A Farewell Address
President Kraus, members of government, our colleagues in the Congress, men of the Danube,
Power is a gift. Power is a curse. I am happy to see the Federation transition administrations peaceably and systematically, and hope that all such transitions in the future will be as peaceful and as systematic. As I return to my duties outside of what men call “politics” and “government”, I wish the best to those who have been gifted the honor of such power - though I worry how the state will handle it.
In Hungary once, before the revolution, I was leading a simple band of cavalry. There were other units with us, leading an action against a minor Hungarian army on the flank of some larger maneuver. We were outnumbered and out supplied. We planned our attack, and after a careful and clever discussion took a sensible strategy. We moved for defensible ground, we used the land to our advantage, we gained the advantage over our pursuers and won the battle.
That land was a village. Now, war is a terrible thing and many villages burned - indeed, even the grand village of Vienna - in those days. I do not mean to point out the devastation the battle caused, but rather its effects. That village was our station for supply - the railroad had run through it, before the artillery took care of that. That village was our nearest shelter - or was, before the people had soldiers fire from their windows and horses charge through their streets. That village was our food supply. We had made an unwise stratagem, out of fear of defeat - out of hope of profit and victory for our cause - out of foolishness? It is never easy to tell with people, but the action was unwise. Our retreat was long and painful, for all involved...
I have found that in all corners of the world our state is a
curiosity - a question to be marveled at. What can be made of us, what do we stand for? The perplexion of the world demands an answer. From the emperor in Cathay, to the Russian Tsar, to the Queen of England, to the savage chief, to our own past - for who can forget the most powerful family, once, of Europe? - states live for their rulers. It is a time honored - time aged and time trained - tradition. From Caesar Augustus to the modern day, in every corner and crevice of the world, we find these states. But this does not describe us. Now we hear the rumblings of new states, born of a culture. Germany, Italy, whispers of names left silent for centuries. Embraced or feared by the rulers, a new breed of states is also seen - the nation. But we are not this either, for what kind of a nation are we? A patchwork quilt, an odds-and-ends shop, a library of peoples. No, we are neither the ruled state nor the nation state.
And what of America? Or of the French Republic? Or for those historically minded, the democracy of Athens or the Senatus Populusque Romanus? Ideals, dreams, and hopes. But can we say that is our type - a rule by idea? Monarchs sit aside Radicals, Marshals and Aristocrats, Presidents and Patricians, what a confused idea we must follow? Or perhaps... it is not an idea. We are not the torch of liberty, or the banner of freedom. We are not a creed, a motto, a song.
No, I have found that the Federation is a state of the people. Not the important people. Not the people of one culture. Not the people's grand experiment or great ideal. No, the Federation rules because the people hold it together. The common man of the Federation has seen and does see and will see kings, presidents, mobs, and generals all rise and fall. In war, he has held the line and died with us. In peace, he has tended the fields - or worked the factory floors - and ate alongside us. While foolish men did foolish things, while wars real and political consumed his representatives - although sometimes he must wonder how much they are actually his - he has neither complained nor given up. We have seen the Federation man's faith waver and flicker, but never yet die
While his faith holds, we are a state - and a great strong one. When it is lost, so is the state itself. We will leave no dynasty, no culture, no declaration. And while the Federation man is stubborn and hopeful, I fear the road ahead is unclear and full of peril. For this reason, I but urge my brothers in Congress to spurn all foolish political stratagems - the "
bargain", the "
deal", the corrupt words and devious alliances. When the laws move like pawns, when the states give each other gambits, when the parties exchange pieces and push checks. You may gain your victory, secure your safety, obtain power and honor and riches setting you apart from all men. But your watchers are not simply the men sitting on the other side of the hall - your pawns, your enemies, your liabilities, whatever your colleagues in Congress are to you - but the eyes of every man in the Federation. Your political actions are not just your decisions, work, and cleverness - but the very hearts and souls of the Federation lie on the balance.
I cannot give you advice to ward against these divisive political struggles. My work is on the battlefield, and the
rational paths of shells and swords. I can only urge you to take all effort and balk at no cost to rid yourself of these schemes and struggles. Perhaps an ideal or a law will put an end to such nonsense, but I doubt it. Perhaps a man or a party will sweep aside the schemes, but I fear it. Perhaps time and hard work and my hope will resolve it, and finally give the men of the Federation what they deserve and trust in, and this is all I can hope for.
((Power means you get all the opportunities to ramble on and on in speeches, and nobody complains (to your face).
))