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Part I: Nationalism and the Rise of Zachadia
  • Kienzle

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    Hello everyone, and welcome to my first Vicky 2 AAR!

    Over the years, I have enjoyed many of the impressive alternate histories presented on this forum, all the while wanting to submit something of my own but feeling that I lacked the wherewithal to see any story to completion. This AAR is an attempt to do just that. However, I'll be cheating a little bit - this story picks up at the turn of the century, during a campaign that I originally had no intention of making into an AAR. Making it to 1936 shouldn't be too difficult at that rate!

    I am playing Zachadia, a formable nation uniting the West Slavic people in Savolainen's alternate history mod The Heirs to Acquitània. I have made some minor changes to the mod, which I will try to call out through footnotes as much as I can remember. I also occasionally use the console to fix borders and to help the AI out.

    Although our story picks up shortly before the beginning of the First (?) World War, I'll begin by narrating the history of the 19th century. So without further ado, here we go!


    Part I: Nationalism and the Rise of Zachadia

    ykmRmLq.jpg

    Political map of Europe in 1916, shortly before the outbreak of the Great War.

    It has been eighty years since the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire. The Escherloch house of Bohemia rules one of the most powerful countries in the world, the Federated Kingdom of Zachadia, with mastery over Eastern Europe and the Balkans.

    But it almost was not this way.

    In the middle of the 19th century, Bohemia struggled with ethnic nationalism that threatened to tear the nation asunder. The Kingdom acquired Hungary in 1821 upon the death of Janos Iszaky-Arpad, the last King of the Magyar. His sole heir Hedvig was married to Ladislaus IV Escherloch, who with Janos’ death became Laszlo I of Hungary, binding Hungarian lands to the Escherlochs in perpetuity - at least in theory. The following two decades did not go smoothly, however. King Ladislaus raised taxes, attempted to circumvent the Hungarian Diet at every opportunity, and forcibly repressed liberal study circles in Budapest. This culminated in Hungarian Revolution in June of 1848, in which nearly half of the Kingdom revolted with the assistance of Austria and pitched the monarchy into an unexpected battle for its life.

    Surprisingly, the Kingdom of Poland proved to be Bohemia’s savior.(1) Crowds of citizens in Warsaw, influenced by pan-Slavic intellectuals, demonstrated in front of the parliament waving flags of red and blue, demanding that King Kasimir Francizek Widzowksi intervene on the behalf of “our brother Slavs” before they were subjected to “a Germanic-Magyar yoke.” Though led by the public, King Kasimir saw the chance to earn a debt of gratitude from a long-time competitor and agreed to invade Hungary from the north. Pressed from two sides, the rebellion did not last long, and Bohemian armies were even able to besiege Vienna by December. House Escherloch then moved immediately to shore up its strategic position.

    xk6X4pZ.png

    The Hungarian revolutionaries won several victories against Bohemian forces throughout the summer of 1848, but proved unable to hold their ground after Polish intervention.

    First, Ladislaus punished Austria for its attempted interference by returning its southern territories to Croatia, who in return became a committed ally. Bohemian diplomats then solidified the nation’s alliance and economic leverage over Silesia, eventually culminating in a royal marriage that finalized Bohemian control over its valuable resources. But it was the internal reforms that would ultimately prove most impactful. As one of his last major acts on the throne, King Ladislaus approved a new constitution in 1850 that enshrined some privileges for the Hungarian Diet, particularly in the areas of education, land taxation and public administration. With the Kingdom secure at last, Ladislaus passed away in his sleep less than five years later at the age of 74. He was succeeded by his son Stephen III, 43 years old, who would expand the Kingdom to a level of greatness even his father could not have fathomed.

    Although Bohemia had succeeded in riding its own wave of unrest, nationalism continued to rock Europe during the mid-19th century. In the former Holy Roman Empire, the Germanic and Slavic unification movements became increasingly outspoken during this time. Masterful diplomacy on the part of the Kingdom of Brunswick secured aid from the French and Aenglish to subdue Bavaria and Brandenburg, both of which were claimants for the leadership of Germany. The fractious German states thus united, Brunswick declared the formation of the German Empire under Kaiser Karl Ludwig von Edemissen in 1855.

    The western Slavs were less easily accommodated. Both the Bohemian and Polish crowns saw themselves as the cultural and historical bearers of Slavic identity, and though their leaders were on cordial enough terms that war was never a possibility, neither were they disposed to giving up their crowns for the sake of Slavic unity. The Polish-Smolenskii war, however, brought an unexpected resolution to the issue. In 1861, King Ivan Sitnikov of Smolensk expelled a number of prominent Polish advisors and businessmen from court as part of an effort to “Russianize” the Kingdom and reduce perceived “western liberal influence.” Poland, long paranoid over the intentions of the vast land to its west, angrily declared war in response, expecting a quick victory over a mass of untrained Smolenskii levies. It was a conflict for which she was severely underprepared for.

    Within a year, Polish armies found themselves bogged down in the marshy borderlands of Byelorussia and their lines of supply slowly choked off. Smolensk, reinforced by the Armenian Caliphate, ground the offensive to a halt and gradually rolled it back. With the Polish army in disarray, nothing stopped Smolensk from crossing the border and subjecting Poland to a brief occupation that lasted through the spring of 1863 while a peace treaty was prepared. Though Poland lost no territory as a result of the war, its outcome was no less a disaster for the Widzowski monarchy, whose legitimacy was shattered by the period of occupation. Under immense popular pressure, King Jan Tomaz abdicated within a matter of weeks in favor of a popular Polish Republic.

    mYamMLL.png

    King Jan Tomaz Widzowski of Poland, delivering the articles of abdication to the Marshal of the Sejm and the army general staff in June of 1863.

    Pan-Slavic sentiment returned with a vengeance. Poles were suddenly aware of their precarious geopolitical situation, sandwiched between the new leviathan of Germany and a rising Smolensk. Bohemia-Hungary, which now occupied a comfortable position in Central Europe, represented security. In August 1863, the Polish Sejm dissolved the short-lived Republic and, in a letter to King Stephen, offered up the crown of a state that could encompass the Western Slavs.

    “It is by more than providence that the Slavic people are drawn together. We, the undersigned, bid His Grace King Stephen III Escherloch lift high the sword of Slavdom… For in division there is no strength… In solidarity alone can we trust.” Stephen accepted.

    The crown was not free, of course, for while the nationalists sought to furnish their state with a hereditary monarch, they also demanded provisions in its constitution that would cement the liberal values they espoused. Therefore, throughout the second half of 1863, delegates from the Czech, Hungarian, Slovakian, Silesian and Polish peoples deliberated upon the structure of a new, multiethnic state. Hungarians were perhaps the most unwilling to surrender their new representation, but the reminder that their revolt had been quashed less than 20 years prior prevented the grumbling from escalating any further.

    The Federated Kingdom of Zachadia was formally declared at midnight on December 31st, 1863 and the flag of the Bohemian-Hungarian Dual Monarchy was lowered in Prague for the last time. In its place arose a banner, one which promised representation to all the people of Central and Eastern Europe. The new state allowed for separate parliaments in each constituent group, though foreign and monetary policy was to be decided by a central parliament in Prague, modeled upon the Polish Sejm, alongside the monarch. Pan-Slavic, or “Slovianski,” would be the language of government and education, though the constitution guaranteed each region the right to continue teaching its own language through secondary school.

    The next two decades were a vital time of consolidation for Zachadia. Czech capitalists expanded the railway system throughout Poland and expanded the factories there; the army doubled in size and foreign relations blossomed with Naples and Greece. The explosion of industry in Eastern Europe saw Zachadia vie with Germany for the title of the world’s largest economy, with the port of Zadar - leased to the Bohemian Crown by Croatia since 1852 - becoming the most important commercial hub in Southern Europe. King Stephen required new markets for Zachadia’s burgeoning industry, and was particularly enticed by the promise of the Orient. Seeking to create a route that would open up the Eastern Mediterranean to maritime traffic, he authorized the formation of the Royal Zachadian Survey Company in 1873, which began the process of charting a canal route through the Suez Peninsula.

    RkjXhWr.png

    After its handover to Bohemian administration in 1852, Zadar rapidly transformed from a sleepy fishing community to the bustling entry point of Zachadia’s industrial heartlands.

    The fact that no other great power attempted to contest Zachadia’s place in Eastern Europe during this period greatly aided the new Federal Kingdom. The former Roman Empire, whose sphere of influence had long since encompassed the Balkans, entered a long period of stagnation following a succession of brutal civil wars in the 1850s. The Melisurgos dynasty was overthrown during the liberal revolutions of 1848, an event from which the venerable empire never quite recovered from. Reactionary counterrevolutions and ethnic separatism then wracked the new Roman Republic for decades, during which its population actually declined due to widespread starvation and emigration. For Zachadia, Constantinople’s ill fortune was an opportunity to reorder the Balkans while solving two pressing concerns of her own.

    The first was that of the South Slavs. In 1868, King Stephen brokered the union of Croatia and Serbia under the banner of greater Slavic unity. With a constitution based upon the Zachadian model, the new Kingdom of Yugoslavia became part of the Zachadian customs territory, sharing elements of its foreign policy and enjoying freedom of movement for its citizens. The King then worked to expand Zachadian influence over the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia, finally uniting them as the Kingdom of Volasea in 1875. In exchange for ceding a strip of ethnically Volasean lands to the new state, Stephen placed his cousin Louis Escherloch-Lucanic upon the Volasean throne, thereby wedding it to Zachadia from inception.(2)

    Aided by these two new unions, Zachadia followed its ally the Republic of Greece into battle against the Romans in 1881 during the Arbenon War, releasing Bulgaria from Constantinople in the peace agreement. The same alliance then fought the Romans once again during the Makedonian War in 1895, which ended with the defeated Republic losing its Black Sea coastline to Bulgaria.(3) By the turn of the century, the Roman Republic was but a shadow of its former self, having lost nearly all of its Balkan dependencies.

