial army coming out victorious in all but one famous battle. Taking place on outskirts of Porto Alegre (the last major port that would allow the importation of goods to the upstart republic), 18,000 Riograndense mounted troops managed to successfully ward off 28,000 Brazilian infantrymen for several weeks whilst the vital supplies were smuggled through the port to citizens and the military, the famous coastline city falling a few weeks later when a regiment of imperial artillery arrived to put an end to the rebel's holdout. By the end of 1837, as reported by the largest of newspapers in the Americo-African colonies (particularly the Monrovian Register), 15,000 Brazilians had fallen in battle against a similar number of Riograndense, and whilst the conflict had continued to devolve into senseless slaughter and starvation, the imperial army felt that the end to the war was over the horizon; and whilst the Porto Alegre regions wasn't entirely under their hand by the beginning of 1838, the capture of several key regions of rebelling states (including its capital at Piranti), the war was beginning to close down.

Meanwhile, only a few hundred miles away in the War for Chaco, the Paraguayan army was, like the Riograndense, beginning to experience a great turn of fortune, however in their conflict the turn was far, far more positive. Having successfully trapped Argentinian soldiers behind their lines early in the year, the southern enemies to the Paraguayans soon found themselves cut off from their primary recourse lines which left them vulnerable throughout the particularly cold spring of that year to raids and starvation. Recognizing that with thousands of Argentinians being trapped behind his lines would ensure a swift rout southwards for his nation's army, the Supreme Consul of Paraguay (José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia) ordered his generals to begin preparations for the campaign against the Argentinian state in the effort to capture Buenos Aires and force their enemies out of the war. However, despite initial successes in pushing the Argentinians out of the nation in August with a promising follow-up during the first weeks of their drive towards Buenos Aires, the Paraguayans found themselves being stalled time-and-time against whilst their southern opponents regrouped and resupplied, with attempts to stall the invaders being successful late in war. Near the end of 1837, Paraguayan troops had only managed to penetrate a few miles into the lowlands of Argentinia's upper provinces, and whilst the war was draining the resources of both nations at a speed far greater than what they could supply both nations looked to their people to popular support, both proclaiming that their war would be victorious despite losing over 7,000 men each in battle with countless more having starved to death or feel to sickness. The War for Chaco, it seemed, had come to a standstill.

In December, that all changed. Having remained silent on matters regarding its neighbours since the beginning of the conflict, the Peru-Bolivian Confederation had slowly been siding itself with Paraguay over the previous several months prior to the aforementioned date. The head of the Confederation (Andrés de Santa Cruz) was a close friend to the Supreme Consul in Paraguay, and whilst he was reluctant early on in the war to support one side or the other, the successes of his friend's nation persuaded him to intervene in a way that would ensure the Confederation wouldn't get directly involved in the conflict, whilst almost providing the most support available to the leadership of Peru-Bolivia. The solution was an embargo on Argentina; with the date planned for the new year of 1838, the embargo would block almost all goods that would support the Argentinian war machine from running into the country from the Confederation, ensuring Paraguay would have the upper foot in the conflict for the foreseeable future. However, the move came at a remarkable risk; during the time, Peru-Bolivia was already existing on shaky ground, and in the province of Peru itself, many found their relationship with the neighbouring Bolivia to not be in the best interests of its people, and with the economic crisis that would come from the blockade of Peruvian metals that often flowed into Argentina, the actions of the Confederation would prove disastrous for the sub-nation.

As a result, the leadership of Peruvian province of the Confederation took sides against the Confederate government in Tacna, instead siding themselves with the merchants of Argentina and the leadership of the shakily pro-Argentine Chile (who had sided themselves with their neighbour to the east if only to ensure the Confederation wouldn't become the powerhouse they believed it could become). As a result, on December 16, with full knowledge and support from Buenos Aires, the Peruvian province withdraw itself from the Confederation with a declaration of independence, Chile declaring officially taking the Argentine side later on in the day with a declaration of war to limit the power of the large state. By the beginning of 1838, the stones had fallen into place and the War for South America had begun; the Confederation and Paraguay forming one power bloc, with the 'anti-Confederacy' (Argentina, Chile, and the Peruvian rebels) forming the other. As always, their world would never be the same again.

The state of South America by the end of 1837

Magnetic Hyena · Jan 20, 2015

Well, I'm sorry it took so long for this second part to come out (I'm been real 'busy' playing through Darkest Hour which has really taken up much of my writing time), but nevertheless, here it is; 1837. I'm sorry if I made this part overly 'rambly', but seriously; I wrote this all in one sitting over the previous night (between 10 PM and 10 AM), so you'll forgive me if it's a bit messed up or overly incoherent. I plan to do a separate part sometime in the near future (like I've said before, don't expect these updates to feature any semblance of a consistency) about one particularly large war that's currently not been brought up yet, but has been thoroughly interesting for me to watch and record. Keep an eye out for that, and here's to another good 98 years of war, diplomacy, and incoherent ramblings on economic policy.

Jape · Jan 20, 2015

Reads fine to me. I often do all-night writing sessions myself. I like how you combined the minutae of Widow Douglass and grand international affairs. If even the Americo-Liberians can't keep their votes I do wonder how things will unfold for the African majority. Its fun to see such a maligned country like Liberia get a proper history book AAR. Heartily subbed.

99KingHigh · Jan 20, 2015

Great update, and well done!

DKM · Jan 20, 2015

Wow, I've never seen such a well detailed AAR. The closest would be volkschmarchall but even he doesn't do a chapter for every year. Keep it up and you'll have me as a faithful follower for all your future AAR endeavors as well.

Red Captain · Jan 20, 2015

DKM said:
Wow, I've never seen such a well detailed AAR. The closest would be volkschmarchall but even he doesn't do a chapter for every year. Keep it up and you'll have me as a faithful follower for all your future AAR endeavors as well.

same, this is one of the most detailed AARs i've seen, this is friggin epic m8! 100 solid udaptes is very ambitious indeed, i am certain that it hasn't been done before, but i am sure that eventualy it will work and this will be one of the most famous AARs out there, i can't wait to see how Liberia further advances into the trials of the Victorian age, how it industrializes, and how it possibly adquires new territories... you know, Sierra Leone looks tempting : ), if you have the support of the USA of course

The Love of Liberty - Liberia in the Victorian Era

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A Model Modern Major General

Supercilious Ivy League High Tory

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Supercilious Ivy League High Tory

A Model Modern Major General

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Power-Hungry Demagogue

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Lord Privy Seal

Supercilious Ivy League High Tory

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