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Thanks! Editing images really can eat up a lot of time :wacko:
Ahh, Danes in Southern India. A perfect combination. Just make sure they get the province holding Tranquebar as a reward
The Danes are doing well in Southern India. Well enough to set their sights higher than just Tranquebar this time. It was certainly unexpected, but welcome under the circumstances. The Commonwealth won't begrudge their gains!
Yup, the Ottoman army is among--if not the--top armies in the world. It's a real challenge to pare them down.
I will be eagerly awaiting the next update.
Thanks! I won't keep you waiting much longer.
Don't worry, I haven't forgotten.
You should enjoy the next chapter
Indeed.
*
Thanks everyone for commenting. I'm truly sorry for the delay, just got a little backed up. Barring something crazy like the end of the world, I just have the next chapter posted on Monday.
i didn't suppose you had forgotten but it felt wrong having just re-read it and not posting anything.
Chapter Fifteen
Wherein Souls are saved, old Friendships are remembered, new Friendships prove their worth, the civilizing Rivers run red with Blood
Dampier had secured North Africa but was uncertain of his next move. Ultimately it would be the concerns of the Greek people that decided his action. In the decades prior to the revolution, the Ottoman Empire had methodically supplanted the Orthodox religion in the Balkans. It was one of the many motivations for the Greek revolt. Even as England’s war went on, the Ottomans were forcibly converting the historic city of Athens.
Though a campaign in Greece proper would not only be an appeal to the Greeks’ faith; it also made sound military sense. The Ottoman army had no presence in the Balkans. It would require a long march about the Black Sea coast for them to respond.
With all this considered, General Dampier sent Lawrence Uxbridge to capture Athens, then later joined him on the Peloponnesian Peninsula.
Though this action was successful, it highlighted one of Dampier’s primary operational constraints: his lack of sea transport. Since the India Army was introduced into the theater, the number of troop transports in the Mediterranean was inadequate. Dampier wrote to London requesting more.
This created a small scandal for Lord Protector Rodney. When he canceled his predecessor’s plans for a full invasion, he decommissioned many of the transports that had been prepared. At the time his reasoning was sound. The Commonwealth’s burgeoning trade created a huge demand for merchant ships; however, over the last few years the shipyards of England were contracted to capacity building warships for the Commonwealth Navy. Therefore merchantmen were at a premium. Rodney’s sale of the decommissioned transports was a budgetary boon.
Now, however, as those selfsame ships proved critical to the war effort, Rodney looked militarily inept. He wasted no time ordering the construction of more, and tried to downplay the fact this expense eroded any windfall from the previous sale.
To help repair his military credentials, Rodney appointed one William Anson to the Council of State. Anson became responsible for managing the logistics of the war effort. Under his administration, there was a notable increase in reinforcement speed. Dampier liked this well, as it allowed more rapid, successive actions against the Turk.
In Greece, the English had ample time to destroy yet another vassal army before the Ottomans arrived.
As they did so, Ottoman ships appeared in the Gulf of Taranto. One of Cornwallis’ blockade squadrons tried to meet it, but could not reach the swift ships before they made it to port. Clearly, the Ottomans had sailed these vessels from the Red Sea. In response, Cornwallis positioned a picket at the Pillars of Heracles. Turkish attempts at naval presence in the Mediterranean were thus thwarted.
Importantly, the Portuguese allowed the Commonwealth use of their port at Tangiers. Rodney had improved relations with Portugal, following the advice of the late van Beverningk. Now there was some tangible benefit.
After some successful campaigning, Dampier had to retreat. Ottoman armies were arriving in force. Luckily his lack of transports would not be an issue, as he made across the straits to Naxos. There he would remain until the ships arrived from England.
Although the Ottomans and their vassals would eventually reverse all of Dampier’s gains, his campaign had been a success: the Christian souls of Athens were saved. Yet whilst Dampier and his India Army scored a victory against the Ottomans, in their old area of responsibility the Commonwealth was dealt a blow. The Tamil Patriots captured Kongu and moved on to siege Madras.
