[Forum Game] - World in Revolution: 1861 Mk. IV

KeldoniaSkylar · May 5, 2017

The Eyalet of Egypt - Eyālet-i Mıṣr

The Eyalet of Egypt was gained by the Ottoman Empire following the Ottoman-Mamluk War (1516 - 1517). It would be a difficult province to rule for most of its history due to the continuing power and influence of the Mamluks, remaining semi-autonomous under the Mamluks until Napoleon's Egyptian Campaign. It would be after the expulsion of the French, that Muhammad Ali, the Albanian military commander of the Ottoman army in Egypt, would seize power in 1805, though it would remain under suzerainty of the Ottoman Sultan, with Muhammad Ali serving as the governor.

Muhammad Ali would be begin a series of reforms following his seizure of power. The first of these would be the confiscation of most lands from private individuals in return for tiny pensions, thus making through this method of land nationalization, Muhammad Ali became owner of almost all the lands of Egypt. As pasha he also attempted to reorganize his troops along European lines, though this would lead to a mutiny in Cairo in 1808, resulting in at the time an abandonment of this attempt to modernize his forces.

Muhammad Ali would also attempt several economic reforms. He would also create several state monopolies, creating several factories and began the digging of a new canal, the Mahmudiya, to Alexandria from the Nile in 1819, as the old canal had long since fallen into decay. This system of monopolies would fall following a series of treaties by the Porte with foreign powers, particularly the British. In 1822, Egypt would also begin the production of cotton in the Delta. The overland transit of goods from Europe to India and beyond and vis-versa resumed.

Muhammad Ali would channel much of this economic power into the development of military force. This would eventually lead to war between the Sultan and his Pasha, Muhammad Ali. The war officially began under the pretext of chastising the former mamluk Abullah Pasha of Acre, for refusing send back those that had previously fled Muhammad Ali's reforms. This war would leap to the forefront of the diplomatic world, as not only was it an existential crisis for the Ottoman Empire, especially following the reorganization of the Imperial Army and the disbandment of the Janissaries, but also the rising prominence of Egypt in the interests of various imperial powers, especially as a potential route to Asia - the other being via the Euphrates.

Muhammad Ali Pasha

Following the intervention of Russian troops, in the force of approximately 40,000 troops, and the subsequent intervention of British forces particularly in the Egypt and the Straights, the Convention of Kütahya was signed on May 14, 1833 in which the Sultan bestowed upon Muhammad Ali the pashaliks of Syria, Damascus, Aleppo and Itcheli, along with Adana. This would establish Muhammad Ali as the governor of a strongly autonomous state. However, the foundations of his authority were built on unstable foundations. These shaky foundations were revealed within a year when Muhammad Ali's system of government - particularly monopolies and conscription - had given rise to revolts among the Syrians, Druze, and Arabs. These initial revolts would be suppressed by Muhammad Ali in person, and though suppressed, their discontent would encourage Sultan Mahmud to seek revenge.

In 1839, the sultan would order his army based in Reshid to advance over the Syrian frontier. These forces would ultimately be routed under the sultan's son Ibrahim. However, this defeat would inspire the Oriental Crisis, resulting the powers of the United Kingdom, Prussia, the Austrian Empire and Russian Empire, joining forces with the sultan. The combined forces would make quick work of Muhammad Ali's forces.

This would result in various conditions being placed upon Muhammad Ali, although the governorship of the Eyalet of Egypt was made hereditary for his dynasty. Restrictions included the stripping him of the governorship of all territories outside of Egypt and Sudan, the reduction of his army to 18,000 men, a restriction against keeping a fleet of any kind. Furthermore, he would be required to present an annual tribute of 376,000 £. He would no longer be a figure in European politics, he would however, continue to concern himself with the governorship of the greatly diminished Eyalet.

Muhammad Ali's rule would be followed by the short rule of his son Ibrahim. Which was subsequently followed by the short reign of his nephew Abbas, who would end the monopolies and build a railroad between Alexandria and Cairo, before being murdered in 1854 by two of his slaves. He would in turn be succeeded by Said Pasha, who was weak in mind and physical health. It was under Said that the Frenchman Fredinand de Lesseps would be granted a concession for the construction of a canal across the Suez.

((image edits))

Frymonmon · May 6, 2017

Events of the World: 1861

North America

With the outbreak of war, the Union was in desperate need to finance the massive undertaking. Half the country have left, meaning tax revenue was going to plummet, and expenses were going to skyrocket. The Morrill Tariff Act of 1861 was starting to come into effect, which imposed higher tariffs on all goods imported into the country. The Legal Tender Act of 1861 was passed alongside the Revenue Act of 1861. The first issued treasury notes, called Demand Notes, that would act as the same as the current coinage in the United States, where it the bearer would be issued the gold coin on presentation of the paper document. The government declared it legal tender for both public and private debts. The second placed a 5% income tax on all incomes over $1,000, as well as increasing the excise taxes on most luxury and sin items in the country. Finally, the government also issued war bonds, for citizens to purchase to held finance the war effort.

Several problems rose from the Union’s efforts. The first was that the Demand Notes were issued for purchase at below face value, therefor someone could earn interest on the note by exchanging it at a later date. Three separate issuances of these occurred, all on $50 million increments. The Government was forced to suspend payment of specie for the notes, instead noting that they would still honour the prices, but at a later point. The war bonds sold well, but were not selling as well as the Treasury had been hoping they would. The Revenue Act of 1861 was mostly a success, raising the money that it had intended to. The government was borrowing heavily, and the costs of war were already evident. However, the government was fully funded, and nothing was left unfunded due to lack of access to currency.

With the blockade against the rebel states proving to be ineffective, Secretary of the Navy Gideon Welles petitions for, and is granted, a large expansion in naval forces. The Mississippi River Squadron was believed to be one of the centrepieces of the plan, with it being allocated the most money at the beginning. More funds were released for ocean-going vessels, which would be used to enforce the nascent blockade that was being thwarted daily.
[+6 Minor Vessels/month to the United States if St. Louis stays in their control. Massive naval construction boom.]

A bizarre government-sponsored directive is set forward, allowing for cotton grown in areas under the control of the United States to be loaded onto railroads otherwise reserved for military usage and shipped to the northeast in order to export it to the nations of Europe. Vital military supplies were sidelined for this project, which the Lincoln administration saw as a way to combat the notion of “King Cotton” in Europe. Very little cotton was gathered outside of Maryland, which was still reeling from the effects of the federal army’s restoration of order. Many of the cotton plantations in the southeast part of the state were left abandoned, as they were owned by pro-Confederate slaveholders. Regardless of its intentions, the weak blockade of the South meant that Europe was gaining large orders of cotton for their textile mills on schedule, filling the pockets of the Confederate treasury and planters. The move did more harm than good for the Union, as men and supplies could not reach vital locations in the west.

Speeches were given in cities across the United States for men to enlist in the armed forces to put down the rebellion. This was coupled with generally favourable newspaper articles about the victories that the Union had won, the capture of the rebel Army of the Kentucky, as well as the advance into western Virginia. Morale in the country was high, and many expected that General McClellan would be able to march into Virginia and capture Richmond with a new spring offensive.

In New York, three ships, two carrying passengers and one carrying cargo, arrive in early December. Flying the Italian flag, they docked in lower Manhattan and set out into the blistering winter cold of the northeast. Four thousand men, all Italians, came off the ships with their supplies. Leading them was Giuseppe Garibaldi, Italian patriot known as the “Hero of Two Worlds” for his fighting on both sides of the Atlantic. The man was once again spurned into action, for fear of a southern Confederacy gaining its independence. The United States Army made the man a Brigadier General, and the Italian Legion was mustered into the service of the Union, headquartering on Staten Island, New York. Garibaldi and his men would be receiving reinforcements, Italian immigrants from New York, and his fighting force would be deployed to the field in the spring of next year.
[+4,000 Regulars, +2,000 Volunteers to the United States. Brig. Gen. Giuseppe Garibaldi now available for Union deployment.]

Garibaldi’s entrance to the war did not go unnoticed. Fascination with the anti-Catholic, anti-Papal man was high in the United States. But so was the opposition to him. Upon hearing of Garibaldi’s entrance, General George McClellan remarked, “This shan't go over well.” Brig. Gen. Thomas M. Meagher of the Irish Brigade encouraged his men to speak out against the move. The 63rd, 69th, and 88th New York Infantries, all Irishmen, refused to fight alongside with Garibaldi. The 28th Massachusetts went further, and rioted in their camp. McClellan didn’t move against the men, instead cautioned them to follow orders. He wrote a furious letter to his wife, saying the original gorilla was trying to destroy his army more than the rebels were. Irish riots also broke out in Philadelphia, New York, and Boston. Desertions were common, and the Confederacy quickly began to recruit Irishmen to their own ranks.
[-2,500 Volunteers to the United States. +6,500 Volunteers to the Confederate States.]

In Washington, D.C., Philadelphia, and New York City, agents of the British Exchequer were found to be purchasing foreign bonds issued by the United States government, as well as soliciting the purchase of privately-held bonds. Other private interests followed the British government. Their offer was far too tempting for many citizens to resist. The British government would pay out, immediately, the full price of the bond at a lower interest rate, meaning the citizen who purchased the bond would get their money back plus more instantly. A “bond rush” occurred during the final two months of the year, with British banks openly advertising their alliance with the Government over investing into the American’s civil war. The Secretary of the Treasury was not notified of this worrying trend until mid-December, and it was estimated that nearly sixty per cent of “domestic” bonds were held by the British. Of that sixty per cent, about seventy was held by the British government, and thirty were held by private British interests. Should the United States pay out on these bonds, the British were set to make far more than the purchase of foreign bonds would have been.

By the end of the year, both sides saw their ranks swell with more men as volunteers poured in on both sides. The men were sent and trained during the colder months, but they were more than eager to try and fight for their respective countries. They all marched believing they had providence on their side, and that they were fighting for strongly held beliefs.
[+45,000 Volunteers to the United States. +30,000 Volunteers to the Confederate States.]

British capital flooded the Confederacy during the latter half of the year, with British banks establishing contacts in Richmond, Montgomery, and New Orleans. The Confederate government began to issue bonds that would be put to sale for Confederate civilians, but few were ever bought, having been purchased by British interests. Bonds were exchanged for guns, ammunition, clothes, anything that the Confederates needed to maintain the war effort. In the effort to skirt the blockade, British merchant ships would offload goods in Nassau and Bermuda, where Confederate blockade runners would pick them up and bring them in, making port at Mobile or Jacksonville. The British government issued several statements and warnings to discourage the purchase of Confederate bonds by private persons, and took measures to ensure no government funds were being used as such. They did little else, and no punishment was ever threatened, nor handed out. Cotton flowed out, and materials flowed in.
[Confederate trade increases.]

Albert Pike, the Confederate Commissioner to all the Indian Tribes West of Arkansas and South of Kansas, finishes his work in October, having signed treaties with the Osage, Seneca, Shawnee, Quapaw, and the Cherokee. The Confederate Congress ratified the treaties, bringing an alliance with the majority of the tribes in the Indian Territory. For the most part, they would fight for themselves and maintain control of their own lands, although they would receive Confederate support, and some Indians did join the Confederate army.
[+1,200 Regulars to the Confederate States.]

Ely Parker and Opothleyahola make their own cases in the Indian territory, but it is to little result. Many of the tribes were heavily pro-Confederate, and the focus was instead shifted on getting those who opposed the rebels out of the region and into Kansas, where they would be looked after by the Government.

