Apologies for the slow reply, but your main point here is very good and has given me much to think about.
To begin with, I hope we are in agreement that Chinese intellectuals as a class preferred CCP rule in the mid-/late-1940s. You seem to want to rule Lu Xun out as having a leftist bias. This could be caricatured as saying 'all swans are white if we exclude the dark ones"! Lu Xun was hardly a party hack: he never joined the CCP, he worked for the Beiyang Government, and he wore a traditional scholar's gown, not the revolutionaries' Mao suit (中山装). And my point was not that the deceased Lu Xun backed the CCP in the Forties, but that almost all intellectuals worked within the framework he and other New Culture Movement writers created, and I cited conservatives to show that.
However, you were quite right to question whether intellectuals can be taken as representative of the Chinese people as a whole and your counter-examples are extremely apt. I think my assumption here was perhaps typical of Chinese writers of the time. This week I happened to come across a 1944 definition of intellectuals by the conservative politician
Zuo Shunsheng: those who were politically active, knew about China & the world, and would direct China's people & leaders. Well,
he would say that, wouldn't he! The scholar Xiao Chen says this reflected "the common belief that intellectuals were obliged to lead" political reform. I have been quite tempted to accept this self-serving understanding of who can speak for China, given that China has a very long tradition of allowing the literati to speak for the people. Couldn't we assume that peasants brought up under a Confucian heritage would be satisfied to let the scholars speak for them? After all, if these intellectuals' beliefs had been wholly out of line with wider opinion, wouldn't they have lost their place in society sooner or later? But then again in China, they did lose their place, both geographically in 1949, and socially in 1966-74. And as a democrat, the peasants' views do matter just as much as theirs.
Do you think there's any way to ascertain the peasants' choice in the Civil War era? Obviously that there are no reliable direct measures, such as opinion polls or election results. The evidence is limited, but there are two indications that would seem to support the proposition that the Chinese peasantry generally preferred the CCP to the KMT. The first is the remarkable lack of opposition to CCP rule. Yes, millions of people fled to Taiwan and Hong Kong, and particularly in the latter case many of them were peasants, rather than the KMT elite. And yes, the CCP had and has a ferocious apparatus of totalitarian control. But, given how grim things were for most of the first thirty years of the People's Republic, given that China has a long history of peasant revolts, and given that there was some access to weaponry in the late 40s, the remarkable thing is that there was no armed resistance in Han areas. AFAIK there were no mass risings during the terrible famines of the Great Leap Forward. Sometimes
the dog that does not bark is what's important, and I think that's the case here. The second is the mass rallies of the Cultural Revolution and the Mao cult. Yes, they were terribly misguided and the people involved were being manipulated by the propaganda apparatus. But they drew in millions of people from all levels of society. For all the stage-management, you can't organize a mass movement on that scale without some level of popular support. The CCP's claim to be a dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry was true (though by the contingencies of Chinese history, not some iron law of Marxism).
And to be honest, I'd find it very hard to imagine why significant numbers of Chinese peasants would want to support the KMT by the late 1940s.
Diary of a Madman, the first story by my beloved Lu Xun, is in the voice of a character who comes to believe that all around him are cannibals and that.... I'd better not give away the end. He thought that Chinese society was eating itself and pleaded with the nation to "save the children". By 1943, his metaphor had become terrible, horrific reality: in the
terrible famine that hit the KMT-ruled areas of Henan, there are independent accounts of Chinese peasants eatiing their neighbours and children.
That is rock bottom.
There is no lower level to which human life can sink.
If I was a Henanese peasant who'd survived 1943, I would be up for supporting any alternative to KMT rule. The message of the disciplined and outwardly modern millenial cult of the CCP would have been like nectar to a bee.