That's always the right answer! To every question!I BLAME BRITAIN.
That's always the right answer! To every question!I BLAME BRITAIN.
Protestant Reformation?That's always the right answer! To every question!![]()
Firstly, I wonder why some people insist that in 19th century, China was not that much behind Europe. I believe the difference was huge. Mind you, Russia was significantly more modernized than China, and still hopelessly backward in comparison with western Europe.
We should not stick to ones ability to produce 'things' when judging development. Pakistan has a nuclear weapon, and skyscrapers stand in many African cities. Yet these societies remain undeveloped. Qing ability to produce rifles and cannons also does not mean that they lagged 'not far' behind.
It is the social structure and the state of mind which determine the level of development. Chinese society was backward, illiterate, and living in conditions unknown in Europe since middle ages. Actually, the Chinese social life stagnated for many centuries..
It was precisely the living standard where the difference was big. Many visitors from Europe (even long before 19th century) described the appaling poverty among Chinese.it's people were hardly behind Europe in living standards
It was precisely the living standard where the difference was big. Many visitors from Europe (even long before 19th century) described the appaling poverty among Chinese.
"Development" is absolutely about economic output, infrastructure, and technology. The point is that China's top-level institutions were failing but the society as a whole was not the trainwreck it's been made out to be until the long chain of disasters starting around 1840 and not really ending until the 1970s. The mid-19th century is when Chinese living standards collapsed due internally to overpopulation and war, and externally to the growing productivity of the West.It is the social structure and the state of mind which determine the level of development. Chinese society was backward, illiterate, and living in conditions unknown in Europe since middle ages. Actually, the Chinese social life stagnated for many centuries.
Yes, after about 500-year long stagnation, Chinese GDP per capita began decrease about the time you indicate. But at that time British GDP p/c was already 3 to 4 times higher. Infrastructure and technology were medieval, primitive compared to Europe."Development" is absolutely about economic output, infrastructure, and technology. The point is that China's top-level institutions were failing but the society as a whole was not the trainwreck it's been made out to be until the long chain of disasters starting around 1840 and not really ending until the 1970s. The mid-19th century is when Chinese living standards collapsed due internally to overpopulation and war, and externally to the growing productivity of the West.
It's not my original research or idea. Historians came to conclusion that there's no evidence for innovations in technology or social behaviour during that period. Qing era was specific in that the society grew extensively, i.e. more people, more land cultivated, but overall level per capita remained the same. New methods were not introduced, only applied on larger scale.I'd be very interested in the methodology that shows total stagnation of the Chinese economy since 1300.
It's not my original research or idea. Historians came to conclusion that there's no evidence for innovations in technology or social behaviour during that period. Qing era was specific in that the society grew extensively, i.e. more people, more land cultivated, but overall level per capita remained the same. New methods were not introduced, only applied on larger scale.
Naturally, I'm not a professional historian to make my own research and verify the above stated. I reproduce what I've read in books written by specialists.
All in all, it's not that surprising. We live within Western society, and the ethos of permanent development is deeply rooted in our minds. But that is quite special. Large part of history of human societies is dominated by stagnation. Take Roman Empire for example. From about 1st century CE, the Roman society did not actually develop into more sophisticated, innovations were very rare, indeed, population and GDP per capita declined. This lasted for centuries.
I'm an old-fashioned guy, I prefer reading printed books. Wikipedia ofers this one:Can you link to the historians who came to this conclusion?
Who are you reading?It's not my original research or idea. Historians came to conclusion that there's no evidence for innovations in technology or social behaviour during that period. Qing era was specific in that the society grew extensively, i.e. more people, more land cultivated, but overall level per capita remained the same. New methods were not introduced, only applied on larger scale.
Andre Gunder Frank said:According to estimates by Maddison (1991: 10), in 1400 per capita production or income were almost the same in China and Western Europe. For 1750 however, Bairoch found European standards of living lower than those in the rest of the world and especially in China, as he testifies again in Bairoch 1997 (quoted in chap. 1). Indeed, for 1800 he estimates income in the "developed" world at $198 per capita, in all the "underdeveloped" world at $188, but in China at $210 (Bairoch and Levy-Leboyer 1981: 14). Ho Ping-ti's (1959: 269, 213) population studies have already suggested that in the eighteenth century the standard of living in China was rising and peasant income was no lower than in France and certainly higher than in Prussia or indeed in Japan.
Andre Gunder Frank said:...Pomeranz's suggestion can be translated into still another one: whatever the distribution of income in China, wage goods were still relatively and maybe absolutely cheaper there than in Europe and especially in relatively high-wage Britain. That is, relative to the costs of alternative mechanical inputs and other sources of power, the availability of cheap wage goods would still have made it more economical and rational to employ more labor and less capital in China than in Britain even at similar distributions of income. However, no matter through what institutional mechanisms these cheap subsistence wage goods were or were not distributed, they could only have been made available by an agriculture that was more productive and thereby able to produce these wage goods cheaper in China than in Britain and Europe. These observations confirm, or at least are consistent with, two others: Agriculture was more efficient in China, as Marks (1997a) alleges (see chapter 4). And it was relative productive efficiency in Chinese agriculture that militated against labor-saving innovation and capital-using investment elsewhere in the economy, as Elvin (1973) and I argue.
Andre Gunder Frank said:Referring to South China, Marks (1996: 77) also notes that "by the middle of the eighteenth century so much of Lingnan's agroecosystem had become commercialized that a larger portion of food entered the market, and markets operated more efficiently, than in England, France or the United States at the same time." Ng Chin-Keong (1983) also testifies to far-reaching commercialization not only in eighteenth-century Amoy (Xiamen) that is the focus of his study, but also of its province, Fujian... Pommeranz (1997: chap. 1, pp. 30-31) notes that Chinese farmers placed a larger percentage of their production on the market, which was also more competitive, than did farmers in Western Europe. At the same time, Chinese farmers were also freer to engage in handicrafts production for the market. Pomeranz also shows that rights over property and sale of land were greater in China than in Western Europe.
Moreover, there was also increased regional specialization in agriculture (Gernet 1982: 427-428), also in cash crops, especially mulberry leaves as food for silkworms. This and much more agricultural production was increasingly commercialized, not the least to serve the industrial and export economy... Land was bought and sold, particularly to merchants who wanted to gentrify...
Right now History of China by John F. Fairbank. (For the second time, as I realized I need to refresh my knowledge on Song-Ming-Qing eras.)Who are you reading?
Source?That' was during the 19th century though, things were not particularly bad during the 18th or the 17th.
Honestly, when reading modern references to contemporary witnesses, you can find wide range of opinions and impressions. Many travellers, par example, spoke favourably about Chinese huge and rich cities with good civil order. Others at the same time turned their eyes to other direction and described poverty and desperation of many.Source?