In New Orleans and Selma, shipyards were hard at work, producing gunboats, floating batteries and “cottonclads” for the Confederate defense of the Mississippi River, seen as more important than the conventional seafaring Navy (although this will still considered vital to the Confederacy’s survival). The first action that many of these new vessels saw was attempting to run past the Union defenses of Cairo. The two sides traded shells, and only a few vessels were able to get through to reach Paducah, Kentucky. The majority of the Confederate’s river fleet would be stationed at Memphis, and support General A.S. Johnston’s activities in the upper portion of the Mississippi River.
[+12 Minor Vessels to the Confederate States. +4 Minor Vessels to the Confederate States every three months so long as New Orleans & Selma remain in Confederate hands.]

On November 6th, the Confederate States presidential election of 1861 was held, along with elections to the Confederate Congress. Jefferson Davis and Alexander Stephens ran unopposed, winning all 109 electoral votes. Under the Constitution, the administration would serve until February 22, 1868. The Congress was mostly voted back in, now officially so, removing the provisional status that afflicted both of them. Notable amongst them was John Tyler, former President of the United States, who was elected to Virginia’s 3rd Congressional district.

The Confederate Navy received a huge boost, and the Union Navy a massive new problem, when the former USS Merrimak was discovered to have been rebuilt, clad in iron armour, and ready to be launched into the waters early next year. The rechristened CSS Virginia was kept a secret by the Confederate Navy, and built in a highly secretive fashion. The papers, and thus the North, learned of her existence in the middle of December, not three weeks before she was to be launched in early January. Secretary of War Edwin M. Staton had declared he feared the new monster should steam up the Potomac River and shell the White House.

The CSS Virginia before being launched.

The Confederate Congress authorises the release of funds to Secretary of the Navy Stephen Mallory, who in turn funds Rear Admiral Raphael Semmes many project ideas. Unknown to the Union, the Confederacy begins development of naval mines, known as torpedos, which could be placed at harbour entrances to protect them from Union ships. Semmes and Mallory had been gathering as much information on naval adventures and experiments across the country. Horace Lawson Hunley, an inventor working on submersible vessel in New Orleans, was called to Richmond, given a contract with the government to advance his invention, and allowed money to flow to him and his engineers. His mission was to construct a working submarine, one that could help destroy the Union blockade.
[+1 Minor Vessel (submarine CSS Pioneer) to the Confederate States available February 1862.]

Braxton Bragg and his Army of the Carolinas, fresh off their victory in Tennessee, sets up their new headquarters in Charleston, South Carolina. Bragg begins a training regime for many of his soldiers, as well as dispatching engineers south to Florida and as far north as Norfolk, Virginia. Under directions from the War Department, he instructed them to protect the Confederacy’s vital ports and waterways. New coastal defenses were outside Norfolk on the northern shore of Princess Ann County, south of Nag’s Head, North Carolina, on the south end of Pea Island, on Hatteras Island, on Ocracoke Island, on Cape Lookout, near Sneads Ferry at the mouth of the New River, near the entrance of Winyah Bay, and finally at St. Marks in Florida. The move was mostly made to ensure the defense of the Albermarle and Pamlico Sounds in North Carolina, but it also increased the strength of all other coastal defenses of the Confederacy. The Union could no longer simply sail in and seize these vital points.
[+6,000 Regulars to the Confederate States. -6,000 Volunteers to the Confederate States. Coastal fortifications erected from Virginia to Florida.]

It was a cloudy morning on November 8th, 1861 in the Florida Keys. The Confederate garrison at Fort Zachary Taylor began the day as any other, drill in the morning, followed by a small amount of time to travel around the now growing town of Key West. Union commander Ambrose Burnside was placed in command of the Department of Florida, two thousand men strong, half of them marines. The men were loaded on ships in Philadelphia, and headed south, bound to arrive on November 8th. Accompanying Burnside was Captain David Farragut, tasked with protecting the men as they moved south to reinforce Fort Jefferson and to lay siege to Fort Zachary Taylor.

Farragut and his ships reached the vicinity on November 6th, and slipped around the Confederate patrols of the region to make port at Fort Jefferson. Offloading two hundred volunteers of the Department of Florida, he then made his way towards Key West, under orders to assault the Confederate fort.

The clouds had begun to break shortly past noon in Key West, when Confederate lookouts spotted a group of ships, hoisting the American flag far aloft, making their way directly towards their positions. The call to arms was sent out, and the fort braced for what they believed to be the coming attack. At 1:28 PM the Union Army landed on the northern side of Key West, safe from the guns of Fort Zachary Taylor. The fort loomed large in the distance, and the Confederates would not give it up without a fight.

Moving down the main road that linked the northern part of the key to the fort itself, the marines were faced with skirmishes from several Confederate regiments, slowing them down and inflicting casualties on them. Still, Burnside pressed on. Farragut’s naval bombardment soon came online, with Confederate gunners blasting back, the air becoming thick with gunpowder. All three stories of the fort blasted away at the Union ships. Several lucky shots pierced the boilers of the USS Roanoke as well as her gundeck, blowing the ship into two pieces. Farragut, who was onboard the USS Congress could do little more but to watch his best ship slip beneath the waves. Few precious moments were wasted on the loss of the Roanoke, as soon after, the USS Sabine was struck by the fort’s guns. Having arrived with six ships and now down two so early in the fight, Farragut contemplated breaking off from the fort’s bombardment. He was persuaded against it by General Burnside, who needed the guns on the fort if the marines had any chance of capturing it.

Farragut pressed on, his own ship being hit thrice by Confederate gunners. The USS Brandywine soon sank under the shelling. As the marines and volunteers assaulted the fort, a difficult task due to there only being one small brick walkway to the fort, they were nothing but easy pickings for the Confederates manning the battlements. Farragut ordered his ships to retreat, leaving what few marines were left alive to be captured by the Confederates. As they attempted to disengage, the Confederate Navy squadron stationed in Key West returned from escorting blockade runners to the Bahamas. The CSS William G. Hewes, CSS Sumter, and CSS United States engaged Farragut’s remaining ships, the USS Congress, USS Colorado, and USS Niagara. The Confederate ships were outgunned, but they succeeded in slowing down the retreating ships, enough time for Fort Zachary Taylor to exact its revenge, sinking the Colorado and Niagara. By the time the sun set over Key West, hundreds of sailors and soldiers were captured by the Confederates, and Farragut was soon trapped in the Gulf of Mexico with little supplies, no reinforcements, and scant else to defend Fort Jefferson. The Confederates had turned Key West into a fortress, he reported back to Lincoln, and there was nothing he could do.
[-3 Steam Frigates, -2 Sail Frigates from the United States. -1,000 Regulars, -800 Volunteers from the United States. -8 Regulars, -21 Volunteers from the Confederate States.]

With McClellan’s army stationed in Washington, papers across the north demanded he launch a late autumn/early winter offensive into northern Virginia to try and drive the rebels further away from Washington. The Union only effectively controlled the southern bank of the Potomac river, and fears of a large Confederate army appearing to sweep into Washington were common. Still, McClellan did nothing, instead opting to plan for a renewed offensive in the spring of 1862. The Army of Virginia saw a command shift, with Brigadier General Joseph Reynolds leading it. Further south, Benjamin Butler was given his own command in the Department of Virginia. He was tasked with strengthening his position in Hampton. It was now that the Union finally held a position outside of Fort Monroe, occupying the town fully.

General Robert E. Lee was mocked across the south as “Granny Lee” for his failures in protecting Virginia. As one of the highest ranking Generals in the country, as well as one of its oldest, he was transferred away from the frontlines and joined Braxton Bragg in the Carolinas. Lee would head the Department of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida, and be tasked with the upkeep, improvement, and manning of the fortifications that General Bragg had put into service.

With Lee gone, Brigadier General General Garnett assumed command of the Army of Western Virginia, merging it into his Army of the Northwest. While the cold weather prevented a lot of movement during the months, Garnett disengaged his forced and moved to the south, setting up defensive works at Charleston, fortifying the city and extending over to Huntington on the Ohio River to keep track of any Union attempts to cross there to take the city.

In the west, General A.S. Johnston saw an opportunity to try and revive the efforts to capture Missouri. With the expanding Confederate Mississippi River fleet being stationed in Memphis, Johnston moved north to Dyersburg, with plans to attack the Union fort at Cairo, Illinois to at least weaken it enough to move enough ships north to Paducah, and if at all possible, to capture it. As the gunboat fleet moved north, the Mississippi River Squadron moved south, hearing of the potential moves against Cairo. The Union had been expanding docking capabilities in Cairo, along with increasing the size and scale of the garrison operation. When the first Confederate gunboats appeared, they were ready and firing upon them. The Union Navy, steaming in down the Mississippi, rounded the corner and trapped the Confederate gunboats in the Ohio River, forcing them to either sink where they were, or try and make it past the fort to Paducah. After several more hours of fighting, the Confederates forged north up the Ohio and made it to Paducah, although with almost half of their forces lost. The loss at the Battle of Cairo was so bad, that General Johnston thought it not worth it to try again. The fort at the confluence of the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers rendered the Ohio River almost impossible to traverse to, and made travel up the Mississippi difficult. Worse still, six ships were trapped in Paducah, and unable to join Johnston for any assault into Missouri.
[-2 Minor Vessels to the United States. -8 Minor Vessels to the Confederate States.]

Fighting at the Battle of Cairo

With no desire to be locked out of Kentucky, General Beauregard moves north by train to Bowling Green, Kentucky, and begins the fortification of the city from attack. It was intended to be a threat to the operations of the Army of Kentucky, sending men to fight Grant where he was weakest, so that he would not have an easy time making headway inland into the Confederacy’s interior. So long as Johnston held the Mississippi, it was thought, then Beauregard could occupy Grant’s time with his own defensive actions. With Confederate authority returning to Kentucky after the disaster of losing their own Army of Kentucky, the state legislature, even those who had voted against secession, were able to find their way to Bowling Green, where they declared it the temporary capital city while Frankfort was occupied by the Federals.
[+7,000 Regulars to the Confederate States. -7,000 Volunteers from the Confederate States.]

Despite the victory in Kentucky, the pressure was mounting on General William T. Sherman. Asked to be relieved of his command after many in the papers declared him to be “mental,” he left the battlefield for his home, and was replaced by Brigadier General Don Carlos Buell. Buell was best known for losing the first major engagement of the war, but was still considered to be an able commander for organising soldiers and providing for them. His major problem during the autumn was the government’s plan to fight against “King Cotton” which hampered his plans of putting together a major fighting force.

Skirmishes dominated the fighting as the year closed. Thousands were killed, wounded, or captured, but there was none in one large battle. Fights broke out in New Mexico and Arizona, where the two sides simply traded skirmishes here and there, all the way to northern Virginia and on the Virginia Peninsula. The only major combat took place in Missouri, where General Lyon and his forces were in a constant state of ambush and counterattack with a hodgepodge of outlaws, pro-Confederates, anti-Unionists, pro-Missouri elements, none of which had an organised leadership or ideology.

The Mexican government establishes the Guardia Rural, a law-enforcement force that would be focused on pacifying the remaining resistance to the new liberal government. The force would be under the joint administration of the Ministries of Interior and War, which was criticised as it might cause tensions within the offices of government. A call was sent out to former bandits to join the force, but few did. The men who were recruited were ill-equipped, and attempts to establish law were thwarted constantly by bandits. Losses in the first couple of months were heavy, reducing the force by almost twenty-five per cent.
[+1,853 Volunteers to Mexico. -237 Volunteers to Mexico.]

Federal elections were held across Mexico in the summer of 1861. The voting took place on two separate days, June 30th and July 15th, and the sole office up for election was the Presidency of the Republic. Provisional President Benito Juárez was overwhelmingly elected over other Liberal, and one Conservative, candidate.