On April 10th, 1679, newly built transport ships made for the Mediterranean. Though London had not only approved the commitment of more ships, but more regiments as well. The intelligence Dampier acquired proved the Ottomans numbered, always and everywhere, at least 30,000. Rodney may not have wanted a full-fledged invasion, but he did want victory, and he knew it could not be won at such a disadvantage.
Five extra regiments sailed directly into port at Cyrenaica, whilst Dampier’s whole expedition embarked from Naxos.
They combined in Libya before moving eastward into Ottoman Egypt. In a manner of days, Alexandria, the all-important center of trade, was taken. The capture of Delta followed soon after. Then Uxbridge was tasked with a brief excursion across the Nile to seize Cairo.
Dampier planned to make a stand on the banks of the Nile River delta. It was a strong position from which to defend. However, the oncoming Ottomans were great in number. Dampier was conflicted. He had prepared for a fight--finally a chance to engage--but he did not prepare for these odds. He had but one chance for victory. If the Ottomans were overconfident in their numbers, they might split their forces to simultaneously attack him at Delta and retake Cairo. However, it was a frightful gamble--one that chanced the defeat and destruction of the entire English war effort. Could he risk it?
Whilst Dampier deliberated, London was in turmoil. Years of war had the public on edge. When a celestial body decorated the night sky, the people of England took it as an omen. Society destabilized. The budget was readjusted to keep the peace. During this budgetary debate, Parliament took the opportunity to delineate the fiscal powers of the Commonwealth government. Naturally they deigned to give themselves more power. Rodney offered little in the way of protestation, coming from a legislative background himself. Besides, it was believed a stronger Parliament would lead to swifter stability.
Meanwhile, in India, the Danes decided to liberate Kongu, having expanded their presence in the south of the peninsula. However, they did not engage the Tamil Patriots in Madras, not wanting to risk a superfluous fight before their war was won. The Commonwealth hoped their victory came soon, for the walls of Madras were already breached.
In Egypt, Dampier’s deliberation ended. He made perhaps the most important decision in the war: he returned to sea. In doing so he avoided defeat. The Ottomans did not split their force, even in the absence of enemy troops.
All of Dampier’s conquests were lost in a series of four day sieges. To respond, he landed north and took the city of Aleppo. He wanted an engagement, and now he was going to have it. The Ottoman Imperial Army marched on his position from the north.
The English army took up a defensive position on the bank of the River Sajur (a tributary of the ancient Euphrates). General Dampier, more shrewd than egotistical, had his lieutenant Uxbridge command the defense. Dampier knew the man was more skilled in the tactical use of artillery, an advantage the English army had over the Turkish.
On March 12, 1680, the two armies met. The Turkish fought well, inflicting significant casualties on the Commonwealth forces. However, they suffered more. On March 25, after nearly a fortnight of brutal violence, the Ottomans broke, and retreated south. England had her first major victory, the Battle of Aleppo.
Now, Dampier took personal control of the army. The guns had done their job, it was time for maneuver. The Ottomans hadn’t a day of rest. Dampier reengaged the Turks the day they arrived in Beirut. To their credit, the Ottomans did not fall without a fight. However, it was not nearly enough. The Battle of Beirut was a complete rout.
It cost 6,711 English lives, but the Ottoman Imperial Army was destroyed. This victory was critical. The Ottoman treasury was lacking. They would not soon be able to replace their lost regiments. Further, newly-recruited Ottoman regiments would have a hard time combining into an effective fighting force; between constant rebellions and English coastal raiding, their chances of survival were not good.
Battles won, the Commonwealth could finally begin to win the war.
Wherein Souls are saved, old Friendships are remembered, new Friendships prove their worth, the civilizing Rivers run red with Blood
Dampier had secured North Africa but was uncertain of his next move. Ultimately it would be the concerns of the Greek people that decided his action. In the decades prior to the revolution, the Ottoman Empire had methodically supplanted the Orthodox religion in the Balkans. It was one of the many motivations for the Greek revolt. Even as England’s war went on, the Ottomans were forcibly converting the historic city of Athens.