    IrHX6nb.jpg

    Roman infantry assault Bulgarian lines at the Battle of Burgas during the Makedonian War, known in Bulgaria as “the Brother’s War.'' The fighting in Thrace was particularly brutal due to the area’s large population of ethnically Roman citizens.


    J8gkKzq.jpg

    Outside of minor conflicts in the Balkans, the 1880s saw European nations settling into a comfortable peace characterized by continued economic development and colonial expansion. In Egypt, Zachadia fought a brief war against the forces of Sultan Muhammed III after he attempted to raise taxes on traffic through the Suez Canal; Egypt was officially annexed as a protectorate in 1884. In Asia, Zachadia annexed the Kingdoms of Siam and Hongsatawoi after their rulers persecuted Catholic missionaries and denied access to merchants. Alongside Albin and Italian forces, the Navy also helped to force open the Qin Empire at the close of the century and was rewarded with concessions in Hong Kong and Qingdao. Meanwhile at home, Prague grew to be one of the largest cities in the Western World and was recognized as a leading center of science, the arts and philosophy.

    8d9NL40.jpg

    King Stephen died of a heart attack at the age of 85, shortly after the conclusion of the Makedonian War. The Kingdom declared an official eight-day mourning period for the Father of Zachadia, and over a hundred thousand citizens traveled to Prague on new steel railways to attend the state funeral. Despite the passage of a great leader, the future for Zachadia looked bright.

    _________________

    1: I find the Bohemian Civil War a tad too heavily railroaded for my taste - apologies, Savs! - and modified it so that the chance of intervention by other states is heavily weighted by their relations with Bohemia. Bohemia also retains its own allies.
    2: Adjusted borders via console.
    3: Bulgaria doesn't have cores on the Black Sea, so I also made this change via console.

    Hope everyone enjoyed that! The next post will cover the first decade of the 20th century and the seeds of the Great War.
     
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    Part II: A Prelude to War
  • Kienzle

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    You are far too generous, but I am glad something of my work may have sparked the writing urge. :) Any trademark style I might be able to lay claim to is really just the result of years spent trying to imitate a number of really great history book AARs written around 2012-2015. Unfortunately, things are a good deal quieter these days – so it’s extra cool to see a new face!

    Best of luck!
    Yeah - the glory days are behind us. Opening up EUIV for the first time in a couple years reminded me of how... aged many of the Vicky 2 mechanics are. And yet I keep coming back! This really is my favorite period in history.

    Anyway, back to the story.
    _________________

    Part II: A Prelude to War
    Beneath the facade of prosperity, Europe’s balance of power was reaching a breaking point. The first shock was the fall of the Padan Union to militant Communists in 1901. The Republic was only restored six years later through a joint Italo-Zachadian intervention. More concerningly, relations between Zachadia and Germany continued to sour throughout the first decade of the new century, despite the often sincere efforts of diplomats on both sides to halt the slide. The largest sticking point was the “Sorbian question,” which concerned the rights of the Slavic people in Lusatia. The German Empire, in an attempt to better integrate the region at the turn of the century, introduced a series of assimilation policies that included prohibiting schools from teaching in Sorbian or Polish. In return, many prominent Zachadian citizens decried the German oppression and on several occasions set up funding circles to support their “Sorbian brothers.” No solution seemed forthcoming.

    Another problem was that of Zachadia’s new King. Charles IV Escherloch was the younger of his father’s sons, and had never planned on becoming King until his brother, the Crown Prince Adalbert, was thrown from a horse and killed in 1892. As a result, Charles spent his life eschewing matters of state in exchange for spending his time - and money - on patronizing the arts. Widely considered a dilettante, he was rumored to have had several relationships with opera singers that went well beyond the bounds of respectability. As King Stephen was rumored to have once confided in a Parliamentarian, “[Charles] is not fit for the crown - but that is why the Lord gave me Adalbert first.” Whispers throughout the courts of Europe suggested the new King would be ill-equipped to handle the diplomatic turbulence that lay ahead.

    vhnrDzz.png

    A portrait of King Charles upon his coronation in 1895, at the age of 36.

    Then in 1910, real conflicts began as colonial powers ran out of room for expansion. The Albin Empire, supported by the Netherlands, escalated a border dispute with the Kingdom of Acquitania near Lake Chad, and the two nations battled for two months over a square of parched land in Central Africa. Three years later, another crisis ensued as the Empire of Hispania sensed that Acquitania was isolated and tried to seize a portion of her Accran protectorate. This proved a severe misjudgement, as the anticipated support from Zachadia failed to materialize while Germany stepped in to guarantee the Acquitanians. With the assistance of the German war machine, Acquitania smashed through Hispanian defenses in the Pyrenees and captured Barcelona, bringing an end to the war in less than six months. Yet nearly 150,000 Hispanian and Navarran soldiers had perished, and the victors imposed heavy indemnities upon the Iberians in retaliation. Zachadia had chosen to avoid the war, content with the size of her East African dominion and seeing no need to get embroiled in a larger European conflict. As Minister of War Tadeusz Kowalski advised King Charles in July of 1913, “there is no sense in relitigating the borders of African colonies. We would let the best of our young generation run to madness in the jungle and desert.”

    KW9WNiH.jpg

    German artillery in the Pyrenees mountains, c. 1913. The new steel cannons proved instrumental in breaking Hispanian defenses outside of Barcelona.

    When provoked closer to home however, the monarch would find it much harder to demur. The crisis that would ultimately lead to the reshaping of Europe began on April 6 of 1915, in a theatre in Minsk. After a staging of the popular Byellorussian play Daughters of Chelm, the audience marched out of the theatre and staged a demonstration in a central plaza. When local police responded with brutality, the demonstration turned into a three-day riot in which the governor’s mansion was burned and several militia members were killed. Chancellor Fairfax of the Albin Empire, seeing a chance to weaken Smolensk and halt its territorial expansion near Albin India, proposed a conference the following month in London to “settle the Byellorussian and Ruthenian matter.” Germany and the Netherlands quickly applauded the decision.

    Xrux1rn.jpg

    From Edwin Pressleye's Twilight: Nationalism, Empire, and the Foundations of Modern Europe. (Kent: Republican Press, 1982.)
    Pressleye said:
    The paradox of the Great War was that at least initially, none of the belligerents intended to fight a war, and yet over the two months of the London Conference, each pursued a course of policy that led inexorably in that direction. In recent years, it has become popular to argue that great power war was inevitable - that the tri-polarity of Germany, Albina and Zachandia was an unstable balance of power.

    Recent scholarship, however, has begun to paint a different picture. Kaiser Friedrich and Fairfax, though keen to embarrass their strategic rivals, did not truly believe the cause of Byellorussian Independence worth the cost of fighting a protracted war in mainland Europe. Diplomatic correspondence between the two powers routinely stressed the need not to “convince [Zachadia] that the Smolensk affair will stop well short of ‘the point of no return’.”

    The Netherlands, too, were on shaky ground, having barely survived Albesan revolutionaries in 1905. So when King William joined the Occidental Alliance in 1915, he did so “only to signal our alignment with the true hegemons of this continent… Not to join a war we cannot afford.”

    Whatever the rulers of the Great Powers may have claimed in private, the London Conference initiated a process that proved difficult to halt. Italy, a staunch Zachadian ally, supported the Kingdom’s position of maintaining Smolenskii integrity as did King Henri of France, who had reason to be concerned about both German and Albin expansion. Together with Smolensk, Zachadia arranged for a four-way defensive alliance. For the sake of convenience, the alliance was quietly negotiated in Paris by the same diplomats attending the London Conference. The Paris Pact was born.

    Frustrated by the German and Albin intransigence and emboldened by the entry into force of the Paris Pact, King Charles recalled his ambassador from the London Conference in late August after signaling that “the negotiations are not proceeding in our interest.” The following month, the Roman Republic signed a secret memorandum of understanding with the German Empire guaranteeing the return of its former Balkan territory in exchange for a mutual alliance against Zachadia.

    TFY44VA.jpg

    As negotiations failed, Zachadian and German commanders alike began to prepare for the possible outbreak of war. This period, known as “the Defensive Spiral,” stemmed from the Zachadian military’s geographic paranoia. The Royal Army had long been terrified of a theoretical German “knockout blow” in the early stages of a war, in which the Heer might cut off the capital Prague and the Bohemian industrial region before the Federal Kingdom could complete her mobilization. They therefore recommended bringing up additional units to both Bohemia and Moravia, a move which Germany perceived as threatening.

    In September, Kaiser Friedrich, on the advice of his ministers, publicly announced the nation’s alliance with the Albin Empire and the Netherlands, an axis of western European power that commentators took to calling the “Occidental Alliance.” Hispania, still smarting from her war with Germany and looking for safety in numbers, joined the Paris Pact. Summer turned to autumn, and as the leaves began to fall, many people throughout Europe relaxed, thinking that the worst was past.

    In the cities of Zachadia, attention turned to what was quickly shaping up to be an unusually tense parliamentary election. Splinters within the ruling conservative party and increasing agitation by the labor movement presaged a return to power by the Social Democrats, just as members of the military began agitating for a stiffer response to the Occidental Alliance - often accompanied by an arch-conservative domestic political agenda.