Benito Juárez, the new President of Mexico

Under circumstances described as “dubious” at best by many Mexican officials and American observers, an international force composed of the British, French, and Spanish began their enforcement of the Convention of London against Mexico. The Mexicans began to prepare for an invasion of their country, with President Juárez placing Ignacio Zaragoza in charge of a force to protect the eastern coastlines, with a focus on Veracruz and Pueblo. The idea was to hit the invaders when they first landed, denying them the chance to group up and then move inland.
[+6,500 Volunteers to Mexico]

The first engagements came between fishing vessels and the Royal Navy, as a complete blockade of Mexico’s Gulf ports were established. Mexicans near the Confederate border actually began to smuggle their goods across into the Confederate states to utilise the port of Corpus Christi. Confederate envoy to Mexico Louis Wigfall decried the move, demanding the Mexican government do something to stop the smuggling into Texas. The government, more interested in repelling the invasion than to listen to the envoy of a nation they did not recognise, ignored the request. With the Mexicans refusing to listen to Wigfall, he warned that the Confederacy had given them the chance to comply, and that by refusing they opened themselves to repercussions. Again, this warning had been ignored. General A.S. Johnston, in letters exchanged between him and Brig. Gen. Henry E. McCulloch, authorised the capture of Reyonsa if the smuggling had not stopped by the spring.

The international force, around 55,500 strong, was based out of Jamaica, which would serve as the base of operations. President Lincoln, hearing word of the large force so close to the United States, was crestfallen. He issued little more than an angry letter in the papers in protest against the movement, but was forced to refocus his attention on the war in his own country. Richmond papers reported the news with glee, proclaiming that the invasion of Mexico was going to be the prelude to European intervention into the war, and the Confederacy would soon be free. A force of 2,500 men, one thousand from Britain and France, and five hundred from Spain, landed in Veracruz with little struggle and claimed the city for the coalition. It was here that General Zaragoza struck, slamming the full force of his army into the city. The fighting was fierce, and the British could not reinforce their men before they were forced to retreat. The coalition suffered an embarrassing defeat in their first land engagement, but they would not be deterred.
[-630 Regulars, 532 Volunteers from Mexico. -433 Regulars from the United Kingdom. -294 Regulars from France. -103 Regulars from Spain.]

A substantial British force under the control Sir William Codrington was dispatched to Tampico, where they coordinated with the French force under the control of François Achille Bazaine. The British split their forces in two, with half marching north, capturing Matamoros and Monterrey as well as taking the town of Rioverde in central Mexico. The French established custom agencies and garrisoned port towns, ensuring the flow of commerce (that was amiable to the allied force) was uninterrupted. The British spread a campaign against the “unstable” Mexican presidency, and helped supply the bandits and conservatives in rural Mexico who opposed the Liberal government. Outside of British occupancy was seen as a wasteland of anarchy, and they were doing little else but to establish good governance. This was to come in the form of Don Agustín Jerónimo de Iturbide y Huarte, who made his way with his household to the city of Tampico. The Don would become a rallying cry for conservative Mexicans, who announced he would fight for Mexico against the Liberal “bandits and thieves” which had captured the country.

The Dominican Republic was a country that was all but bankrupt. It was thought to be only a matter of time before the Haitians invaded and annexed the country, a war that they knew they could not win. General Pedro Santana had ousted President Buenaventura Báez, and was lacking options to try and save his country. He decided that, after only a brief period of independence, he would ask the Spanish to occupy the country as a territory. The Spanish, seeing the United States embroiled in its own civil war, gladly accepted the task. Santana was made Governor-General, and the Spanish sent five thousand men, three frigates and a host of smaller ships to Santo Domingo. Almost immediately there was an uproar against this move, as nationalists announced an open rebellion against the Spanish and opposition to Santana. With the help of the Spanish, the major protests in Santo Domingo were crushed, and they fled to the countryside, with Santana’s men following closely behind.
[Dominican Republic annexed into Spain]

South America

Emperor Pedro II announces that he would be supportive of a new and expanded measure to revise the Constitution. The details of the text were vague, not being available for journalists and even several politicians in the country. The mood of the country was very much against conservative changes to the Constitution. The government teetered on the brink of collapse when José Tomás Nabuco de Araújo Filho, the justice minister, pledged his own support for a union of the moderate Conservatives and Liberals into one party. Now controlling the majority of the Chamber of Deputies, they demanded that the Emperor dissolve the chamber and call for new elections.

Of little note during the year, but highly noted by the British consul William Dougal Christie, a British commercial barque sank off the coast of Rio Grande do Sul, and the locals of the region ransacked the wreck, and took all of the valuables on board. The crew was left unmolested, but their person were robbed.

In Argentina, President Santiago Derqui gives orders to General Justo Jose de Urquiza, who was also serving as Governor of Entre Ríos, to raise an army and lay siege to the rogue state of Buenos Aires, and to capture the city itself. The General was able to call enough men from his home state to furnish the President’s call for reservists. Opposing him was Bartolomé Mitre and his forces of Buenos Aires.
[+3,500 Volunteers to Argentina]

The two forces would meet on the field of battle three times. The first was at the Battle of Pavón, named for the Pavón creek which ran through the area. Urquiza had established a defensive position in the fields and along the creek. Mitre deployed his men into the open field, for an attack against Urquiza’s centre line. The engagement began in the early afternoon hours, and continued throughout the evening. Mitre’s cavalry had ridden off to the east to try and swing around and behind Urquiza’s army. Urquiza, seeing the lack of cavalry on the field, ordered a charge of his own into the right flank of the Buenos Aires line. It would prove to be a crushing defeat for Mitre, who ordered a retreat from the province, with Urquiza following close behind.

The two met again at Rosario, where Mitre attempted to establish a defensive line. Occupying the city, he hoped, would prove enough of a defensive hold against the Confederation’s forces that he could overwhelm them and destroy them in detail. What Mitre had not expected was that Urquiza, interested in breaking the power of Buenos Aires, would simply ride around the city, and try to strike at the centre of Buenos Aires instead. Only until half the army had marched around Rosario did Mitre realise the error of his thinking. He ordered his men to attack Urquiza’s army in detail, but as the men marched into Buenos Aires, they began to lay waste to the land, making it difficult for Mitre to follow.

Politicians in Buenos Aires began to sound the alarm that they could possibly see their state fall. Several wealthy industrialists and merchants simply gave up, boarding ships bound for both Spain, Mexico, and the United States. The Confederation’s men gave the city two choices, surrender of a lengthy siege which would destroy much of the city’s infrastructure. The city leaders instead decided to give in. With Mitre now forced to assault his own city, his men deserted at a trickle, lowering his available manpower.

The two forces would meet on the outskirts of Buenos Aires, along the Matanza River. Mitre’s forces were on the field first, allowing Urquiza to attack. Cannon shelled Mitre’s position and made it untenable, where he withdrew further south to more favourable ground. Urquiza’s cavalry forded the river and moved south, where they would cross the river again for a pincer attack, attacking Mitre on three sides, with his back to the river. The plan was executed with precision, forcing Mitre to surrender his forces.
[-349 Volunteers to Argentina]

Justo José de Urquiza, Conquer of Buenos Aires & Federales Hero

The resulting trial was anything but fair. A long list of crimes against the Confederation were listed against Mitre and other major Unitarios. The judgment, unsurprisingly, was very swift. Mitre and the other leaders of the Unitario movement would be executed. Urquiza was hailed as a hero of the Confederation, putting down the last dangerous rebellion in the country. All was not settled, however, as major Unitario sentiment still existed.

For what semblance of calm and unity did exist in the country, the President saw to it that a more unified communication and transportation network would be created. Railways and telegraph lines would be planned out and laid down in the northeastern, population portion of the country, in hopes to reduce travel time and increase communication. Only through this way could the country become more linked and less likely to splinter apart.

Europe

The subcontinent of India was of prime concern to the British government during the year, with several Parliamentary acts coming forth. The first of which was the Imperial Banking Act 1861, which dissolved the Presidency Banks and united them all into a central and commercial Imperial Bank of India. The now united entity would have a better control over commerce and activities in the colony, and would provide better administrative oversight and support to govern the vast territory and its inhabitants. The Paper Currency Act 1861 also established the bank’s ability to regulate the currency used in India, providing it with the powerful tool of the purse. The Indian Councils Act 1861 rounded out the major pieces of legislation, which gave the new Indian Legislative Council the administrative privileges that the former Presidency Banks were entitled to.

In the shipyards of Jonathan Laird in Birkenhead, two Confederate naval officers were dispatched by the Navy Department to secure a new contract for a commerce raider, amongst some other business. James Bulloch, in total secrecy, was able to secure the rights to “hull number 290,” which would become a commerce raider. Bulloch then traveled to Liverpool, where he purchased another sloop-of-war from William C. Miller & Sons.
[+1 Steam Frigate (CSS Alabama){commerce raiders will be classified as such} available in August, 1862 and 1 Steam Frigate (CSS Florida) available in September for the Confederate States. +2 Ironclads (CSS Mississippi & CSS North Carolina) to the Confederate States in September 1862.]

France’s railway network was one that was founded around the idea that Paris would be the centre of the country’s rails. There was an issue with this approach, it would increase travel times for goods that needed to travel to parts of the country that were not Paris, and it made shipping difficult in general, given the large amount of goods that would move through Paris, creative logjams. The military as well saw the benefits in re-thinking how some of the railways were laid out, being able to move men across the country quickly to deal with any threats they may face. A multi-year project was thus begun which would seek to link the major cities of France with each other, without using a connection in Paris. It was expected to take quite some time, cost a rather large amount, but the benefits would be enormous to the Empire.
[+1 Infrastructure in 2 turns. +1 Infrastructure in 2 turns.]

Despite this shunning of Paris in matters of rail infrastructure, it was still the most important city in all of France. To showcase this, Baron Haussman’s renovations to the city’s layout were continued to be fully funded and encouraged. With the annexation of the suburbs just a year prior, much was needed to ensure the rails, roads, and boulevards that were known to make Paris an interconnected city were up to date. The renovations were considered some of the best in Europe, and many talked about how impressive Paris was becoming, truly no other city was like it in the world.
[Economic growth to France.]

With an eye towards expanding France’s reach as an overseas Empire, Emperor Napoleon III authorises the construction of a new class of ocean-going Ironclads. The new line of ships, to be called the Provence-class, would all be due to afloat by the end of 1865. Contracts with French shipyards were made, and the government also authorised the future construction of berths and docksides in France’s overseas holdings, so that these new ships may find safe harbour when needed. As well as to ensure the locals did not get out of control.
[+2 Ironclads per year to France until 1865.]

In Berlin, Helmuth von Moltke and the Minister of War, Albrecht von Roon, spend much of the year focused on matters of military importance. Karl Anton, Minister-President of Prussia, gave some resistance to the new ideas being pushed. von Roon wished to reduce the importance of the Landwehr in Prussia’s army, and he also wished to adapt Gerhard von Scharnhorst’s system for the new circumstances that Prussia found itself in. von Moltke supported the new system, and helped to push through several of these new reforms. It was unknown as to how well this new system would work out, not having been tested in battle.
[+/- Military Level(s) from Prussia. Effects known when tested in combat.]

In the Habsburg Empire, the November Manifesto gave way to the Basic Law, which shifted decades of absolute governance within the territory of the vast country. More power to the subjects of the Empire would be granted, where 2/5ths of the National Diet would now be open to be voted in by the people. Universal (male) suffrage was introduced for this portion of the legislature. 1/5ths of the seats would be appointed by the Emperor, and the other 2/5ths would be appointed by the Emperor with the advice of the local Diets. The local Diets would have control over some taxation and spending measures, but would have no authority over national issues, which was reserved wholly for the National Diet.