Though a campaign in Greece proper would not only be an appeal to the Greeks’ faith; it also made sound military sense. The Ottoman army had no presence in the Balkans. It would require a long march about the Black Sea coast for them to respond.
With all this considered, General Dampier sent Lawrence Uxbridge to capture Athens, then later joined him on the Peloponnesian Peninsula.
Though this action was successful, it highlighted one of Dampier’s primary operational constraints: his lack of sea transport. Since the India Army was introduced into the theater, the number of troop transports in the Mediterranean was inadequate. Dampier wrote to London requesting more.
This created a small scandal for Lord Protector Rodney. When he canceled his predecessor’s plans for a full invasion, he decommissioned many of the transports that had been prepared. At the time his reasoning was sound. The Commonwealth’s burgeoning trade created a huge demand for merchant ships; however, over the last few years the shipyards of England were contracted to capacity building warships for the Commonwealth Navy. Therefore merchantmen were at a premium. Rodney’s sale of the decommissioned transports was a budgetary boon.
Now, however, as those selfsame ships proved critical to the war effort, Rodney looked militarily inept. He wasted no time ordering the construction of more, and tried to downplay the fact this expense eroded any windfall from the previous sale.
To help repair his military credentials, Rodney appointed one William Anson to the Council of State. Anson became responsible for managing the logistics of the war effort. Under his administration, there was a notable increase in reinforcement speed. Dampier liked this well, as it allowed more rapid, successive actions against the Turk.
In Greece, the English had ample time to destroy yet another vassal army before the Ottomans arrived.
As they did so, Ottoman ships appeared in the Gulf of Taranto. One of Cornwallis’ blockade squadrons tried to meet it, but could not reach the swift ships before they made it to port. Clearly, the Ottomans had sailed these vessels from the Red Sea. In response, Cornwallis positioned a picket at the Pillars of Heracles. Turkish attempts at naval presence in the Mediterranean were thus thwarted.
Importantly, the Portuguese allowed the Commonwealth use of their port at Tangiers. Rodney had improved relations with Portugal, following the advice of the late van Beverningk. Now there was some tangible benefit.
After some successful campaigning, Dampier had to retreat. Ottoman armies were arriving in force. Luckily his lack of transports would not be an issue, as he made across the straits to Naxos. There he would remain until the ships arrived from England.
Although the Ottomans and their vassals would eventually reverse all of Dampier’s gains, his campaign had been a success: the Christian souls of Athens were saved. Yet whilst Dampier and his India Army scored a victory against the Ottomans, in their old area of responsibility the Commonwealth was dealt a blow. The Tamil Patriots captured Kongu and moved on to siege Madras.
On April 10th, 1679, newly built transport ships made for the Mediterranean. Though London had not only approved the commitment of more ships, but more regiments as well. The intelligence Dampier acquired proved the Ottomans numbered, always and everywhere, at least 30,000. Rodney may not have wanted a full-fledged invasion, but he did want victory, and he knew it could not be won at such a disadvantage.
Five extra regiments sailed directly into port at Cyrenaica, whilst Dampier’s whole expedition embarked from Naxos.
They combined in Libya before moving eastward into Ottoman Egypt. In a manner of days, Alexandria, the all-important center of trade, was taken. The capture of Delta followed soon after. Then Uxbridge was tasked with a brief excursion across the Nile to seize Cairo.
Dampier planned to make a stand on the banks of the Nile River delta. It was a strong position from which to defend. However, the oncoming Ottomans were great in number. Dampier was conflicted. He had prepared for a fight--finally a chance to engage--but he did not prepare for these odds. He had but one chance for victory. If the Ottomans were overconfident in their numbers, they might split their forces to simultaneously attack him at Delta and retake Cairo. However, it was a frightful gamble--one that chanced the defeat and destruction of the entire English war effort. Could he risk it?
Whilst Dampier deliberated, London was in turmoil. Years of war had the public on edge. When a celestial body decorated the night sky, the people of England took it as an omen. Society destabilized. The budget was readjusted to keep the peace. During this budgetary debate, Parliament took the opportunity to delineate the fiscal powers of the Commonwealth government. Naturally they deigned to give themselves more power. Rodney offered little in the way of protestation, coming from a legislative background himself. Besides, it was believed a stronger Parliament would lead to swifter stability.