    FT02HMq.jpg

    By the end of March, it was clear that the Partia Socjaldemokracja was likely to make serious gains.

    sZMUgvO.jpg

    The elections, held on April 2nd, confirmed this. After eight years out of power, the Social Democrats, accompanied by a small number of seats from the communists, once again held a narrow mandate in Parliament. The coalition was immediately threatened, however, by an unanticipated surge in support for the Stronnictwo Narodowe, a new and ultranationalist group supported by some younger military officers. Following a political philosophy called “National Hegemonism,” the party argued for an expansion of state authority and pan-Slavism, including the direct integration of Yugoslavia. With the support of the many in the monarchist Konfederacja Targowicka party, the Hegemonists stood to form an even larger coalition if they could form an anti-labor alliance with the Conservatives. Ultimately, however, these ambitions were dashed. Baron Fehér Zsolt, a senior MP in the Str. Narodowo-Demokratyczne from Budapest, came across a Hegemonist treatise calling for eliminating Hungarian language education and delivered an excoriating address on the subject in parliament. Facing a large scale walkout from their Hungarian members, the Conservatives balked.

    Still, however, the Social Democrats were aware of their precarious situation. As an olive branch to the Liberals and Conservatives, the Partia Socjaldemokracja nominated the comparatively moderate Bronislav Láska for Prime Minister. Láska was a well-respected politician with impeccable patriotic credentials and strong support from the trade unions. Born into a working class family in Bratislava, he had earned a battlefield commission during the Makedonian War before pursuing a law degree from Charles University. He then served as a barrister in his native Slovakia, where he quickly earned a reputation as an articulate and principled attorney, one who never shied from castigating the forces of industry for neglecting their workers. Elected to Parliament at the age of 33 in 1908, he had maintained his focus on improving labor rights while also becoming known as an adept dealmaker and staunch advocate of Zachadian interests internationally.

    Hma2WgD.jpg

    Bronislav Láska photographed at home, c. 1915.
    During his first two weeks in office, Prime Minister Láska repeatedly met with King Charles, attempting to devise a strategy to repair relations with the Occidental Alliance. “We are pulled in a direction that is not our choice,” he wrote in his diary on April 18. “The choice belongs to the Almighty alone.” While there was some debate in Berlin and London about taking up Láska’s proposal for another attempt to discuss the Smolenskii Crisis, this time in a neutral location, both nations believed that King Charles’ decision to pull from the London Conference would simply be repeated. Regardless, events were soon to force Láska’s hand.

    On April 19th, almost exactly a year after the beginning of the Smolenskii Crisis, Consul Iossif Argyrou of the Roman Republic delivered a speech accompanied by figures from the Byellorussian, Ruthenian and Ukrainian overseas independence movements in which he called for Smolensk to recognize the rights of its constituent ethnicities.

    “Our nation will not give in to autocrats,” he declared, then announced that within 24 hours, a toll would be imposed on Smolenskii merchant traffic transiting through the Bosporus. It was a bizarre and outrageous demand, and one which King Rodion Sitnikov did not respond to. When the SS Ryazan prepared to make transit through the strait on her way to India the following morning, she was accompanied by one of the Kingdom’s revenue cutters. Without warning (the Roman Republic would later contend that contact had been attempted via semaphore) both vessels were targeted by coastal artillery. While the cutter escaped, the Ryazan was sunk with the loss of all hands.

    qmtJzcq.jpg

    That same afternoon, King Rodion received permission from the Duma to declare war on Constantinople. He called upon the Kingdom’s alliance with Zachadia while the Roman Republic activated its secret treaty with Germany; Zachadia was in turn followed by the Paris Pact just as Germany fell back upon its Occidental partners the Albin Empire and the Netherlands. On April 21st, the Albin ambassador in Prague, Lord Graham Ainslie, informed King Charles that a state of war now existed between Zachadia and the Albin Empire.

    “Your Majesty, I’m sorry it’s come to this,” he said. “We all tried so very hard, didn’t we?”

    Europe would never be the same.

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    Part III: Opening Moves
  • Kienzle

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    Part III: Opening Moves

    zUGXUkB.jpg


    Europe at the dawn of the Great War, May 1916.
    The Great War began with a series of offensives along the length of the German border. The German Heer, relying on war plans prepared well in advance, mobilized rapidly for what was intended to be a series of stunning strikes that would put its more numerous foes on their back feet. The Eastern Front, with its flat plains and well-developed transportation infrastructure, was the first priority. Striking east from Pomerania, the German 3rd Army advanced towards the city of Poznan and Wroclaw, hoping to cut off the Zachad Baltic coastline while forming a salient around Bohemia. As expected, probing attacks along the front outside Prague encountered stiff resistance, with the Zachad 6th Army relying on pre-sighted artillery and heavy fortifications to throw back the Germans with ease.

    Still though, the casualties in the first week were staggering. As both sides were still marshalling reserves, professional soldiers waged their craft with grim efficiency. Zachadia had her first experience on the offense when General Safranek’s 3rd Corps launched a diversionary attack near Bratislava. Though outnumbering his enemy two-to-one, the 3rd Corps took heavy casualties assaulting German machine gun nests nestled amidst the rugged, Alpine terrain.

    v1sphk4.jpg

    By the end of the first week of war, it was clear that Prague, while in no immediate danger, was still too close for comfort to the frontlines. Citizens gathered on their rooftops in the evening to watch the flash of heavy artillery in the distance, in some cases less than 100 kilometers away. After an enterprising German aviator flew past the front lines and attempted to bomb Prague Castle with a satchel of hand grenades on the 30th, Láska decided enough was enough. He ordered the General Staff to go on the offensive against the lightly-armed reserve divisions forming up across the border. Though King Charles was concerned that leaving defensive positions might be dangerous, the Prime Minister responded that “in war, death is unavoidable.” The attack went forward.

    Within days, Zachad troops had succeeded not only in pushing the front lines back over the German border, but in some cases had pushed well beyond it. Attacking units that in some cases were still waiting to link up with their equipment, the Zachad army routed several German divisions before the attack lost momentum outside of Dresden.

    EAeGnKM.jpg

    For a public that was still wary over the war and the new government, the Bohemian Offensive proved to be a major morale boost. It was clear that Prime Minister Láska’s leadership would carry the country through the storm, even if King Charles was prone to dithering.

    aNnpLJz.jpg

    More importantly, the offensive demonstrated that Zachad Army was every bit a match for the Heer. Until this point, the Russian Empire and the Padanese Republic had been under pressure from both Berlin and Prague to join their respective sides in the war. The Bohemian Offensive made a strong case for joining the alliance that held numerical superiority and had proven itself in the field. While Russia had long standing disputes with its southern neighbor Smolensk, it was also home to fractious minority groups and was hesitant to give credence to these demands by joining with the Occidental Alliance. The Padanese, on the other hand, had relied upon the Italian and Zachad governments ever since the two had propped up the Republic in 1907, and their decision to enter the war on the side of the Paris Pact was never seriously in doubt. Both nations declared war upon the Occidental Alliance by mid-May.

    Although the Western Front occupied the most attention in Zachadia, it was far from the only theater of importance during the war. Several other areas of importance around the globe saw fierce fighting begin in the spring of 1916. The first was the Balkans. Greece and Bulgaria had been quick to follow Zachadia into war against the old foe of the Roman Republic, and the two joined the Zachad satellite states of Yugoslavia and Romania in assaulting Roman positions in Thrace by late May. Though the Romans were well prepared for the allied attack, the Paris Pact forces had the weight of numbers and reached the Aegean coastline by mid May. Roman forces withdrew in good order towards Constantinople, where both sides expected a siege would be forthcoming.

    i1xq3hG.jpg

    As Rome concentrated on defending her capital, Consul Argyrou also demanded that the Republic’s Middle Eastern satellite states of Syria, Iraq and Arabia mobilize to join the war. Two tempting targets appeared within striking distance of their forces. The Trucial States, a Zachad protectorate, were a valuable source of oil left lightly defended at the outbreak of war. More importantly, capturing the Suez Canal would cut off the Indian and Southeast Asian colonies of the Paris Pact from the support of the metropole. At the same time, Argyrou hoped to open a path for his eventual reinforcement from India, where Albin colonial forces outnumbered Smolensk and Hispania. However, doing so would require bringing the Republic of Iran into the Occidental Alliance. This would prove no easy feat.

    Iran, which had recently modernized after overthrowing the reactionary Zand dynasty, was keen to regain its honor - and territory - ever since the Roman Republic had “intervened” in the Arab Revolt of 1891 and stripped away the western territories of the former Persian Empire.[1] This recent humiliation, coupled with Persia’s long history of enmity with Rome, seemed to preclude any chance of alliance. Yet Rome was not the only state holding stolen Iranian territory. The Russian Empire had annexed Khuzestan as a colony during the Arab Revolt in order to gain a port in the Middle East, and while the loss of the Arab territories stung, Khuzestan was even more important, populated mostly by Persians and considered part of the Iranian patrimony. Iran was desperate to have it back. Capitalizing on this, the Albin Empire stepped in to negotiate a treaty with Tehran. Chancellor Fairfax promised the annexation of Smolenskii Balochistan in exchange for entering the war, as well as the return of Khuzestan. Though the situation in India was balanced on a knife’s edge, a better chance to knock down Russia might never come, and so Iran agreed to join the Occidental Alliance - which was now appearing decidedly less Occidental.