The Basic Law also allowed for the Emperor to control appointments to the Executive committees, which would be responsible for introducing legislation to be voted on. They were mandated to meet regularly, meaning the Emperor was not allowed to simply ignore them and government by his own will, ignoring the popular opinion of the public. This move was highly criticised by the conservatives in the Empire, but loved by the liberals, which surprised no one. Some believed this gave the local Diets far too much power, bringing the Emperor out of the affairs of the people, and being under the control of these Diets. Others believed that by ensuring matters of national interest were headed by the National Diet, it could resolve any internal strife there would be over important international dealings of the Empire. Regardless of the intrigue around the reforms, they were put into place. It would take time to see how well the Empire would function moving forward, but its governance was changing, and so were the times.

Another important reform promulgated by the Emperor was the Army Law of 1861. After seeing the Liberals take a solid control of the new Imperial Diet, funding for the military was drastically decreased. Thousands of men were released from active service, but a deal was struck with those who were not so anti-military where some of the money saved from no longer having to pay the salaries of soldiers would be funneled into improvements into the basic working administration and training behind the army. The Theresian Military Academy was given the funds to triple enrollment rates, to produce good officers for the Imperial Army. Incentives for talented individuals were offered, allowing a better representation of those able to lead soldiers into battle being promoted and others to simply fall to the wayside, which would improve the fighting ability of the army significantly.

The Emperor and his brother, Archduke Maximilian, found some of the Empire’s best officers, and formed the Imperial General Staff, based on merit and those who performed well in service of the Imperial Army and the Emperor. To better assist and train the new members of the Imperial General Staff, the Imperial War College was founded in Vienna. It would take in the very best officers in the realm, and continue to find those best served to fight and lead the Emperor’s soldiers into battle. For the Emperor, he went to great lengths to ensure the quality of these new institutions.

Archduke Maximilian, the man who would claim much credit in Austria's military reforms

The leaders of the Imperial Armies would still be the nobility who had led the Empire’s armies for decades, but this time they would have competent men serving underneath them who could plan and bring forward new ideas and strategies not otherwise attempted. The Army Law also allowed the Chief of Staff of any Imperial military formation the right to disagree, in writing, with the plans or orders as sent down by the commander. If the issue was kept being pushed up the chain of command, the Emperor signalled he would defer to the advice of the Imperial General Staff.

The law was notable for how striking it was. The nobility and the Old Guard, who had been in charge of military endeavours for an immensely long amount of time, signalled their opposition to it. Despite the Emperor’s best intentions and efforts, it would take an incredibly long amount of time for these reforms to take effect. So immense was the opposition, that they refused to hear new ideas of reforms in the interim period, some of which could easily be applied from the Italian War. The Emperor would have to spend much more of his time trying to coax his unwilling establishment into modernity.
[Massive military reform in Austria begun. Completion date unknown.]

Reforms to the military seemed to be popular in 1861, with King Vittorio Emanuele II and Prime Minister Cavour creating the Royal Italian Army and the Royal Navy, unifying once and for all the militaries of the former Italian state under the centralised authority of the government in Turin. While there was no overarching military reform directed, there was an intense changing of how the armies operated. Different command structures and ranking system had to be consolidated and harmonised, equivalences given and even pay disparities solved. The task for this fell to the Minister of Defense Manfredo Fanti, who was so well liked he stayed on in the new government of Bettino Ricasoli. So difficult were the problems to solve within the armed forces, the new government established the Ministry of the Marine to try and ease the burden on the Ministry of Defense in organising Italy’s land forces. Like most massive undertakings of this kind, the issue would not be resolved for some time.
[Military unification/reform started in Italy.]

In the years prior to Italian unification, the Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont had brought forward reforms to its educational system, centralising it and bringing it more effectively up to modern standards. It was this Casati Law of 1859 which would provide for the new Education Reform Law of 1861, this time aimed at centralising the entire educational system of the peninsula. Many of the problems that plagued the peninsula as divided countries still persisted in a united one. The southern portion of Italy was still very rural, poorly educated, and economically less well off. The Education Reform Law of 1861 essentially created two separate systems. The northern system was based off Sardinia-Piedmont’s reforms, while the southern system was focused on agricultural schools to better the farming communities. The northern system would be put into place permanently and with haste, but the southern agricultural system was allowed a period of three years to operate, to see if any effects would emerge from it.
[+1 Infrastructure to Italy. Effects of southern Italian educational system yet unknown.]

Poor education, infrastructure, and a backwards economy were not the only issues that afflicted southern Italy. One of them was brigandage, which proved difficult for the Two Sicilies to control, and was now made worse by the former Bourbon soldiers joining forces with the criminal elements to make matters even more difficult for the new Italian government. Seeking to destroy this unstable element of society, the Riscasoli government confers with the King, and appoints Alfonso Ferrero La Marmora, the Governor of Milan and a northern Italian military commander of note, to the position of Lieutenant-Royal of Naples, and granted him whatever men and supplies be believes would put an end to brigandage.

Some had believed the process would be slow, but the action had started almost instantly upon the arrival of La Marmora, who was forced to strike back against them. Heavy penalties (death) were handed out to those suspected of supporting the criminals, and a brutal crackdown was enforced in the region. The operation was incredibly successful, as many saw that the new government was far more serious than they believed in offering resources to combat them. While opposition to the government would not cease entirely, the brigands were seriously curtailed and their operations harmed.

After years of working towards it, word about Tsar Alexander II’s Peasant Reform was rapidly spreading throughout the Russian Empire. It was considered imperative by Tsar that this happen with urgency, as he dispatched men to all corners of the Empire to spread the word. The measure was still coupled with the stipulations that the reform did bring, making the now freed serf still obliged to remain with the landowner for another two years, as well as the option of being able to buy out the land they worked on. Seeing a way to bolster the Empire’s newest class of landholding citizens, a programme was implemented using state funds to purchase excess food exclusively from peasants, creating a demand for food, as the government would always be buying. Some serfs were able to buy out their plots of land within the year using their new mixed status. The amount of money this would cost the Russian Empire was immense, but the Tsar pressed forward. He believed that this way would help create an economically self-sufficient class of subjects, to try and ward off the dangers experienced a short time ago in 1848.
[Russia has increased population, economic growth.]

Painting of Russian serfs listening to the Emancipation Manifesto (circa 1907)

As a sign of a changing attitude about the armed forces of the Empire, Dmitry Milyutin was appointed by the Tsar as the new Minister of War. If Russia was to compete in a modern, changing world, then the country must be willing to introduce reforms. Milyutin began almost immediately, dispatching soldiers to areas of the country he felt needed it. He then followed this up with the demand for the Ministry to begin new work on defensive tactics and battlefield strategy. His appointment was the sign of a very large change coming to the way Russia waged war.
[+1 Army Level to Russia. Equipment still lags behind training]

While still reeling from the Crimean War, the Russian Empire was taking the time to reflect upon the failings of its Empire. One of Russia’s greatest assets, its size, was ignored during the conflict. With a keen eye towards the United States, Great Britain, France, and Prussia, the Tsar instructed the Department of Railways to undertake a study of the Empire, to see where the country could benefit the most from rail development. The line between St. Petersburg and Warsaw was expected to be completed by next year, and from there the only other major rail line in the country was from St. Petersburg to Moscow. A link between Moscow and the southern reaches of the Empire were considered a top priority, and a team of surveyors and engineers were dispatched to bring up plans to present to the Tsar, sometime within the next few years.
[Stacked Order, 2 rolls currently]

Under the guidance of Alexandru Ioan Cuza, the union between Wallachia and Moldavia was solidified, forming the United Principalities of Romania. By undertaking this union, the country formed an executive cabinet with a bicameral parliament, with upper and lower chambers. The two bureaucracies were merged into one, and the legislative members currently sitting in both principalities were granted spots in the new unified legislature. The streamlined administration could better exert control over the country, and some areas of redundancy were eliminated.
[+1 Administrative Level to Romania]

With an eye towards developing the still small country into something much greater, King Otto and the Greek parliament forge forward with plans for an extension of the railway in the country. The new line would run from Athens, to Corinth, where it would then travel to Peloponnesos and then to Tripoli, where it would terminate. The goal was to connect the peninsula with the capital and to try and bring a more developed and interconnected economy. The state would own sixty percent of the line, and foreign buyers the rest. The funding was provided by several British banks, eager to try and capitalise on the expansion of railroads, which proved so profitable in their home country. So great were the funds available, that the parliament approved a further extension of the line, this time doubling the track in areas deemed to be important, so that trains could operate in both directions at the same time. The measures were not cheap, but they would prove to be a boon to the economy of the developing nation.
[+1 Infrastructure level to Greece. +1 Infrastructure in 2 turns to Greece.]

A passenger train traveling between Athens and Corinth

The Convention of Commerce and Navigation between the United Kingdom and the Ottoman Empire was formally signed during the early autumn of the year. Among other things, the main goal was to build a better economic relationship between the two countries. Most importantly for the British, the measure was able to ensure a secure supply of cotton after the outbreak of the hostilities in the United States. The treaty was received to be as mostly beneficial towards the British, although it did receive some pushback from the House of Lords due to the high tariffs on manufactured goods.

Sultan Abdulmejid I dies shortly after the signing of the aforementioned treaty, suffering from a series of illnesses that he was unable to recover from. The cause of death was determined to be pneumonia, contracted while attempting to recuperate from bouts of tuberculosis. His brother, Abdülaziz, succeeded him to the throne of the Ottoman Empire.

The Ottoman government sets aside funds for the procurement of enough material for the construction of a small in Constantinople. Another one of similar design was also constructed in Icel. The impetus behind these new constructions were unknown. Ottoman industry was primarily focused on the production of fine silks and other textiles through the Empire’s extensive guild industry. With a lack of qualified workers to work the steel mills, it was unlikely they would be able to obtain the same high quality that mills in Britain churned out.

Asia & Africa

Tensions between the French and the Egyptians were reaching new highs, as several revolts between the French and the natives in the Suez region broke out. They were put down quickly, but general resistance was beginning to flare up, costing the French investors and merchants operating in the region quiet a lot of money. The Frenchmen who ordered supplies from abroad, mostly from the United Kingdom, were perplexed when many of their shipments did not arrive, making some of their position untenable. They simply picked up and moved back to France, letting the Emperor know of their troubles in the Suez.

In southeast Asia, French forces (aided by the Spanish), lay siege to their opposition in Saigon provence, destroying the resistance that they had been facing, and securing the city of Saigon from falling. The French took a strict “no quarter” policy, and brutally cracked down on those who would stand in the way of Empire. The resistance had been completely broken, and the government was forced to give up Bien Hoa, Gia Dinh, Dinh Tuong, and the Con Dao islands, as well as a large sum of money to be paid annually as an indemnity to both the French and the Spanish. The Vietnamese were also forced to open up all of their ports for trade to the French, and the freedom of Catholics to worship as they pleased (which also included priests to convert new members).

Other Events

April 26 – Giovanni Schiaparelli discovers the asteroid 69 Hesperia.
May 13 – North Star Affair: The British merchant ship North Star leaves Hong Kong for Nagasaki, Japan. Chinese pirates board the vessel, kill an officer, and escape with a large quantity of gold
May 14 – The Canellas meteorite, an 859 gram chondrite type meteorite, strikes Earth near Barcelona, Spain.
May 21 – Russian sailors clash with a group of Japanese samurai and farmers at Tsushima island.
June 9 – The Règlement Organique: With the approval of European powers, the Mount Lebanon Mutasarrifate is established as a semi-autonomous sub-division separate from the Sidon Eyalet. An Ottoman Armenian, Davud Pasha, is appointed Mutasarrıf by the Ottoman Sultan.
June 22 – Tooley Street fire starts and takes the life of James Braidwood first director of the London Fire Brigade.
July 2 – Ivan Kasatkin lands on Hakodate and introduces the Eastern Orthodox Church into Japan.
August 19 – First ascent of Weisshorn, fifth highest summit in the Alps.
August 26 – The British Empire establishes bases in Lagos to stop the slave trade.
October 24 – HMS Warrior, the world's first ocean-going (all) iron-hulled armored battleship, is completed and commissioned into the British Royal Navy.
October 25 – Toronto Stock Exchange established in British North America.
October 26 – The Pony Express announces its closure.
November 5 – The first Melbourne Cup horse race is held in Melbourne, Australia.
November 25 – A tenement collapses in the Old Town, Edinburgh killing 35 with 15 survivors.