Meanwhile, in India, the Danes decided to liberate Kongu, having expanded their presence in the south of the peninsula. However, they did not engage the Tamil Patriots in Madras, not wanting to risk a superfluous fight before their war was won. The Commonwealth hoped their victory came soon, for the walls of Madras were already breached.
In Egypt, Dampier’s deliberation ended. He made perhaps the most important decision in the war: he returned to sea. In doing so he avoided defeat. The Ottomans did not split their force, even in the absence of enemy troops.
All of Dampier’s conquests were lost in a series of four day sieges. To respond, he landed north and took the city of Aleppo. He wanted an engagement, and now he was going to have it. The Ottoman Imperial Army marched on his position from the north.
The English army took up a defensive position on the bank of the River Sajur (a tributary of the ancient Euphrates). General Dampier, more shrewd than egotistical, had his lieutenant Uxbridge command the defense. Dampier knew the man was more skilled in the tactical use of artillery, an advantage the English army had over the Turkish.
On March 12, 1680, the two armies met. The Turkish fought well, inflicting significant casualties on the Commonwealth forces. However, they suffered more. On March 25, after nearly a fortnight of brutal violence, the Ottomans broke, and retreated south. England had her first major victory, the Battle of Aleppo.
Now, Dampier took personal control of the army. The guns had done their job, it was time for maneuver. The Ottomans hadn’t a day of rest. Dampier reengaged the Turks the day they arrived in Beirut. To their credit, the Ottomans did not fall without a fight. However, it was not nearly enough. The Battle of Beirut was a complete rout.
It cost 6,711 English lives, but the Ottoman Imperial Army was destroyed. This victory was critical. The Ottoman treasury was lacking. They would not soon be able to replace their lost regiments. Further, newly-recruited Ottoman regiments would have a hard time combining into an effective fighting force; between constant rebellions and English coastal raiding, their chances of survival were not good.
Battles won, the Commonwealth could finally begin to win the war.
Wow, gripping stuff. The Commonwealth, taking advantage of their spies have fought an amazing war. I do wonder what the extended consequences of the strengthened Parliament and the Indian rebellion will be.
Shall we perhaps see more of Greece liberated from despotic Turkish rule? I'm hoping so.
fantastic result. Plenty of tit for tat raids and then final a single decisive victory to bring it all together. how many troops do the Turks have left?
Really interesting read, especially with all the action against the Ottomans and the Greek Republic.
The commonwealth here almost seems like a half and half mixture combining the Republic/Rump and the Protectorate, e.g elected Lord Protector rather than a nominated successor, and presumably still the Rump Parliament clinging on to power?
All a rather interesting way to develop with Oliver dieing so early.
The commonwealth here almost seems like a half and half mixture combining the Republic/Rump and the Protectorate, e.g elected Lord Protector rather than a nominated successor, and presumably still the Rump Parliament clinging on to power?
All a rather interesting way to develop with Oliver dieing so early.
Thanks
Well one consequence of the Indian rebellion is +10% revolt risk in Kongu. So it's not something that can be cleaned up and forgotten.
And I'm glad you mentioned spies because I forgot to mention I had to infiltrate the Ottoman administration again (it lasts 3 years). It was successful and undiscovered on the first attempt, so it didn't seem notable. I rarely use spies when I play normally, but I decided early on to change up my play style to hopefully add a little something to the AAR. I failed miserable at first (Naples), but my success against the Ottomans wouldn't be possible without espionage.
Shall we perhaps see more of Greece liberated from despotic Turkish rule? I'm hoping so.
As do I (and the Greeks, I imagine)
Yet this poses an interesting question. Greece formed from a nationalist revolt on Cyprus, but since the nationalist never occupied any other province they don't have cores on any of them. This is besides the point though, because there's no mechanic for me to "release" the rest of their country because they already exist.
I can release some of the Greek minor states that still have cores, but not all of them for some strange reason (e.g., Athens [ATH] has a core on the province Athens, but they don't appear on the peace negotiation menu).