    This decision, however, had consequences that opened up an entire new front of the war. To the west of the Republic of Iran, the Armenian Caliphate was gradually moving into the orbit of the Paris Pact. As a long time enemy of both Rome and Iran, the war appeared to offer Armenia the chance to take on both of its rivals with the backing of foreign troops. When Prime Minister Láska sent feelers to the Caliphate, originally to determine whether it would be open to allowing Smolenskii troops to be supplied over its territory, the response was swift: not only could Smolenskii troops pass through Armenia, but it would also enter the war as a full participant.

    k05tnii.jpg


    Armenia joined the Paris Pact on June 7, 1916.

    LRbPVM3.jpg

    With the entry of Iran and Armenia to the war, combatants now stretched uninterrupted across the Eurasian continent, from the trenches of Western Europe to the jungles of South Asia. In India, Smolensk and Hispania invaded Albin India from both directions. Though outnumbered by the Albin colonial regiments, the Paris Pact was able to make initial headway due to the Albin Empire having to contend with a lack of supplies reaching the subcontinent in the early days of the war.[2]

    gd5GvIN.jpg

    Combat even took place as far away from Europe as the Straits of Malacca, where Dutch and Albin colonial forces tried an unsuccessful amphibious assault against Italian Malaya. After several days of fighting, the Zachad Asiatic Squadron arrived in the Strait of Johore, trapping Albin forces on the island of Batam across from Singapore. Cut off from reinforcement, the Dutch forces on the peninsula surrendered to the Italian garrison.

    vCqnxTv.jpg

    But it was Africa that saw some of the fiercest colonial fighting in the war. The Emirate of Kanem-Bornu, one of the few developed African nations that had resisted the tide of colonization at the turn of the century, agreed to join the war on the side of the Paris Pact in order to reclaim its southern lands, taken by the Albin Empire in 1885. Though far outmatched by the Albin forces, Emir Garbai hoped that the fighting in Zachad East Africa might draw the majority of the Albin away and allow him to achieve local superiority. It was not to be, however. Upon the wide plains near Yola, Albin native infantry, supported by Aenglish Guards, routed the Emirate’s forces with massed artillery that devastated the Emir’s irregulars and paved the way for a complete occupation of the small country. Zachad forces were still months away from being able to reinforce.

    kn5ErXN.jpg

    In early July, another piece of bad news came when the Zachad Baltic Fleet sortied in an attempt to break the German-Albin blockade. Built at great expense during the last decade, the Baltic Fleet represented Zachadia’s best attempt to expand its meagre battleship force. Admiral Vratislav Moravec had originally proposed it to the Stronnictwo Patriotcyzne as a measure to safeguard Zachadia’s colonial empire against the predations of the far more established navies belonging to the German and Albin empires. Though some of its ships were more modern than the vessels of the German Imperial Navy’s Heimatsflotte, the battle groups of the Baltic Fleet were separated by fog on the morning of July 10 and made separate contact with the Germans. Ultimately, though the Heimatsflotte suffered greater losses, losing several pre-dreadnoughts and light cruisers, the Zachad Navy was forced back to port, disorganized and heavily damaged.

    z7MQhQy.png


    ZKN Ladislaus IV sinks after being hit with a torpedo off the Baltic Coast, July 1916.

    YaIPbQ0.jpg

    Despite these setbacks, throughout the early summer the war appeared to be trending firmly in the direction of the Paris Pact as Germany struggled to defend a front that stretched along nearly its entire border. Its early major offensives into Zachadia had been turned back after several bloody weeks of fighting. Italian and Zachad forces launched a counteroffensive near Brno that pushed the Heer out of Moravia entirely, though at a terrible cost: nearly 90,000 men were lost in massed infantry charges against razor wire and machine guns. Zachad soldiers soon spoke disparagingly of the Italian general Giovanni Torlonia, who as one captain Jan Krumlov wrote in his diary, “ordered our men into battle like a butcher feeds scraps to the grinder.”

    gHtjQWS.jpg

    The failure of the German attempt to create a Bohemian salient allowed for Zachadia to push deeper into the German Empire. The city of Dresden lay tantalizingly close to the frontlines, and by early July the army was pushing into the suburbs. Rather than declaring the city open, Dresden’s mayor ordered citizens to evacuate while the Heer turned the streets into kill zones. Doggedly, however, the Zachad Army pushed through to the core of the city. Veteran NCOs were able to rely on their hard-earned experience fighting socialist revolutionaries in the urban areas of the Padan Union, but the combat was nonetheless chaotic and brutal. On the night of July 11th, an artillery bombardment ignited a fire that burned out of control for two days, reducing much of the city to cinders. When the morning of July 14th dawned however, the Germans began to withdraw from the city.

    In the lull, badly mauled Zachad regiments began to transition back from the frontlines. In their place, Yugoslavian reserves began to take up positions throughout Dresden, garrisoning the burnt-out factories and homes throughout in preparation for the inevitable counterattack. Dutch troops began an assault on the 15th, but lacked effective artillery support and made little progress. By July 16th, it was clear that Dresden had fallen to the Paris Pact.

    0l2VYgk.png


    The Battle of Dresden marked one of the first major incidents of urban combat between conventional militaries in the 20th century. The fighting displaced or made homeless more than 40,000 German citizens.
    _________________

    1: This is a custom event I added.
    2: Actually was my bad. I tag-switched to them to call in some of their allies (the AI is sometimes not so great at this) and forgot to restart the game.
     
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    Part IV: The Cost of Victory
  • Kienzle

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    Part IV: The Cost of Victory

    Zachadia completed full mobilization late in the summer of 1916. Across the nation in April and May, young men had assembled in dusty village squares and crowded city plazas before mustering to training camps where they were each handed a Vz. 98 bolt action rifle along with powder blue fatigues and sturdy leather boots. Training lasted three months, which meant that the majority of these new soldiers began to be shipped to the front lines by mid-August.

    Many units passed through the capital on their way to the front, and if one stood in Prague Main Station on a hot summers day in 1916, crowds of blue uniforms would have dominated the scene. Throngs of soldiers gathered in groups to play cards, to share illicit flasks of vodka or simply to wander outside and gaze at the city for what might have been their first time. To an observer, it might have seemed as though the glory of Zachadia was concentrated on this one point in time and space as the boisterous young men gathered while awaiting to be shipped far across the Kingdom, and indeed across the globe.

    9fQTNGn.jpg

    No sooner did these men arrive at their posts than they were pressed into combat, as there was a dire need for warm bodies by the end of the summer. Fierce fighting along the Western front had whittled down the ranks of the professional soldiers, particularly among the non-commissioned officers corps who provided much of the army’s institutional expertise. From the mud of Prussia, to the sands of the Levant, to the jungles of South Asia, Zachad soldiers marched and fought and often died. They died stacked in triple berths aboard troop transports in the Indian Ocean. They died counting down the seconds between the crashes of artillery, lying prone in crude earthen bunkers. And they died by the dozen, cut down in murderous volleys of machine gun fire, as uncaring officers ordered them over the top for the first or the second or the fifth time.

    Units were formed, attritted, reformed, amalgamated and disbanded. A factory worker from Dębica might have been on a mortar team alongside a farmer from Oradea, who if he knew Interslavic at all, spoke it with a thick Hungarian accent that rendered mutual comprehension difficult if not impossible. Yet these men, gathering in their tens of thousands across the far corners of the globe, still found common ground. They spoke of their lives before the war and dreamed of a world which might come after it.

    ENlHCrr.jpg

    As the warmth of summer faded, optimism about the war’s progress began to falter after a series of devastating defeats in India. Albin colonial forces, initially concentrated predominantly in Hyderabad, marched north and shattered the Smolenskii armies besieging Delhi. As the Smolenskii troops retreated in poor order, they appealed to their Zachad allies. General Tyl’s Army of Southeast Asia quickly moved to reinforce the collapsing front from its reserve position in Hispanian Bengal. The army, primarily composed of Thai and Khmer soldiers from Zachad colonies, was underequipped and poorly trained, outfitted first as a garrison force based out of Bangkok. It was not meant for the type of brutal fighting that it was forced into during the Monsoon Season in northern India, as trucks and artillery carriages became stuck in knee-deep mud and cartridges fouled due to the damp.

    1biZQO3.jpg


    The sacrifice made by thousands of Thai soldiers during the Siege of Rewa became an important rallying cry during the Siamese Independence Movement later in the 20th century.
    Yet Smolensk’s position in India continued to collapse, and the Zachad Army found itself cut off, deep in the sub-continent and unable to evacuate towards a port. As supplies dwindled, General Tyl attempted to hold the city of Rewa, in northern-central India, only to be gradually surrounded by Albin forces. After a brutal, week-long siege, Tyl surrendered. Many of the colonial soldiers under his command had already deserted, rather than die fighting for an empire they had no stake in.

    9vaQc2o.jpg

    Later that same month, Zachadia suffered another grievous defeat in the Asian theater, this time at sea. The Asiatic Squadron was intercepted by the Albin Pacific Fleet, itself escorting a massive invasion force of over 30,000 colonial soldiers. Admiral Petr Moravec, following sightings of the fleet off the coast of Sarawak, directed his small mixed force of light cruisers and destroyers to trail it from a distance in the hope of making an end run around the screening force and attacking vulnerable transports as they prepared to disembark troops on Malaya. Yet foul weather forced the Albin fleet to spread out, ironically leading to a chance encounter early on the morning of January 22nd in which two Albin heavy cruisers chanced upon the Zachad force and gave chase. Though the lighter ships held a speed advantage, wireless transmissions allowed the larger Albin fleet to vector in reinforcements from multiple directions.