Product of Canada

Frymonmon · May 6, 2017

1862

Argentina
Government: Constitutional Federal Republic
Leader(s): Santiago Derqui
Population: 1.642 m. 1.52% Growth
Gross Domestic Product: $2,054 m. 2.98% Growth ($1,251.11 per Capita)
Trade: $ 243.22 m.
Infrastructure: Poor Equipment & Training [+10 Steam Frigates in 1 turn. +27 Minor Vessels in 1 turn. +6 Minor Vessels/month from St. Louis.]
Player: MastahCheef117

Product of Canada

Frymonmon · May 6, 2017

1 January 1862

Frymonmon · May 6, 2017

BE ADVISED

American Civil War orders due Tuesday 9 MAY 2017 for Jan-Mar 1862.

Arrowfiend · May 6, 2017

The Formation of the Romanian Navy

With the source and a third of the length (1,075 of the Danube's 2,680 km length to be precise) of Europe's largest river, the Danube, located within Romanian borders, Domnitor Cuza saw fit to establish a navy to protect the vital waterway which facilitated maritime trade for much of southern Europe. In October of 1860, as negotiations were being made to formalize the union between Wallachia and Moldavia, the Romanian navy was formed in Moldavian river city of Ismail as a branch of the Romanian army. Drawing from the extremely modest Wallachian and Moldavia navies, the navy, at its formation, had a meager 275 sailors and six ships (three from each of the Principalities): two outdated wooden sail frigates and four assorted gunboats. Due to its minute size, the navy was exclusively relegated to river and coastal defense. While the army itself was given far more focus by the Romanian government, with Cuza seeking to modernize his land forces to Western European standards within the next several years, the navy was nevertheless expanded to include an additional three gunboats and a frigate, purchased from the French, in 1861.

The flagship of the Romanian navy, the 30-pounded armed frigate Basarab Întemeietorul, named after the medieval Wallachian ruler Basarab the Founder

MastahCheef117 · May 6, 2017

A transcript of a meeting between President Abraham Lincoln and his Generals, as transcribed by John Hay.
regarding the condition of the Army of the Potomac and new plans for offensive action; held at the White House, 18 January 1862.

the PRESIDENT ABRAHAM LINCOLN : The actions of General McClellan in his reshaping the Army of the Potomac, and the Army in general, have been truly extra-ordinary, and are worthy of the highest praise of this nation. But I cannot, at the same time, be pleased with the lack of offensives against the enemy, seeing as how they are just several miles from government forces in Alexandria.

MAJOR GENERAL EDWARD BAKER : Mr. President, General McClellan has expressed his wishes to launch a new offensive against the rebellion once the weather permits it.

PRESIDENT A. LINCL : If the words you speak are true, it is all news to me. I have not been informed of the General's plans since August. I had entrusted in him the survival of the Union and he had promised us an offensive.

MG BAKER : He has presented several plans in a series of councils with us and we believe them all to be of merit, if not actual practicability. Very naturally, some are better than others. But the General has the offensive spirit needed to restore this Union.

MAJOR GENERAL IRVIN MCDOWELL : Mr. President, if I may — I place my supreme confidence in General McClellan to commit to an offensive, as you have requested. His spirit and energy to lead the army to victory is unmatched. General Johnston—

PRESIDENT A. LINCL : General Johnston has constructed two great earthworks to our south and sneers at us from across the Potomac. Surely it is not outside the General's powers to seize these fortifications? His force numbers in the tens of thousands, far greater than your army at Bull Run, or any other army besides. No army of this size has been witnessed on this continent before today.

BRIGADIER GENERAL JOSEPH MANSFIELD : General McClellan, it would seem — Mr. President — is wishing to commit to actions against the rebellion only when he believes he can march from the District and achieve victory one thousand times in one thousand battles. Anything less, he feels, would be a disservice to the Union — and to your reputation.

PRESIDENT A. LINCL : Oh, my reputation! I did not realize the survival of this Union and the continuance of the Constitution could be supplanted or perhaps even superseded by the reputation of the man in the Executive Mansion. If General McClellan does not want to use the Army, I would like to borrow it for a time, provided I could see how it could be made to do something. This conflict must be drawn to a speedy close, so that the Union may be rebound and restored with the least effort and strain. Anything else endangers any hopes at a true and lasting peace between brothers. This war must come to an end this summer, or I fear we are finished.

BRIGADIER GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY : Mr. President, we are prepared to fight. Regardless of the sentiments and behavior of General McClellan, I beg you do not mistake the character of this army and its men.

PRESIDENT A. LINCL : Do not mistake my sense of urgency for a victory as a distaste for the patriot, my good general. Twenty-million souls stand behind you. The Union must be rebound, and it shall be. No man has any greater confidence in you and your men than myself.

Cloud Strife · May 6, 2017

The Habsburg Monarchy at the beginning of 1862
"The Business of the Emperor and of the People."

The new Achievement of Arms approved by the Kaiser.

Fanfare, pomp and circumstance would greet the opening of the Imperial Diet. Kaiser Franz Joseph was reluctant to "lower himself" to address the Deputies but it only took the Kaiserin pointing out that the opening speech would then be delivered by Archduke Max, to give him incentive to open the Diet. He always gets ahead of himself, Franz thought, though his brother's patronage of the military had been decisive with getting the project off the ground. These were long-term projects but even the announcement of them and the presence of imperial patronage did little to ease Franz's worries about the potential backlash. It was much to his surprise that the Basic Law moved forward swiftly, elections conducted in an orderly fashion, and nominees from the regional Landtags sent to Wein for review and final approval. Sisi's influence over the Emperor had increased and his slow drift towards more Liberal policies continued.

Conservative opposition notwithstanding, the usual Liberal critics of the Habsburgs were full of praise for the reforms. The franchise benefited Liberal politicians and the recently enfranchised masses sent Deputies that echoed their aspirations to the capitol. Meanwhile, in the local Diets--the most prominent of them being the Hungarian Diet--the results mirrored those on the national level but had a good mix of the gentry selected to represent Conservative interests. To balance out the prominence of Liberal deputies, the Kaiser worked with his Conservative critics to appoint enough boni to balance out the populares. This sense of proportionality also extended to the Executive Committees of both the National and Local Diets, a balance of membership was appointed that could command majorities from across the membership of the Diets. The result were bodies that forced compromise as the only path to majority votes, and politicians were quick to organize themselves into voting blocs.

Realizing early on that with simple majorities used to pass most legislation, the best way to represent local interests at that national level were through Empire-wide Coalitions to soak up control of votes into large blocs to magnify voting power. At the front of each coalition were a mix of appointed and elected politicians spanning the empire's various ethnicities. Having command of votes assured them of seats on each Executive Council and a share in the direction of government. Coalition politics was strongest as the national level and weakest at the local level, where regional issues tended to divide members into factions on an issue-by-issue regardless of their professed ideology. Overall, it was a system gently designed to cut across cultural lines and promote the stage management of government at the Executive Council-level through horsetrading and gaining the attention of the Emperor, who through his control of who determined the legislative process still wielded immense and almost unfettered power.

The most powerful of the diets created by the Basic Law was the Imperial Diet, which had primary control over the majority of government matters. In theory they could make any law, pass any regulation, or overrule the regional diets if it was found to be in the interests of the nation. In practice the 2/5ths of the Imperial Diet nominated by the local landtags were an important check against suffocating centralization. Collectively those members nominated by the local diets--of either majority political ideology--were interested in keeping a clear separation between federal and local authority, and provided an important service in ensuring the federal government was attentive and respectful of the needs of local government. On the same token their presence in Wien allowed them to call upon federal pressure to keep the local diets cooperative with the federal government by routing federal funding for local projects, with deference given by other deputies to appointed members in these areas given their greater knowledge of local needs; in this manner, both the appointed and appointees could not dominate the other so easily.

Next came the regional diets--the Landtags--of which there were several in the lands of the Austrian Crown and a scant two in the Kingdom of Hungary. The most influential of the Landtags in the non-Hungarian portion of the Empire was the Diet of Bohemia. The Lands of Bohemian Crown--Kingdom of Bohemia, Margraviate of Moravia, and Duchy of Upper and Lower Silesia--had been independent and of the same status as Hungary until they had approved unification with Austria in 1749. The diets in the Archduchy of Austria were in many cases only legislative bodies in name only. The Sejm representing the lands annexed by Austria in the partitions of Poland was eager to establish a unified front between Poles and Ruthenians. All-in-all, these bodies were solidly behind the House of Habsburg and had over the past decade had given Wien the least amount of headaches. Their needs from the central government were mostly commercial and all shared or had aspirations towards partaking in the mutliethnic, pluralist Empire that the Kaiser's government was now pursuing.

In contrast, the Crown of Hungary was more complex. Ever since 1848 local institutions had been suppressed in Hungary but under the Basic Law, the Magyars would see their Diet restored. It would have no claim over national sovereignty as the Generation of 1848 had claimed, and had to share power with the Sabor of Croatia in regards to Croatian affairs, but it remained the regional landtag with the most power and largest budget due to the sheer size and scope of the Hungarian nation. Both Conservatives and Liberals in Hungary had a great interest in feeding the rest of the empire and profiting off of the sales. The gentry began to see expanding railways as the means to send Hungarian produce and livestock to growing markets in the industrialized portions of Bohemia and Austria. When presenting a united front the Hungarians were as formidable as the Germans in federal government. Their cooperation with maintaining the Basic Law was conditional and they sought to gently remind their counterparts in Wien of this, but at the same time they provided much needed support and votes to keep the parliamentary system created by the Basic Law functioning.

At the head of the Federal Government, chairing the Federal Executive Council, was Archduke Rainer Ferdinand. He was also Chairman of the Council of Ministers directly advising the Emperor, making him nominal head of government for the whole empire. As an early supporter of the Basic Law, Rainer Ferdinand wielded the confidence of a broad spectrum of political opinion. He did not want to make the mistake of his predecessor, Baron Alexander von Bach, in outright ignoring public opinion and exercised the utmost care in recommending to the Kaiser his suggestion for Vice-Chair of the Federal Executive Council. This would be an important appointment, the Emperor had the prerogative to approve or veto all legislation and under Rainer Ferdinand's working system a "Small Council" chaired by the Vice-Chair of the Federal Executive Council would make recommendations on use of the Imperial prerogative. Thus the holder of this office would be the head of government in reality.

Rainer Ferdinand's first choice was Ferenc Deák, on account of his influence in Hungary and the symbolism of having a Hungarian head of government. Deák declined citing a concern for offending Austrian Germans, especially Conservatives angered at having to share control of "their empire" with other ethnicities. The Archduke's next choice was Edmund Leopold Friedrich, Prince of Schwarzenberg, and Marshal of the Empire; he was a Conservative and opponent of Archduke Maximilian's military reforms but supportive of the Basic Law's premise in focusing the loyalty of the empire on the House of Habsburg. Schwarzenberg declined stating bluntly that he enjoyed retirement too much and was not a political "animal," he did recommend Count Agenor Romuald Gołuchowski, the former Interior Minister and author of the October Diploma that much of the Basic Law was based upon. Deák and the other Hungarians in Wien seemed not to mind him too much and his friendship with the Emperor won him the confidence of the other Habsburg Archdukes. Thus Gołuchowski was duly appointed Vice-Chair of the Federal Executive Council and given leave to advise Rainer Ferdinand and the Emperor on the matter of forming a national government.