Thus my only option appears to be taking Greek provinces then selling them to Greece. However, for RP reasons I used the "Liberation" casus belli, so I'd have to swallow a lot of infamy for what amounts to anti-conquest. The ironing, she is delicious.
Excellent. Is there any chance of a British Egypt coming soon?
Not in this war, I'm afraid. However, the Ottomans are flailing--max war exhaustion, 70+% blockade cutting into their income, -2 stab, and at least 20% revolt risk in every province (with some as high as 50!). Combined with the fact there are so many possible break away states within them, and they border Austria and Russia, they have some tough years ahead of them--years of decline. And since there will definitely be lingering antagonism after this war, as Ottoman power recedes England may very well swoop in to take some choice provinces. Certainly Egypt is a high priority
I can't find a ledger screenshot that would have been taken after that battle (I might load an old save later) but a war screen shows 222,009 for the whole Ottoman alliance. I'd estimate their vassals account for roughly 20,000, so the Ottomans have about 200,000 men under arms. Or about ten more Battles of Beirut
For the politics I imagine something akin to the Instrument of Government is in effect. But I try to keep my fiction strictly confined to the game mechanics. In game terms the government is Republican Dictatorship. Technically it's a government without elections (you never get to pick a candidate like in other republics, but there is a Parliament as the "Troublesome Parliament" event proves). However, it's clearly not dynastic. I thought about having it be nominated successor, but historically that kind of thing only exists to create dynasty. Besides, it would be hard to justify a peaceful 9 Diplomatic LP nominating a warmongering 9 Military LP.
The fiction as it exists now was going to be the same even if Oliver lived longer than historically, but certainly his earlier death made the divergence easier narratively speaking.
*
Thanks to everyone for their comments! And thanks to everyone for their readership! Over 10,000 views :wacko:
200,000!!!!!!! Bloody hell!!!!
Well then Beuriet was just the start.
As for the politics of the Commonwealth i always assumed if the USSR was in the game it would be government type Republican Dictatorship, a leader picked by the politburo not the people
Well then Beuriet was just the start.
As for the politics of the Commonwealth i always assumed if the USSR was in the game it would be government type Republican Dictatorship, a leader picked by the politburo not the people
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Hrm, interesting about the whole releasing Greeks thing. You have any idea what you may do, given these circumstances?
Nicely done, but where are the Otto hordes? Not in North Africa or Egypt obviously.
Yep, just a start
You're right, Republican Dictatorship might be a good analog to the USSR. I also think Bureaucratic Despotism might fit for single-party states like the soviet union. To be honest I'm a bit ignorant of what that government type is suppose to represent within the time period of EUIII. Does anyone know of a nation who gets it within the history database of the game?
Well, I have played quite a bit ahead, so I may have already dealt with it; but that would be telling!
You can bet that smarts!
They're mostly milling about the Black Sea and in Anatolia. At the beginning of the chapter I drew a lot of them into Greece, and some never left the Balkans. You can see in the first screen some rebels. That's 17 regiments in Thrace. There are uprisings all around the sprawling Ottoman Empire constantly, so their armies are always all over the place. Sometimes they disappear into their vassals' territory (where I don't have vision). So it's hard to say at any given time where they all are. At the end of the chapter quite a lot of their army was entering Egypt, and of course I intercepted an army in the Levant. We'll see a bit more of their armies' positions in the next chapter, but they have so many I like to keep it in context to where I am.
Anyway, speaking of the next chapter, it's not far from completion. Look for it in the next few days!
I'm not really sure what republican dictatorships really simulate, other than Cromwellian England.
Kind of off-topic and kind of on-topic, but does anyone know what administrative republics/monarchies are supposed to simulate?
Kind of off-topic and kind of on-topic, but does anyone know what administrative republics/monarchies are supposed to simulate?
often wondered myself actually. come to think of it there are a few government types with rather vauge meanings.
I thought for a time that they might simulate (con)federal republics/monarchies, but then that doesn't really explain Portugal all that well (they start with admin. monarchy, right?) The description doesn't really match up all that well either.