    A16gldJ.jpg


    Admiral Aelfgar Hayden’s Pacific Fleet, steaming south off the coast of Shanghai.
    The resulting battle lasted well over a day, with the Asiatic Squadron attempting to lose its pursuers and the Albin cruisers firing at extreme range. Slowly, however, the damage piled up, with one shell landing on the bridge of the flagship Bialystok and killing Admiral Moravec himself. After three ships had been sunk with an additional four taking on water and battling fires, the force surrendered. The news of its loss was received poorly in Prague, where Prime Minister Láska was forced to report to King Charles that Asia was effectively lost. While a barebones garrison and police force still existed in Bangkok, there was nothing to prevent its seizure by the Occidentals - or perhaps more concerningly, to fight an uprising by emboldened native forces.

    RrMKlV5.jpg


    The Battle of the Straits of Johore virtually guaranteed Occidental supremacy in East Asia for the rest of the war.
    In the European theatre, little changed as the Western Front ground into a stalemate along the German border. An autumn offensive by the Kingdom of France into the Rhineland made headway until the weather turned and the Germans began to transfer additional forces to the West, stalling the offensive. Nonetheless, German manpower reserves were beginning to thin, leading some generals in the Paris Pact to counsel that the alliance could grind down the enemy war machine with another year of fighting along the Empire’s long front. However, the Albin blockade of the Baltic Sea along with the French and Hispanian Atlantic coastline scrapped this idea, something that was reinforced by the defeats in India and southeast Asia.

    7RAiT2j.jpg

    Almost overnight, the loss of overseas goods forced Zachadia to institute extensive rationing across the Kingdom to prevent food prices from spiraling out of control. The blockade demonstrated the dependence of the nation’s economy on overseas markets and inputs, which had now been neatly severed by a few vital strokes. Rubber was in particularly short supply. Effective naval control of the Mediterranean meant that it could still be imported from the colony of Zachad Abyssinia, but the few plantations there, which had never equaled the output of those in Indochina, now took on a new level of importance.

    Already apoplectic over the losses in Asia, King Charles told Prime Minister Láska and Minister of War Radomír Nováček to commit the Army to the defense of the African colonies, even if it required transferring forces from the Balkans or the German front. It was a radical departure from his earlier caution over launching the Bohemian Offensive, and reflected the growing concern that Zachadia could no longer afford to patiently wear away at its enemies.

    dm6KidO.jpg

    Africa still hung in the balance at the beginning of 1917. The Emirate of Kanem Bornu had been under complete Albin occupation for nine months when Zachad troops crossed over Acquitanian central Africa in late May of 1917 to begin its liberation. Though entry into Acquitanian territory was technically illegal, few colonial authorities persisted in the harsh southern reaches of the Sahara Desert, where colonial boundaries were poorly demarcated. The Zachad forces traveled in several dispersed columns overland in order to live off the land, having long since surpassed the limits of their supply lines. Local Kanuri people acted as valuable scouts and ensured that the ragtag force did not immediately attract the attention of the far larger Albin army south of Lake Chad.

    East Africa, however, quickly became the locus of the continent as the Albin General Edric Ramsey’s Army of Central Africa launched a major invasion of Zachad Abyssinia. Combined with a small Dutch colonial contingent, Ramsey could call upon more than 100,000 soldiers in East Africa, most of whom were better equipped and trained than the Zachad colonial forces in the region. General Maximilian Rokytnice scrambled to respond to the offensive, quickly settling on a strategy of “defeat in detail” as the Albin forces spread out to cover the vast terrain of Abyssinia.

    For the first two months of the campaign, the lack of a front line led to a classical war of maneuver as the European armies danced around each other, both sides attempting to isolate the enemy on favorable terms. Finally, Rokytnice detached his Fifth Corps, a force primarily composed of Hungarian and Czech professional soldiers, to the north in an attempt to lure away Ramsey. The faint was successful, and he managed to engage 16,000 Albin colonial soldiers under Arnolf Bodwin in Sidamo province, where they were cut off and destroyed.

    43RTgTe.jpg

    The Fifth Corps to the north were in dire straits, though. After several brief engagements with General Ramsey’s Army of Central Africa, the Fifth withdrew towards Jimma on the single road available to them, the recently constructed Abyssinian Transport Company’s Welega Byway. The road was little more than packed earth, but included the only steel bridge over the Didessa River capable of transporting artillery. It had been built in 1913 near the town of Bonga at the head of the Barta Valley, and it was here that the Fifth Corps chose on June 15 to dig in and make their stand. Though outnumbered nearly three-to-one by the enemy, the jungle walls of the Barta Valley effectively boxed the Albin advance into a single direction, uphill over rough terrain. Their casualties were resultantly severe, but the combination of steady bombardment and numbers slowly eroded the Zachad position.

    Word of the Fifth’s advance had reached General Rokytnice shortly after he had dealt with Bodwin’s forces near Irgalem. He had responded by immediately ordering a forced march towards Bonga, a distance of almost 250 kilometers. The march took place over rough terrain, and that Rokytnice’s men reached Bonga in just over two weeks is a testament to the sheer grit and exertion of men who knew that for every second they delayed, their comrades to the north paid for it in blood. On the morning of July 2nd, Rokytnice’s Army of East Africa began an assault from the south end of Barta Valley and tore through Edric Ramsey’s poorly-defended rear echelon. By the end of the first day of fighting, the Albin were effectively bottled inside of the valley.

    BvLajjI.jpg


    Zachad troops climbing a ridge near Tarcha, Abyssinia during the relief of Bonga.
    The Battle of Bonga lasted another two weeks as the Albin attempted desperately to fight their way out of the valley. However, without their artillery support and separated from their logistical tail, they suffered horrendous losses. By July 15, less than 15,000 men had successfully withdrawn, with the rest surrendering or perishing along the steep jungle inclines. They represented less than a quarter of the original Army of East Africa, and with their defeat the entire Albin offensive into Zachad Abyssinia essentially collapsed. It was, without a doubt, the finest Zachad victory in the war thus far, and it had occurred in the theatre that was in the most dire need of one. Bonga was celebrated in every Zachad newspaper, while General Rokytnice would be feted for the rest of his life as the “Savior of East Africa.”

    DsHTx0L.jpg

    Moreover, the victory paved the way for a counter-offensive into Albin Africa, as Russian forces arrived from the Red Sea later that month and assisted in mopping up the enemy remnants that persisted throughout the Abyssinian Protectorate. Zachad commanders were soon able to contemplate an attack that would force the transfer of Albin forces away from West Africa and allow for the full liberation of Kanem-Bornu.

    But there is a darker side to this story.

    QmVtRNd.jpg

    Anselm Barker, a journalist of Germanic-Albin extraction, traveled with Ramsey’s Army of East Africa throughout the spring as it penetrated the Zachad colonies. What he documented - mostly through journal entries, owing to a lack of film - was a brutal system of colonial extraction centered on rubber plantations throughout Sidamo province. Wartime needs and the lack of Indochinese rubber had forced colonial administrators to turn a blind eye towards acts of extreme cruelty on the part of plantation owners meant to “incentivize” the local population to meet ever higher quotas.

    His accounts quickly found their way into the press of the Occidental Alliance nations, where Zachad atrocities were paraded as proof of the Paris Pact’s innate savagery and lack of humanity. They were, of course, just as resoundingly disputed by Zachadia and her allies, who wrote off the reports as mere wartime propaganda. Yet in the post-war era, their veracity ultimately came to light as follow-on investigations continued to turn up evidence of barbaric practices that found widespread adoption in colonial Abyssinia during the wartime years. Today, the Barker Journals are a black mark of shame upon Zachadia’s history - one that subsequent generations of Zachad citizens have all-too-frequently shied away from addressing in full.

    From “A Subaltern’s Sorrow,” by Menasse Abdi Issa. Gdansk: Liberation Press, 1974.

    I am a professor of modern politics, though an anthropologist by training, and an Abyssinian by birth. Each day when I leave my university office, I pass through Memorial Plaza in Prague, wherein a statue of the great Bronislav Láska greets me on my way home. Yes, after a full day of teaching young Zachad students about the mysteries of my vast and troubled home continent, I have the privilege of confronting the revered Prime Minister himself: the victor of the First European War, the architect of the modern welfare scheme, a gentleman and a scholar.

    But what is Láska to me? He is the one who turned a blind eye to the mutilation of my grandmother - nay, who knowingly condoned, even encouraged these practices, so that the war engines of the kingdom might grind more bone and flesh into gristle, so that the vast colonial empire might expand its reach ever more. Yet nevertheless that statue remains, is even adorned with flowers on Victory Day.

    Do you see, then, how that statue looks different to my eyes? And can you imagine, then, how I bear its weight inside of me when I educate your youth on the proud histories of my homeland, or the present conflict in the Suez?

    No. You cannot.

    At the culmination of the East Africa Campaign, the war had lasted just over a year. In that time, the great powers had recorded a combined total of just under nine million military casualties, roughly a third of which were deaths. Far more would become crippled veterans, begging on the streets of the sleek European capitals after the war. Yet more would appear unharmed, yet spend the rest of their lives tormented by invisible mental scars that bore out the trauma of the conflict.

    Even these losses are known, discussed and respected, however. What is not? The suffering of the civilian population in the Balkans, Anatolia and the Middle East whose homes were destroyed by fighting, and who waged brutal war upon each other in the name of religion or ethnicity. The people of northern India who starved during the winter of 1917 after their harvests were ruined by artillery. The nameless thousands of rubber workers in Abyssinia punished by mutilation for failing to deliver on time. And many, many more. The European powers paid all of these costs without hesitation, along with their vast millions of young men, in their great game. This was the cost of victory.