Gołuchowski knew he had to have the right mix of personalities to get the voting blocs of the empire to do his bidding. He pressed Deák to join the Federal Executive Council and Small Council with primary responsibility for the infrastructure projects the people of the Crown of Hungary wanted done. In a sop to the Liberals, he had Archduke Maximilian join as Minister of War and the Marine; while he had primary responsibility of the empire's military, Max inevitably stuck his nose in every aspect of government, much to the distress of his fellow ministers. Rechberg und Rothenlöwen was kept on in the thankless position of Foreign and External Affairs Minister. The rest of the Cabinet was filled up with other personalities supportive of the Basic Law.

The agenda that Gołuchowski put before the Imperial Diet was ambitious but compact. He wanted a schedule for the dismantling of all internal tariffs and barriers to trade within the empire over a three year period, continued funding for military modernization and wargames, a system of standard gauge railways to connect the major cities and commercial centers of the empire, and a system of rural banks to provide credit for the use of the gentry and rural subjects to develop infrastructure and expand agribusiness. Gołuchowski worked to ensure a balance of priorities that could be passed with the least amount of controversy, to build popular faith in the new system of government. At the local level, the landtags focused on education--many wanting to mandate bilingual instruction, that is to say German and whatever language prevailed in the region, or in the case of German speaking lands the promotion of Hungarian or Czech as a second language--and the debates surrounding how to raise local funds to pay for a system of free, comprehensive, and mandatory education that had become en vogue to work towards in Europe.

In the midst of all these competing priorities was the issue of foreign policy, here the Emperor's word still had the most weight. Along with military reform, it was these two areas where Franz Joseph spend the majority of his time. From communicating with diplomats posted overseas, to badgering his generals over opposition to his military reforms, the off-loading of domestic issues to the Federal Executive Council allowed the Emperor to focus his efforts on removing opposition to his reforms. As he enjoyed reminding his generals, it was the Emperor who was the Supreme War Leader of the Empire and it was to him that all under arms would swear allegiance. Without policies to keep pace with the changing conditions of warfare, the Imperial Army and Navy's ability to project the emperor's wrath would be curtailed in the coming years. Franz wanted an army that could defend and defeat his foes, not one only fit for the parade ground. Eventually he would have his way, for he was the Kaiser and those who opposed him were defying the Divine Providence that had sustained the rule of the House of Habsburg from time immemorial.

Frymonmon · May 7, 2017

BE ADVISED

The mini orders are as follows:

Jan-Mar: 5 Orders total
Apr-Jun: 8 Orders total
Jul-Sep: 8 Orders total
Oct-Dec: In main update

MastahCheef117 · May 7, 2017

ASIA GM NOTE: Your generous and loving God apportions out the following orders for Asia (Qing dynasty and Tokugawa Shogunate):

Qing dynasty (Olligarchy): 1 normal order/1 Tongzhi Restoration order, 2 war orders
Tokugawa Shogunate (Korona): 1 normal order/1 Bakumatsu order, 2 war orders (when applicable).

In place of a normal order, the Qing player can, if he chooses, use a "Tongzhi Restoration order", which places especial significance on its importance and outcome (though do remember, this is Qing China. Its odds of success are still pretty low). A Restoration order is limited to structural or military reforms within the country, and is only available so long as the Self-Strengthening Movement/Tongzhi Restoration remain in effect.

Similarly, the Tokugawa player can switch out his normal order at any time with a Bakumatsu order, which can be used to economically modernize the Shogunate or specific clans militarily, politically, or economically. The Boshin War lies near and Japan is about to change radically no matter its outcome.

Naturally, the orders deadline for the main updates remains the same as the updates for all other countries.

AzagalTheGreat · May 7, 2017

The Deposition of King Othon

King Otto leaving Greece via ship in his greek attire with his queen Amalia, popular colour affiche. Notable is that the ship here flies a Greek flag, which is not accurate, as are the masses on the beach seen in the background, waving the hated bavarian king goodbye.

The rule of the first King of modern Greece had never truly been stable. King Otto von Wittelsbach, popular on arrival, hellenizing his name to Othon and adopting Greek dress, had squandered his popularity soon after he arrived in 1832. Being not quite eighteen years old, a regency was instituted, filled in mostly by Otto's Bavarian tutors, would quickly sour his relations with the Greek people. Indeed, the Bavarocracy, (Βαυαροκρατία) would soon levy more taxes to the independent greeks then those still under Ottoman rule, to repay unfavorable loans granted by the Three Powers. Even after the end of the regency in 1835 he would squash the hopes of the Greeks, and showed great disrespect to the Greeks, their culture and religion. He would alienate the population, and after the Crimean war, where the British stopped the Greeks from expanding at Ottoman expense, King Otto's fate had been decided.

On March 15th 1862, when King Otto and his wife were visiting the Peleponessos, using the recently constructed railway line, the National Assembly of the Kingdom of Greece was couped . Now former King Otto would leave Greece the very same way he had once entered it, via a british warship, on strong advise of the diplomats of all three powers with considerable influence in Greece. A provisional government was set up, pending a national referendum on the issue of who was to succeed the hated King.This was held later in late May, and the results turned out decisively for a British prince, Alfred, second son to Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. Yet he was forced to refuse by parliament and family, as Victoria had plans for him to succeed his uncle Ernest as Duke of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, and the fact that no members of the reigning dynasties from the Three Powers were allowed to take become King of Greece by the London Conference (1832)

With no clear King to be found or favoured by the Greeks after the refusal of Prince Alfred, so began the search for the new King of Greece. Some people had filled in '''Republic'' in the referendum, yet it amounted to less then 1% of the total population. It will be seen who shall sit upon the throne of ancient Greece.

KeldoniaSkylar · May 7, 2017

1861 in Review

The last year has brought many changes to the fortunes of the Empire. It has seen the seen signing of the Convention of Commerce and Navigation with the United Kingdom. In doing so it has substantially increased relations with our dear friends in the United Kingdom. It also saw the tragic passing of the young Sultan Abdülmecid, at the young age of 38, after the many great improvements he has brought to the Empire. He firmly believed that some of his greatest triumphs were in this last year, and would bring greater prosperity to his many subjects. The establishment of the Imperial Ottoman Steelworks were likewise influential in providing for the Empire. He also established the Mount Lebanon Mutasarrifate - creating better governance for his subjects in the region.

The Convention of Commerce and Navigation represents a turning point for the well being of the people and economy of our fair Empire. It combines with the previous reforms of Tanzimât to provide a better foundation for the growth of native commerce and industry. The 1856 replacement of guilds with factories, insofar as their structure and the Land Code - Arazi Kanunnamesi - in 1857, allowing for the private ownership of land and property, should enable the growth of truly competitive enterprises. The archaic structures of the past no longer constrain the productive labor and industry of the people. However, these reforms alone were unable to allow for industry to flourish under the face of competition from abroad. This piece of the puzzle has been solve by the Convention, as it provides for the protection of our nascent industries, as our agreement with British serves as the basis for all our other trade agreements, given their basis in the status of most favored nation. It is under this protective regime that our industry might grow and thrive, now that the proper conditions for its growth might be found. The ill effects of unbridled competition have been felt in previous attempts to industrialize by Sultan Mahmud II in the 1830s and Sultan Abdülmecid in the 1850s, following the Crimean War. Similar destruction of industry was seen in Eyalet Egypt under Muhammad Ali Pasha as he attempted to bring industry to his pashalik, as competition only brought rust to the factories he created along the Nile. Yet, this new treaty will allow this industries to grow and become profitable, with some protections like those of the other European powers. Thus we shall be able to compete on equal footing industrially for the benefit of all. The last remaining obstacles to the growth of this area of the Empire remain the roads and infrastructure of the Empire, and the need for a better education of the people, issues that are at the forefront of the Sultan and the Divan's collective minds. The treaty has also seen trade with our dear friends in the United Kingdom grow many fold, as they have benefited from more accessible cotton, and trade has subsequently increased dramatically.

The passing of Sultan Abdülmecid is to be mourned, he was a leader that sought to achieve the best for his people. He brought many reforms that strived to make the lives of all citizens better, introducing new rights and freedoms, as well as better opportunities and quality of life for the citizenry. He brought us to victory with the aid our fine allies when our sovereignty was infringed upon and secured our and peoples against foreign aggression. In someways however his greatest achievements were economic in nature, setting the groundwork upon which free enterprise could flourish and the peoples' lives bettered. Even continuing to work towards this end as his health declined.

The opening of the new steelworks serves as testament to Sultan Abdülmecid's desire to modernize the empire and grow local industries. They will also serve to provide the raw materials for future endeavors, allowing for the production of new tools to improve yields such as steel plows, and the material to produce steel rails that will be long wearing and long lasting, to be used to improve our nation's infrastructure. It will also provide the materials for the continued growth of other manufactures, especially with the new protections granted via the Convention.

Lastly, the establishment of the Mount Lebanon Mutasarrifate by convention for the next three years should hopefully lead to a reduction in tensions between the Druze and Christians communities of the people. It is hoped that the Mutasarrifate will lead to more efficient and effective governance in the region.

((removed a duplicate word))

Arrowfiend · May 8, 2017

United Principalities of Romania
Principatele Unite României

To His esteemed Imperial Majesty Abdülaziz I,

Caliph of Islam, Sultan of the Ottoman Empire, Caesar of Rûm, Sovereign of The Sublime House of Osman, Padishah of The Three Cities of Constantinople, Adrianople, and Bursa, and of the Cities of Damascus and Cairo, of the Maghreb, of Aleppo, of the Arab and Persian Iraq, of Basra, of El Hasa strip, of Raqqa, of Mosul, of Diyâr-ı Bekr, of Cilicia, of the provinces of Erzurum, of Sivas, of Adana, of Karaman, of Cyprus, of Rhodes, of Crete, of the Mediterranean and Black Seas, of Anatolia, of Rumelia, of Baghdad, of Kurdistan, of Bosnia, as well as all the dependencies and borders, and many others countries and cities,

The Romanian people express their greatest condolences towards the Ottoman Empire. The passing of the wise and mighty Abdülmecid I has not gone lightly in Romania, for it was under his admirable rule that the Romanian people were given the right to self-determination. Indeed, many a reform was passed under his reign for the many religious and ethnic minorities of the empire such that your subjects have never before seen such a level of freedom and equality. It is our hope, as loyal vassals, that such amicable relations between the people of the Empire may be reflected in the relations of the Empire and Romania. We wish nothing more than continued happiness and progress among our two states, and further hope that your Highness' reign may be just as prosperous as the last.

Your humble and most loyal servant,
Alexandru Ioan Cuza, Prince of the United Principalities of Romania

MastahCheef117 · May 8, 2017

A letter from Major General Nathaniel Lyon to President Abraham Lincoln.
dated 1 January.

Mr. President, upon whom the Union's survival depends:

The Army of the West now stands in a position to march all the way down to New Orleans or, barring that, to effect the seizure of all of the rebellious State of Arkansas. My men are hardened by the battle and we stand with great victories having been achieved in the last several months, about which you are most assuredly familiar with. As senior officer west of the Mississippi I have issued my orders to Generals Curtis and Canby along with Col. Carson in Arizona and have taken it upon myself to complete preparations for our next operation in Missouri.

I would like to also take this time to humbly speak to you, if your good character may allow me to do so, on the operations along the Potomac. General McClellan, it is my opinion, seeks to unravel the Union quicker than the rebels, for his gross inaction with over fifty-thousand well-trained and well-equipped souls is as much a crime as seizing federal property and declaring secession. The General refuses to advance into Northern Virginia on the account of some forts, which he could destroy with one sweep of the arm, much less bypass entirely on his way to Richmond. Were it up to me I would smash them in an instant with the hundreds of cannon at his disposal and march on to crush the rebels wherever their soldiers may be found. I put forward my feelings on the matter thus and return to the command with which you have kindly imparted me.

Operations go well across the Mississippi but as is natural we find ourselves in constant need of more munitions, supply, and many manner of men. But we shall do with what we have, which I assure you is more than the rebels could ever attempt or hope to muster. Their will shall be totally broken before the leaves take their characteristic change of color.

Yours in Union,

Brevet Major General NATHANIEL LYON
Commander of the Army of the West

KeldoniaSkylar · May 8, 2017

The Migrants Commission - Muhacirin Komisyonu

The continued changes in the circumstances and conditions of the faithful and the Jewish peoples abroad has been a growing concern for the Empire. As these peoples frequently have less rights than the others in there home countries, at least as compared to the conditions in the Empire, where we believe that they can find greater freedoms and opportunities to thrive in the empire. We have seen the number of migrants increase in recent years, as more discriminatory policies have been enacted against them. Thus those that chose to migrate to the Empire will be given the opportunity to become citizens of the Empire and aided in their resettlement. It is light of this position that a Migrants Commission - Muhacirin Komisyonu - will be formalized.

Olligarchy · May 8, 2017

The Taiping Heavenly Movement
1862

手握乾坤殺伐權,
斬邪留正解民懸。
眼通西北江山外,
聲振東南日月邊。
璽劍光榮存帝賜,
詩章憑據誦爺前,
太平一統光世界,
威風快樂萬千年。

With their assault on the City of Shanghai having failed, the armies of the Heavenly Kingdom found themselves lacking in resources and manpower to press on. Though they still held a solid edge in artillery and firepower as opposed to the more traditional Qing armies in the region, the extensive loss of nearly 100,000 fighting men in the siege of Shanghai had sapped them of the ability to commit to vast assaults. This gave the afore now repeatedly beaten Qing Loyalists time to tend to their wounds and regroup.

Whilst the Rural Nobility and loyalists that had rallied to the banner to defend their traditional rights and regulations began to break away from the war, their crops and fields needing tending and with harvest soon coming they had to make sure their people would not starve; the Qing Armies under Zeng Guofan, Zuo Zongtang and Li Hongzhang having been privy to the damage caused by extensive usage of field artillery and rifles began to do their best to reform the armies in the area to fight with modern tactics and equipment. Convincing the local Magnates to support their efforts, they established an Arsenal at Ningbo to produce Chinese made rifles and artillery, as well as their ammunition to provide for their own cause.

The loyalists wild card however proved to be the 'Ever Victorious Army' which was being largely funded by Western traders and natives of the Treaty Ports in the region. They were armed with latest French and British rifles, artillery and some even took to wearing western style uniforms. They were extensively drilled in the Franco-British style, and whilst the leadership of the unit was somewhat in flux, it was Frederick Townsend, a native of Massachusetts that emerged as the overall leader, proving his credentials in the so called 'Raid on Ningbo'.

The Raid itself was the brainchild of Shi Dakai, the 'Wing King' of the Heavenly Kingdom and foremost commander remaining after the deaths of all directional kings of the North, South, East and West. News of the construction of the Arsenal at Ningbo reached him in the early autumn of 62, and whilst he lacked the manpower to commit to a full scale assault, he ordered 20,000 men to locate the Arsenal and destroy it before it could manufacture arms and equipment for the Qing Armies. Meanwhile, he ordered several diversionary attacks along the frontier, drawing the Qing forces away from the area.

With the Imperial Forces fighting elsewhere and the rural nobility having returned to their estates, the outskirts of Ningbo were sparsely defended and the Raid looked to be succesful, until on a misty evening the raiding force ran smack dab into the Ever Victorious Army which was drilling in the region.

In a bloody clash the two forces met, only for the forces led by He Men Heng to be routed decisively by Townsend's more modern force. What followed was certainly Townsends moment of glory, as the man that had already been dubbed a Mandarin of the Third Class defended the critical Arsenal and port from a superior force, only to die in the fierce hand to hand fighting on the walls of Ningbo.

He Men Heng too perished in the fighting, and his forces were routed, leaving the Ningbo Arsenal intact.

Command of the Ever Victorious Army passed onto a British officer, Charles George Gordon, whom rather than using his forces to continue and defend Ningbo, engaged in a series of daring raids; using the canal system to rapidly move his forces around, striking where the Taiping least expected it.

By November the Taiping frontier was beginning to crack under the increasingly modernised Qing forces, with numerous strongholds along the Yantze River being retaken and manned by Imperial troops. The Qing Loyalists were rallying, and the Heavenly Kingdom on the verge of breaking.

MastahCheef117 · May 8, 2017

The Departure of the Grand Old Man

Brevet Lieutenant General Winfield Scott -- "Old Fuss and Feathers", as he was known -- was perhaps the greatest American soldier and officer since George Washington. A veteran of the War of 1812, where he commanded troops at the infamous Battle of Queenston Heights, he gained fame as ranking general officer in the Mexican-American War, where he famously seized Veracruz and laid siege to the Mexican capital. From there on out, he received attention from many Whig politicians in Washington, who viewed him as a champion of strong national government. His status as a war hero -- challenging the mythological stature of President Washington -- only aided his popularity nationwide, even with non-Whigs. The peak of his political career surely came in 1852, where, nominated by the Whigs, he was defeated by a slim margin by Democrat Franklin Pierce, in whose cabinet Jefferson Davis served as Secretary of War.

But by 1861, Scott's fortunes had changed. Though Commanding General of the Army -- and therefore the highest-ranking person in the military, and second in command only to the President himself -- he had gained an obscene amount of weight, so much so that he was unable to ride a horse. When rebel troops fired on Fort Sumter, the seventy-four year old found himself torn between his loyalties to his home of Virginia and the country for which he had fought so long and so hard. In the end, his patriotism won the day, and he remained in the employ of the federal government. Two days after President Lincoln proclaimed the call for seventy-five thousand volunteers to restore order to the rebellious Southern states, Scott recommended to the President that command of the principal Northern army be given to a Colonel Robert E. Lee of Virginia. A skilled engineer who had served under Scott in Mexico, and who had led US Army soldiers during the infamous raid of Harpers Ferry by John Brown, Lee was a model soldier, a man who Scott described as "the very finest I've ever seen". The President took his advice and offered the promotion and command to the Virginian, but declined and turned south after his home state seceded and joined the rebels.

Slighted a first time, Scott was quick to suffer another. His plan to defeat the Southern rebels -- which he envisioned would be long and difficult in any case -- imagined a blockade of all rebellious ports and a drive down the Mississippi to split the rebels in twain. The cause of secession and rebellion would, naturally, very quickly collapse and fold to federal demands for re-annexation into the Union, with little bloodshed and suffering on all accounts. However, demands from the press and public put a great deal of strain on Lincoln, and he was ultimately forced to put aside this long-term plan in favor of advocating for General McDowell's Army of Northeastern Virginia, untrained as it was unprepared for any combat at all, undertaking a march south directly to Richmond. His failure at the Battle of Manassas proved a critical blow to Union hopes to restore the Union before the summer's end. Lincoln, on the other hand, took a new, if subtle, interest in Scott's original plan.

The rise of General George McClellan to the national stage as the last and best hope for Union victory served the final slight for the Grand Old Man of the Army. McClellan at first revered Scott, as much in private as he did on the public stage, and endeared himself greatly to both his subordinates and his superiors. However, Scott, in ill health as much, as McClellan claimed, as he was "ill in mind", seemed to get in the way of the young general's aspirations. After repeated arguments with the young man, which continued to stress and annoy the elder, Old Fuss and Feathers soon tendered his resignation to the President, ending the career of America's second greatest soldier and sending him quietly, yet honorably, into a well-earned, if short, private life. The days of early American military conquest -- of the wars against Britain, the decimation of the Indian tribes, the expansion west -- had come to a bitter, if inglorious, end. Opening the door to total modern warfare, and a new age of world history, was the American Civil War.

99KingHigh · May 8, 2017

BENJAMIN DISRAELI
The two purposes of the Liberal Government and the failure of both Purposes
On Reform and Inept Coordination with France
Given to the House of Commons

Sir, the leading counsel in this great controversy between the Liberal party and the Reform Government having stated their case, it will not perhaps be presumptuous on my part to exercise judicial authority, and offer some remarks, by way of summing up, on the merits of the question. Sir, I confess that I am not surprised that a Member, and one so distinguished, of the Liberal party, should have felt it his duty to call the attention of the country to the relation that subsists between the Liberal party and the Government which they created. Indeed, I have for some time expected that the painful sense of their position would probably have prompted some hon. Member sitting opposite me to make remarks in that direction. But, Sir, though I have awaited with some interest for the criticism, I have been myself far from wishing to precipitate it. I am content, and I believe all who sit on these benches are content, with the present position of the Liberal party. I have no desire whatever to interfere with that gradual, but at the same time sufficiently rapid process of decomposition and demoralization that we have long watched—the inevitable consequence of the circumstances and conditions under which the present Administration was formed by the influence and authority and votes of that self-same Liberal party. Now, Sir, we have been reminded to-night by the hon. Member for Rochdale of those particular conditions and particular circumstances. I myself have no wish, and had no wish, to recall their painful recollection. I was content to be silent, and that the prorogation should take place without any comment on the present singular state of public affairs in Parliament. Such silence often expresses more powerfully than speech the verdict and judgment of society. But as the hon. Gentleman has brought the question before the House, let me make one or two remarks on this condition of public affairs—a condition which has been treated very lightly by the noble Lord who has just addressed us. Indeed, he seemed to have forgotten almost the very terms referred to by the hon. Member for Rochdale, which we know were not assented to without some difficulty, and certainly assented to with considerable ceremony.

The existing Government was formed for two purposes most distinct and most direct. They were to pass a more democratic Reform Bill than had been proposed by their predecessors; and they were to extricate the country from the dangerous position in which their predecessors had placed it in relation to France. Those were most distinct conditions. They were not whispered in a corner, but they were paraded with great pomp, not only in this House but in another place, which became as memorable for the moment as the House of Commons. The Government was formed to carry a more democratic Reform Bill. I need not remind the House that no Reform Bill of any kind has been carried. But the strangest defence that I ever heard was that which we have just listened to from the noble Lord as the reasons why the Government failed in this their first engagement with their party and the country. It was found, says the noble Lord, that the House was not particularly anxious for a Reform Bill, and the country did not much care for it. Is this the language we have a right to expect from a statesman of unprecedented experience—of one who is supposed not to act upon very grave matters but after due and deep reflection; a statesman, we assume, gifted with a fine observation of the temper of the times, and actuated by some sense of that responsibility which—though the House, as we are told to-night, may be broken up into fragments, and manipulated by a dexterous parliamentary tactician—by a responsibility which I still hope influences the conduct of a British Minister? Why, Sir, what were the antecedents of the noble Lord with respect to this question of Reform? A measure for the reconstruction of this House was brought forward by the late Government—I give no opinion on its merits, and I court not criticism—but it was a measure that was opposed by the noble Lord because it was not sufficiently comprehensive and sufficiently democratic. And it was animated by that conviction and influenced by that feeling that the noble Lord felt himself authorized to counsel a course and join in a vote which he knew would lead to a dissolution of the existing Parliament.