    _________________

    Whew, apologies for the wait, all. The story has now finally caught up to where I am in the gameplay, so I now get to return to actually... Playing it. Also, now that this is finished, I'm looking forward to catching up on all the other AARs in this forum! Finally, I saw that a few readers have nominated this story for the ACAs - thank you very, very much, your support means a lot to me.
     
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    Part V: Ashes to Ashes
  • Kienzle

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    Thanks for the wait everyone. I wanted to finish up the war this update, but it went longer than anticipated. Hopefully should have the conclusion up soon!


    Part V: Ashes to Ashes

    Throughout the spring and early summer of 1917, the German Empire managed to hold a stable front along the Rhine in the west, the Alps in the south and along the Zachad border in the East. Enemy salients in the Ruhr and near Dresden, while concerning, were contained and the view from London was that Germany would be capable of holding the line while the Empire starved the Paris Pact into submission from the sea. This perfectly suited the Albin ruling party, the conservative Redbers Meg, who hoped that victory could be won without its citizens having to wade into the mud of the European theatre.

    By July, however, this confidence had faded. A series of near mutinies on the Eastern Front after a failed German offensive into Hungary convinced the Albin government that further intervention on the continent would be necessary. Kaiser Friedrich’s appeals for reinforcement, a fixture in the alliance since the outbreak of war, grew frantic as German territory began to fall under enemy occupation. Reluctantly, Chancellor Fairfax agreed to commit Albin men to Germany’s defense.

    plMntMp.jpg

    Lord Iwan Fairfax, Chancellor of the Albin Empire 1914-1920. Though by his own admission uninterested in foreign policy, his tenure was dominated by the Great War and its fallout.
    Close to 300,000 Albin soldiers had already been mobilized as part of the Reserve Defense Force, though their efforts were mostly wasted on digging fortifications along the coastline for an enemy that was nowhere near capable of landing an amphibious invasion. Particularly within the Army, the professional officer corps was desperate for a fight and many attempted to transfer to the colonies, where the chance of seeing action was greater. The majority of Albin citizens, however, were of mixed opinion, with some seeing the need to support the Empire’s ally and others understandably wishing to remain out of harm’s way. When the Redbers Meg announced another round of the draft in order to prepare the Army for combat in Europe, King-Emperor Leofwin III Iserning cautioned Fairfax that “we must join this war quickly, so that we may have the chance to leave it on our terms at all. Yet I doubt there is more than a year’s worth of enthusiasm among the people.”

    In mid-July, the first Albin transports disembarked in Hamburg. By the end of August, there were well over 650,000 Albin soldiers deployed on the Western Front.[1]

    FFDfYI8.jpg

    The arrival of Albin troops in the late summer of 1917 promised to radically alter the balance of forces on the Western Front.

    No sooner had the Albin Empire joined the campaign on the Rhine than the situation on Germany’s eastern border went from concerning to calamitous. The speed of the collapse stunned the Fairfax government, which had devoted troops on the assumption that the war effort, if not exactly proceeding as the Occidental Alliance had anticipated, was certainly not going smoothly for its enemies, either. Yet the Lebedev Offensive compelled a rapid reevaluation of the conflict’s future. In short order, the objectives of the Fairfax government evolved from “winning the war” to “not losing the war” and finally settled for merely “not losing the Empire.”

    Thus, to understand the formation of the Ruhr Pocket and how the final year of the Great War played out, one must assess the strategic objectives of the Albin Empire and the leverage it had against its enemies. The primary explanation for why Fairfax ultimately convinced his monarch that it was time to surrender is that he understood - correctly - that this leverage was quickly diminishing. To explain why, one must first review the state of the non-European theaters in the fall of 1917, when unbeknownst to the combatants, just over a year remained until the conclusion of the Great War.

    Despite the immense size of the Albin Empire’s African colonies, the summer campaign in Zachad Abyssinia proved a disaster for the Empire, the ramifications of which only became clear in late September. General Rokytnice followed up his miraculous victory at Bonga by pursuing the disorganized remnants of Ramsey’s Army of Central Africa back across the border and delivering it a second defeat. Hispanian and Russian reinforcements following behind mopped up the survivors, allowing Rokytnice first to assist in the liberation of Kanem-Bornu and subsequently to push into the Albin Gold Coast. The Emirate was fully liberated by the first week of October, though it would take years before it recovered from the period of wartime occupation.

    vcWvQL1.jpg

    Failure in Africa was a major setback for the Empire due to two reasons. First, it largely ameliorated the impact of the Baltic blockade, as Paris Pact control of the Mediterranean allowed for the steady transport of raw materials to the countries of Eastern Europe, the Italian Peninsula, and Spain. France, the most dependent upon Atlantic trade of any of the Pact, was able to acquire commodities via “neutral” Aquitania, who only became more willing to act as an intermediary the longer the war progressed. Second, it proved that of the three major theaters of the war - Europe, Africa and Asia - the Occidental Alliance was really only dominant in one, and the least important at that. Though wartime censorship and careful management of the press mitigated the realization of this by the masses, the Redbers Meg was certainly aware of what this entailed and became increasingly myopic about the war.

    oOC8VBe.jpg

    The Luni River Offensive smashed aside what little Smolenskii forces remained in India, preparing the way for a relief of Iran that ultimately proved too little, too late.
    As such, going into the latter half of 1917, the Occidental Alliance was growing more wary by the day. When confronted with the ferocity of the Lebedev Offensive, Albin leadership shifted to discussing how not to win back the initiative, but to salvage what remained of the war effort.

    The Lebedev Offensive

    After victory in Africa, the Paris Pact was conducting its own strategic review going as the end of the year approached. Of greatest concern to the league was the capability of France to withstand another year of fighting. King Henri was adamant that the Kingdom could not sustain its losses in the Ruhr, especially now that Albin soldiers were filling gaps in the German lines. Moreover, alone among the Paris Pact, France was cut off from its allies and faced the most severe blockade. A shock was needed to bring the German Empire to its knees, relieve pressure on France and, if possible, link the two fronts.

    General Ivan Lebedev, an aristocratic Smolenskii officer with close familial ties to the Sitnikov monarchy, suggested a general offensive along Germany’s eastern front. Zachad forces, concentrated in Bohemia and along the nation’s southern border, would advance into Austria while Smolenskii forces, predominantly in the north, pushed into Pomerania. To prepare the vast offensive Lebedev envisioned, vast manpower reserves would be concentrated in the operational rear, ready to take over as frontline units were diminished. Artillery fire was restricted for a month in order to reserve shells for a sustained bombardment, one meant to last a week without halt. Zachadia loaned over 1000 new LT vz. 17 tanks to its ally, a new model employing a rotating turret with a heavy machine gun that had proved highly effective in early combat trials. Commanders planned to implement warfighting technology in new ways, such as massing tanks alongside infantry assaults, or directly supporting infantry with aircraft.

    xjIUumO.jpg

    Initial planning for the operation began in September, but logistical issues throughout the month made it difficult to amass the amount of munitions necessary to start while the weather remained warm. As a result, the offensive began on October 8th, a week after the first snowflakes had begun to fall in the Alps. Poor weather prevented aircraft from assisting with reconnaissance and direct support, while Zachad soldiers in Austria faced an enemy which had had over a year to prepare for a defense of the mountain passes. Casualties were severe.

    JtOPutq.jpg

    Towards the second week of October, however, German defenses began to crumble in Austria. Frustrated with the lack of results by more traditional mass assaults, divisional commanders began encouraging small units of skirmishers to engage the enemy throughout the rugged terrain, occupying parts of a trench and then following up by concentrating forces against the now-weak section of the German lines. Through a combination of determination and these new tactics, Zachad generals achieved a breakthrough at the town of Judenburg despite suffering a nearly three-to-one casualty ratio in the process. But the greatest successes of the Lebedev Offensive unfolded in north Germany.

    FZqT12N.jpg

    The last year of the war led to a new wave of casualties. Zachad citizens found solace from their grief in the arms of religion and, increasingly, through artistic expression.
    Pushing west into Prussia, Smolenskii forces quickly reversed the gains of the German spring offensive, with most of the territory belonging to the former Kingdom of Brandenburg falling by early November. The German 5th and 2nd Corps prepared for a defense along the Oder, but lacked the manpower and supplies to effectively resist the Smolenskii onslaught, itself made up of fresh troops drawn from the Kingdom’s west. Critical breakthroughs occurred near Greifenhagen, south of Stettin, where the rapid advance threatened to encircle the troops defending Potsdam against the Romanian and Yugoslavian advance out of Dresden to the southeast. Faced with the prospect of being cut off, the Heer fell back in poor order, losing equipment and heavy artillery along the way that further diminished its fighting capability.

    The onset of winter combined with a general sense that the war was now lost, causing German morale to plummet. In many cases, disorganized units simply disintegrated in the face of the Lebedev Offensive, initially in the north but soon in the south of Germany as soldiers chose to make their way home. Smolenskii forces entered the outskirts of Brunswick on November 15th, triggering the flight of Kaiser Friedrich and the Royal Family east to the Rheinland. The following week, Zachad and French forces met in Hesse, finally linking the two European fronts. The end of the war seemed imminent - yet nearly a year of bloody fighting remained.