Parliament was dissolved, the opinion of the country was given—the opinion of the country, whatever might be its verdict—I wish now to enter into no controversy on that point—the noble Lord, with his keen perception and great experience, must, I suppose, have been as able to judge as any of us; and after that verdict of the country had been taken—after the dissolution which he had forced—after the public judgment of the people had been offered for his consideration—the noble Lord entered into a confederacy, attended a public meeting in a public place, and made terms with the leaders of those convenient sections which are now to be managed in violation of the traditions and spirit of the English constitution, and there and then entered into an engagement to bring forward a more democratic Reform Bill than their predecessors whom he had defeated. And is it to be tolerated now that he should come forward with these jests, with this frivolous levity, and tell the parties whom he has deluded, and the people in the country whom he has disappointed, that after such grave conduct, with such an opportunity of forming an opinion, he finds that neither the Parliament that had been just elected, and of whose temper he was most competent to form an opinion, nor the people whom he had just left, really cared anything at all about Parliamentary Reform, and treats it as one of those manœuvres by which a Minister who does not rule a party contrives to get a majority? I am not at all surprised that a sincere Member of the Liberal party should be extremely astonished at the course that has been adopted with regard to Parliamentary Reform. I admit that Governments are not to be changed every day; and if the noble Lord, after the vote which led to the dissolution of Parliament—if the noble Lord, profiting by the experience which this public verdict of the country afforded him, had called his party together and had told them, "I am of the same opinion that I was, that a more democratic measure of Parliamentary reconstruction than that advanced by Lord Derby is the sound policy of this country; but I do not think, in the present temper of the country, it could be carried in Parliament. I throw myself on your generous confidence: do not press me to stake my existence on such a measure"—I dare say that party would have taken the common-sense view of the measure which Englishmen generally take. But I do think, that if the noble Lord was unable to carry a Reform Bill, he ought not to treat Parliamentary Reformers with habitual and studied contempt; that in speaking of the principles which, after all, made him Minister, and without which he could not have been extricated from a hopeless position on this bench, he should not treat the supporters of those principles with the contumely under which the hon. Member for Rochdale and his friends naturally smart. This at least they might have expected from the noble Lord—that he should profess, even if he did not practise, the principles of his party, and should not hold them up to public contempt and public odium.

Now, this having been the conduct of the noble Lord with regard to the first great condition on which he obtained power, I must say I was much astonished to-night to hear the noble Lord say that the principal reason why he was defeated in his reform policy, and why he had not succeeded in carrying a measure for a Reform of Parliament, was the conduct—the inconvenient, the irrational, and outrageous conduct—on this subject of the hon. Member for Birmingham. Was not the hon. Member for Birmingham a colleague and confederate whom the noble Lord met on the platform of Willis's Rooms? Were the spirit, the policy, and the opinions of that hon. Member unknown? Whatever may be his faults, whatever may be his errors, this I think we shall all admit, that there has never been any attempt to conceal his opinions; but that, on the contrary, he has always expressed them with frankness—with perhaps a fatal frankness as regarded the attainment of his object, but certainly in a manner that left none of us ignorant either of his views or of his ultimate purposes. Yet this is the individual whom the noble Lord now singles out as the man who, by his indiscretion, prevented that great Parliamentary Reform policy from being carried into effect—forgetting, as he spoke, the regular programme of all sound Reformers, and stumbling when he tried to repeat the "credo" of their faith; he must have forgotten, also, the solemn compact into which he entered, at Willis's Rooms, with the hon. Member for Birmingham. I believe that the fact of his not having fulfilled his engagement might be accounted for in a more dignified and dexterous mode than that in which he attempted to account for it to-night. But that he should hold up to scorn the man who made him Minister—that he should point to him as the man whose conduct rendered him unable to carry his Reform policy into effect—appears to me an ungenerous indiscretion, and one which the people of this country, whatever may be their opinion of the hon. Member for Birmingham, cannot approve and sanction.

So much for the first condition on which this Government was formed. Let us now look at the second. I have no more wish to be personal than the hon. Member for Rochdale; but I am obliged to make the noble Lord the hero of these remarks, because these are acts in which he had no colleagues to be reseponsible with him. The noble Lord was not Minister when he was on the platform at Willis's Rooms. He was not Minister when, standing before this very box, he called upon the new Parliament the moment it had assembled, and in the most precipitate, and, as I think, the most unusual and indecorous manner—he called upon it for a vote of want of confidence in the then existing Government; not merely because democratic reform was in danger, but because—and he did not say it hypothetically, the statement was grave, precise, and positive—because we, the then Government, had pledged ourselves to the Government of Austria on the questions then pending between Austria and France, and because peace with France, under these circumstances, was in danger. He counselled the House to vote a want of confidence in our Administration, because our foreign relations had been mismanaged or perverted, and that war with France was imminent in consequence of the short-sighted and prejudiced manner in which we had upheld the interests of Austria. That was not expressed hypothetically—it was a grave, precise, and positive statement.

And yet, what did this very Minister do only a fortnight later? He rose in that seat which he had gained by pledging himself to a measure of democratic Reform—he rose in that seat, and said that with regard to foreign policy the course of his Government had been chalked out by their predecessors, and that course they intended to follow. I am not, therefore, surprised at the feelings which have been expressed to-night by the Liberal party through an exponent whom they must undoubtedly respect. They turned out the Government without discussion, in the absence of all evidence, not waiting even to read the records that had been printed, and that were in their hands twenty-four hours afterwards; they turned out the Government in order to obtain a more democratic reform of the House of Commons than we could consent to, and in order to save the country from a war with France, which they had been assured by the noble Lord was imminent. When they find they had not a Reform Bill, when they find that the noble Lord and his colleagues immediately pursued, in regard to foreign affairs, the course their predecessors had chalked out, and that during the three years that have elapsed since the noble Lord has become the Minister of this country, not three months have passed without his being involved in the most unseemly and the most violent courses with the French Government; when they remember that he has denounced the Government and the Emperor of France; that he has authentically informed us that he was going to look for new allies, and that on every public occasion on which the relations between the two countries have been brought under discussion in this House, those discussions arose from misunderstandings between the Governments of the two countries—I am not surprised that the Liberal party should also be somewhat disappointed that the second condition on which they made the noble Lord Prime Minister of this country has been so unsatisfactorily fulfilled. The noble Lord, indeed, told us the other night—I listened—and although I am not now going to enter into any controversy with respect to foreign affairs, I must confess that I heard the statement with amazement—the noble Lord told us the other night that there existed between the Governments of England and France a most perfect understanding upon all matters of public policy. But what are the matters on which this perfect understanding exists? Are they the affairs of Egypt? Are they the affairs of Mexico? Are they the affairs of America? Is there, above all, such a perfect understanding on the Eastern question in all its ramifications? If there be that perfect understanding between the two Governments, all I can say is that the people of this country are mystified beyond expression; for the general assumption, not only of England, but of Europe, is, that upon all these matters there exist at this very moment great misunderstanding and misapprehension between the Governments of England and France....

Ab Ovo · May 9, 2017

A private communique
from the desk of His Imperial Majesty The Emperor of Brazil

Addressed to Her Britannic Majesty VICTORIA,
of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland Queen &c.

c/o The Right Honourable The Earl Russell,
Foreign Secretary of HM's Government

Your Majesty,

We are deeply grieved to hear of the capsizing of the HMS Pinafore off the coast of Rio Grande do Sul. Although, to Our knowledge, there was through the Mercy of Almighty God no loss of life We have been informed of the actions of certain subjects of Our authority. These actions offend the dignity of both Brazil and Great Britain and any theft of British property by Our subjects will, We assure you, be met with the full force of Imperial law -- as indeed would be the case for any other nation treated so unlawfully. It is Our fondest hope that you are well and that this incident shall not serve to harm the tender relations which our two nations have historically enjoyed.

In Christ,

His Imperial Majesty Dom Pedro II, Constitutional Emperor and Perpetual Defender of Brazil

Noco19 · May 9, 2017

The Confederate Navy
and the Future of Naval Warfare

From the ironclad CSS Virginia to the submersible CSS Pioneer to groundbreaking work on torpedos, by early 1862, it was apparent that the Confederate Navy was at the forefront of wartime innovation despite its exceedingly recent foundation. And while one could point to someone such as the increasingly popular Rear Admiral Raphael Semmes, it would be inappropriate to give credit to one sole man.

First, one must recognize the autonomy invested behind Secretary of the Navy Stephen Mallory as a major factor in the early adoption of critical reforms. Former chairman of the U.S. Committee on Naval Affairs, Mallory had a healthy level of experience in managing the U.S. fleet, and as one of the few naval-minded thinkers in the Confederate government, he was left virtually unchecked. And so when he encountered the issues of a stagnant officer corps, he had already devised a plan and implemented strict standards based on "gallant or meritorious conduct during the war."

This eye for reform likewise extended to the technological realm. Besides the obvious necessity for a fleet of raiders to dissuade any sort of blockade attempt, Mallory was forward about his vision for armored warships to devastate the traditionally wooden ships of the Union. When the USS Merrimack was almost lost, it was Mallory who capitalized on its charred bones, pushing for the construction of the ironclad CSS Virginia. Concurrently, Mallory gave freely to his subordinates and private interests that promised results towards Confederate supremacy.

Among his most notable choices was the promotion of Raphael Semmes to Rear Admiral. A commander within the U.S. Navy by 1860, Semmes joined the Confederate Navy in the wake of the secession of Alabama. By luck, Semmes would meet with Mallory himself, during which time the two proved closely aligned in their vision for the Confederate strategy. Appointed Rear Admiral, Semmes thus was dispatched as one of the primary architects of the Confederate Navy, organizing a web of blockade raiders and scoring himself a reputation as a capable commerce raider. Letters of marquee, contacts were made abroad, and the Union blockade was rendered embarrassingly impotent by 1862. Semmes, in cooperation with General Trapier on land, earned special note in the wake of the victory off of Key West, credited with turning the region into a bastion of Confederate strength.

Another subject of Mallory's investment was in the private sphere, funding the invention of new military devices. Firstly was in the form of the CSS Pioneer, a prototype submersible designed and constructed by marine engineer Horace Lawson Hunley and his two partners James R. McClintock and Baxter Watson. Based in New Orleans, the trio were called to Richmond and secured a contract with the backing of Mallory. Promising a proper test run in early 1862, it was expected that this cutting edge invention would require additional tests well after construction, but to perhaps greatly beneficial results.

Although credited as the second focus of Mallory and Semmes' technological innovation, the support behind naval mines, known moreso as torpedos, was actually the brainchild of Mallory's personal enemy - Matthew Fontaine Maury. Known as an astronomer, historian, oceanographer, meteorologist, cartographer, author, geologist, and educator, Maury held many hats in the academic world, bearing the nickname "Pathfinder of the Seas" for his works. Likewise, he held the office of Superintendent of the U.S. Naval Observatory before the outbreak of the war. Within the Confederacy, he was given the formal title of Chief of Sea Coast, River and Harbor Defences, however he was used for a myriad of foreign exchanges.

Despite this, his major contribution as of 1862 stood to be his advocacy for the "electric torpedo", a proposed idea for a naval mine that would bolster the defenses of the Confederate coast and threaten Northern shipping. Mallory set aside his animosity for the man briefly enough to create an office for him in the form of the Submarine Battery Service, although how long that would last or if such an office would even receive proper funding had yet to be seen.

[Forum Game] - World in Revolution: 1861 Mk. IV

Private

President of California

President of California

President of California

President of California

Shoot 'em with the pointy end

Genro

Capitán General

President of California

Genro

Swampman

Private

Shoot 'em with the pointy end

Genro

Private

Grand Prince

Genro

Supercilious Ivy League High Tory

Merchant of Venice

Little Creole