    W3ENCbc.jpg

    Dawn of the Final Year

    On November 17th, Kaiser Friedrich sent a telegram to the Fairfax government indicating his intention to abdicate the throne in favor of his 27-year old son, Johann, in preparation for a ceasefire and eventual peace treaty with the Paris Pact. The Kaiser’s announcement had been anticipated for months by Fairfax and King-Emperor Leofwin, who had quietly prepared their own “exigency measures” for just such an occasion. Early on the morning of the 19th, a faction of senior generals including the senior commander of the Army of the Ruhr, Marshal Klaus von Ebner, moved the Crown Prince into “protective custody” before presenting the Kaiser with a letter of resignation awaiting his signature. “Not quite a coup,” wrote Fairfax to the King-Emperor about the incident later. “That is far too dirty a word.”

    While ostensibly under the guidance of the monarchy, the nation was now managed by a coterie of military leaders aligned with the Albin Empire. Both parties intended to continue the war as long as possible, exhausting the Paris Pact at what should have been its moment of triumph. Hundreds of thousands of Albin soldiers along with several reconstituted German corps formed a salient in the northwest of Germany, strengthened by the Ruhr’s industry and anchored by Dutch ports to their back. The prospect of dislodging them was far from appealing for the Paris Pact. Worse, the Pact’s leaders now had to contend with deteriorating conditions in the Eastern Theatre, as a transfer of Romanian and Yugoslavian forces away to the German front had allowed the Roman Republic to reclaim much of western Anatolia. Albin forces had begun to liberate western Iran as well, and while overall victory was no longer a possibility, it appeared that Zachadia and Smolensk could be painfully bled into the sands of the Middle East.

    Prime Minister Láska’s reaction to the lack of surrender was one of confusion, and then of anger. “The enemy is determined to arouse our vengeance,” he wrote in a rare display of frustration. “And the nation sees fit to grant them their wish.” The Lebedev Offensive had shown that aggressive action, coupled with a willingness to accept casualties, could force the German and Albin Empires to give ground. With this in mind, the Prime Minister issued the Army a blank check to achieve victory in Europe. “The people of this great Kingdom are behind you,” he wrote. “Do whatever is necessary.”

    qdBNM2T.jpg

    On December 12th, a combined force of nearly 300,000 Zachad and Yugoslavian troops under the Yugoslavian general Dragoljub Ojdanić[2] commenced an attack on the Fortress of Straßburg. The fortress, really a network of several forts and extensive trenchworks, was the southernmost point of the Albin salient in the Rheinland - what was now commonly referred to as the Ruhr Pocket. It was to prove the longest and most costly battle of the war.

    0EmXnKp.jpg

    Yugoslavian soldiers clad in gas masks await the order to go over the top, c. December 1917.
    _________________
    [1] I moved these guys via console
    [2] I like to think that this randomly-generated name is a far better person ITTL than the real life Dragoljub Ojdanić...
     
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    Part VI: End of an Era
  • Kienzle

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    Wow man this AAR has a fluidity which is so enjoyable
    Once ahain your technical language makes it very interesting to reas

    It looks like the Germans are fighting desperately
    This war will be fought to the finish

    Thanks as always, Orc. Yes - the war is fought to the very last drop of blood, as you shall see...



    Part VI: End of an Era

    As the Great War hurtled into its last desperate act, fighting centered upon two defensive actions maintained by what was left of the Occidental Alliance. In the east, the Roman Republic held onto a stretch of rugged terrain outside of occupied Constantinople. From there, it launched occasional raids upon the reduced Romanian and Yugoslavian armies holding onto the Anatolian Peninsula, relying on guerilla warfare to bleed its enemies dry in the hope that Ablin relief forces would soon arrive. Yet that would be a long wait indeed.

    It was obvious to all that the West was where the war would be decided. The remnants of the German Empire, along with hundreds of thousands of soldiers belonging to the Albin Expeditionary Force, fought with tenacity and experience garnered from over a year’s worth of trench warfare. The crux of this campaign was the charnel house known as Straßburg. It lasted over seven months, during which the two sides collectively fired more than two million artillery shells and suffered nearly 250,000 casualties.

    Jz0c2uf.jpg


    The central Fortress of Straßburg viewed from a Zachad reconnaissance aircraft, after four months of fighting.
    The siege was a critical component of forcing the Albin Empire to the negotiating table, but its long duration meant that other important events preceded while the battle of attrition took place in the Rhineland.

    On the home front, the war accompanied a vigorous policy debate about the future of the Zachad economy. The conflict had led to the beginnings of a liquidity crisis, and voices within the government now called for the Royal Bank of Zachadia to move off of the gold standard - a policy ironically modeled upon that of Germany - which would better control inflation as the Kingdom spent down its fiscal reserves. The Partia Socjaldemokracja found itself in the awkward position of partnering with staunch monarchists, the Konfederacja Targowicka, which maintained a highly interventionist policy on trade. Even the grousing of the liberals, however, was drowned out by calls for wartime unity as well as the Kingdom’s glaring need to stabilize its economy.

    LiTUuRG.jpg


    Parliamentary deliberations in Prague, 1918.
    In the Middle East, Zachadia reluctantly committed itself to grinding out the embers of resistance in the Roman Republic, launching a renewed offensive with over 200,000 Zachad and Yugoslavian soldiers pulled from reserve duty. Though no theatre in the Great War can be said to have been glorious, the 1918 Anatolian Campaign was particularly unglamorous. A few veterans, senior non-commissioned officers who had served in the pacification of the Padan Union a decade before, recalled the similar ways in which the Army was reduced to searching isolated hamlets for brigands and suffering occasional attacks by civilians-turned-soldiers. Retribution was harsh for any enemy combatant caught without a uniform. This late in the war, military commanders meted swift justice via firing squad without remorse.

    When at last the remnants of the former Republican Army engaged Zachad forces en masse in late March, the result was as expected. Low on ammunition and supplies, the Romans were dispatched with overwhelming firepower that nearly leveled the town of Nicaea. Among the dead was Consul Iossif Argyrou, whose bellicosity in 1916 had begun the war almost exactly two years prior. The Consul’s passage collapsed what remained of the Republic’s will to resist its enemies. General Themistoklis Kolokotronis announced the formation of an interim military government and began ceasefire negotiations with the Paris Pact.

    IQoGosA.jpg

    The summer of 1918 found Zachadia maintaining occupation throughout most of eastern Germany, a task the military was woefully underprepared for. Prime Minister Láska suggested a policy of “non-intervention” in German civilian affairs in an attempt to avoid the Army from burdening itself with food and aid distribution. Yet two years of modern war on its soil had devastated Germany. Hundreds of thousands of urban residents fled west from the fighting, leading to crowded and filthy refugee camps that the Zachad and Smolenskii armies attempted to ignore as much as possible. The German rural economy, too, began to stutter with the failure of transportation before coming apart entirely in the winter of 1917. Now, in the middle of the 1918 planting season, fields lay fallow, presaging months of starvation to come.

    The conditions were ripe for unrest. On June 20th, an aristocrat and member of the Bavarian State Council, Otto of the house of Knesebeck, gave a speech in Nuremberg calling for a general uprising against the lawful German Empire and occupying Paris Pact alike. Calling the Empire “a corpse shackled to Albin parasites,” Knesebeck rallied over 30,000 civilians to his cause, the political aims of which were ill-defined and seemed to go no further than “expelling the enemy from the Fatherland.” Within two days, a wave of smaller uprisings spread throughout Bavaria, requiring the rerouting of 78,000 Zachad soldiers initially bound for the fighting along the Ruhr Pocket. After a week of bloody street fighting, the majority of the rebels dispersed and Otto himself was executed. Yet it hinted at the dark chapter awaiting Germany after the Great War.

    MgWMfoG.jpg

    In some ways, the Nuremberg Uprising can be considered the first shots of the German Civil War. Although it failed to inspire a unified national movement, the waning months of the Great War saw a gradual slide into lawlessness throughout Germany, in which the sides of the coming conflagration began to form and fight among each other for supremacy. The countryside teemed with small arms belonging to deserted soldiers or “acquired” from Zachad and Smolenskii quartermasters who could be convinced to look the other way. Anyone who ventured away from the frontlines would have sensed the tension that was building in Germany: greetings would be met with vacant stares from civilians, or occasionally even a glare full of malice.

    Few politicians or military commanders in the Paris Pact concerned themselves with the state of Germany’s society at the end of the war, however. Their focus was entirely on the efforts of the Albin Empire to sustain the fighting in the Ruhr Pocket while maintaining a blockade along the European coast. The first sign that the Albin, too, were nearing their breaking point came on July 22nd, when the exhausted forces of General Byrnod Gren finally surrendered what was left of the Fortress of Straßburg after holding out for the better part of a year. With the city of Straßburg now defenseless, General Ojdanić immediately moved in and secured its vital manufacturing centers, denying Albin and German soldiers an important source of their ammunition and supplies.

    zjzPOEJ.jpg

    Paris Pact forces were now poised to march into the Ruhr Pocket at the same time it was almost completely dependent on shipments from across the Aenglish Channel. In order to bolster sealift capacity, the Albin Navy withdrew from the Baltic Sea, forming a new blockade that began at the Skagerrak. It was just the opportunity Zachadia’s Navy needed. Confined to port for two years after a poor first showing against the Germans in the summer of 1916, the Baltic Sea Fleet had been reconstituted with an additional three new dreadnoughts and two new battlecruisers. Now, in 1918, their crews were itching for a rematch.

    wcLIMv6.jpg

    Throughout August, the combined French, Zachad and Yugoslavian armies smashed into the Ruhr Pocket, winning bloody but decisive victories at Saarbrücken and Trier that whittled away the Albin forces. In mid-September, Chancellor Fairfax began to accept the inevitability of the Empire’s predicament and met with King-Emperor Leofwin to discuss surrender. After hearing from a coterie of senior Army leaders, the two agreed “with considerable sadness,” Fairfax later recounted, “that the position of the Army in Germany was no longer tenable and that it was necessary to convey to the other side our sincere wish for an end to hostilities.”

    4d5gmkJ.jpg

    Although outwardly calm in his interactions with the King-Emperor, Fairfax was panicking over reports that the Albin Army was near collapse and had already begun quiet entreaties through the neutral Aquitanian embassy for a ceasefire discussion with the Paris Pact. Chief among his concerns was the possibility of negotiating an “honorable” end to the conflict that would preserve Albin colonies in Africa; Germany was by now considered a liability and Fairfax had no doubt that Zachadia and France would not tolerate its existence - at least in current form - on their borders after the war. Yet at the same time, the Paris Pact was cognizant that Fairfax’s position was diminishing with the passage of each day and stonewalled him during the September battles.

    On the morning of October 7th, the last element of leverage for Fairfax and the Empire slipped away when Admiral Moravec led the Baltic Fleet out from its home port of Gdansk. After steaming west for two days, Moravec engaged the outer perimeter of the Albin blockade off the coast of Jutland, sinking three cruisers without loss of his own. The Baltic Fleet then quietly passed into the Helgoland Bight where it encountered the German Heimatsflotte, a reserve force now relegated to protecting the Dutch coastline. Over the course of the afternoon on October 10th, the two fleets formed up and began to duel. This time, the Zachad sailors acquitted themselves well, sinking four German dreadnoughts, two battlecruisers and eight light cruisers for a loss of two dreadnoughts and four battlecruisers of their own.

    qMBWtem.jpg

    The existence of the Baltic Fleet operating with relative impunity off the coast of the Netherlands was the final straw for the Albin Empire. Word of the naval defeat circulated throughout the Ruhr Pocket, causing small mutinies among the trenches as soldiers were confronted with the prospect of losing their sea-borne supply lines. On October 19th, German communists across the production areas still behind Albin lines seized the moment and staged a coordinated strike, calling for an immediate end to the war. When rear echelon units began to join in with the strikers, turning the movement into a full fledged rebellion, Albin commanders on the ground issued a request for a general ceasefire, which was accepted within hours.

    n5lQu7A.jpg


    Spontaneous worker uprisings throughout western Germany signaled the end of the Occidental Alliance’s ability to prosecute the war.
    At midnight, the guns fell silent across the Ruhr. Over the next two days, London ordered its forces to stand down in eastern Iran and West Africa, the only other sites of combat remaining between the Paris Pact and Occidental Alliance. The war was over.

    A Lasting Peace: The Treaty of Chantilly

    Within a week after the declaration of the cease fire, plans were already being drawn up for a diplomatic conference to be held in Chantilly, hereditary seat of the French de Tournus monarchy. Located no more than a few hours outside of Paris, the location was chosen not only for its convenience but also to state an unambiguous message, one different from meeting in neutral territory. The Paris Pact was intent on demonstrating to its enemies that the conference would not be a compromise, but rather the dictation of terms.

    The reality was more complicated, of course. While the Albin and German empires had been thoroughly bested in continental Europe, Albin fleets still held a tenuous grip on the seas. Moreover, aside from the Albin Empire, the rest of the Occidental Alliance was barely present at the talks. While the Crown Prince Johann (his coronation had yet to take place) theoretically represented the legal government of Germany, by the time of Chantilly, Germany was deep in civil war, and both the communists and the ultranationalists roundly rejected the treaty process. The Roman Republic, too, lacked a civilian government, and instead sent a representative of the junta led by General Kolokotronis.

    Nonetheless, the leaders of the Paris Pact were conscious of the need to “craft a lasting peace,” as King Rodion of Smolensk advised his Foreign Secretary, Kasaty Antonovich, before he departed. In their deliberations, they made repeated reference to the Toledo Conference almost a century before, in which the western European Grand Alliance had partitioned Revolutionary Hispania and largely succeeded in creating a new order that reified the existence of monarchies in a new age of nationalism. Now, the Paris Pact saw itself charged with establishing a new European balance of power - one that would also hedge against the growing threat of political extremism.

    9VCJlld.jpg


    Crown Prince Johann, left, looks on as Imperial German ministers Konstantin von Appen and Dieter Lischke sign the terms of surrender at Chantilly, November 1918.
    _____________

    Apologies for the long wait on this one, everyone! Had a cross-country move recently that occupied a little more of my time. As the war is pretty much over by this point, I chose to skim through the action a little bit more than normal. I originally wanted to discuss Chantilly in detail, but decided to cap it here as this update is already getting long - we'll discuss the territorial changes and the German Civil War more next time.
     
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    Part VII: The New Order
  • Kienzle

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    Part VII: The New Order

    Approximately one month after the declaration of the case fire in the Ruhr Pocket, the leaders of the Albin Empire, German Empire, Roman Republic and Republic of Iran signed the terms of their surrender to the Paris Pact. The negotiations were relatively swift given their enormous scope, and while the Paris Pact imposed an indemnity and military force limitations upon the Albin Empire, its leadership did not attempt to take apart the vast Albin colonial empire. Minor demands made included the transfer of the Empire’s Mediterranean base at Benghazi to Zachad Egypt, as well as the cession of land in West Africa to France and Spain.

    Chancellor Fairfax, having largely succeeded in his goals at the negotiating table, nevertheless came home to withering criticism. Chief among the complaints levied at him by critics was accepting the measures of the Chantilly Accords that would limit the size of the Imperial Navy for the foreseeable future. What good was the point of an empire, the opposition asked, without a strong bluewater navy to police it? Fairfax eked out a narrow win when the parliament motioned for a vote of no confidence, but spent the final year of his administration battling constant populist insurgencies from both secessionists and leftists before being unseated by the Bigeneres Gade labor movement in 1920. Though the Empire’s territorial legitimacy was secured for the immediate future, storm clouds were brewing on the horizon.

    b4VRjwv.jpg

    The Paris Pact was considerably less amenable when it came to the future of the German Empire, though at any rate their diktats were almost impossible to enforce. By the time Crownprince Johann had signed the papers neatly dissolving his imperial birthright, Germany had already fragmented into first two, then three warring factions. Leftwing militants who had brought an end to the war found themselves partnering with liberal reformists against a fascist uprising in much of the nation’s south, but the loose coalition quickly splintered as soon as the reactionaries were on the back foot again. Even within the left, vicious battles - not always verbal - were waged over ideology.

    z4HvMYG.jpg


    The Communist Worker's Party (KAP) found a broad base of support by borrowing much of the right’s revanchism and coupling it with an easily-digestible socialist platform.

    Without a stable government to address, the nations of the Paris Pact contented themselves by completing their territorial adjustments to Germany with military force. In the west, the Kingdom of France directly annexed the border region of Alsace-Lorraine, where a small francophone minority lived, and installed a member of the de Tournus family in the Duchy of Luxembourg, formerly a constituent part of the German Empire. Germany lost considerably more territory in the east, however. King Charles and the entire Zachad government were adamant that Germany must never again be able to surround the heart of the Federal Kingdom, and supporting rebels in the former Kingdom of Austria provided the perfect avenue for creating a weak state to the south of Bohemia and Moravia.

    While the other members of the Paris Pact accepted the need to separate Austria from the rest of Germany, they were less ready to tolerate the idea of Zachadia adding to her already-sizable collection of vassal states in Central Europe. After a week of debate, a compromise was reached in which a cousin of the current Hispanian Emperor, Enrique II Andrade, would be crowned King of Austria. In early December, Zachad troops once again crossed the German border, this time to assist Austrian nationalists in securing Vienna and driving communist militias out of the country. The new king Manuel Andrade arrived the following week. Already conscious of his position as a figurehead, he would nevertheless throw himself wholeheartedly into the affairs of state, overseeing the drafting of a liberal constitution and making strenuous efforts to immerse himself in the culture of his new country.

    The von Rassos, Austria’s former monarchs who had endlessly vexxed Zachadia’s Escherlochs and even came close to splitting the Kingdom of Bohemia in 1848, begged for the restitution of their estates and noble status in the new Kingdom but received only meagre compensation in return. Most of them would settle in Italy and Aquitania over the following years, part of a larger German diaspora that fled the devastation of the Civil War. Much of this diaspora chose to live in the new Kingdom of Austria, where there were minimal restrictions on freedom of speech and a laissez-faire economy allowed emigre capitalists to quickly rebuild the fortunes they had often abandoned back in the German heartland. While the wealth translated to an explosion in patronage of the arts, with Vienna in the 1920s becoming a major European cultural center, it also contributed to highly visible inequality that fueled political radicalism.

    7ZNdm73.jpg


    Andrade Austria reacted to the horrors of the Great War and German Civil War by embracing a nihilist and bacchanalian culture in which young people lived for the present, not the past.
    Territorial changes in the Balkans were more restrained than in Germany. The coastline of southern Thrace and the Anatolian Islands were transferred to Greece, which emerged from the war having finally proved herself the dominant Hellenic state against her erstwhile Roman overlords. While the Roman Republic retained a foothold on the European continent, it was forced to dismantle fortifications overlooking the Bosphorus and required to guarantee free transit to Smolenskii maritime traffic. The shock of the war and defeat proved to be the final stroke for the Republic, however. Shortly after General Themistoklis Kolokotronis returned from negotiations at Chantilly, he announced the formation of a unity government dedicated to the “rebuilding of the Roman people.” Sweeping legislation shortly followed in June, revoking the Republic’s democratic constitution and vesting permanent legislative powers in a small faction of military commanders that called themselves the Métopo tou Foínix, or “Phoenix Front.”

    uYlV2Oo.jpg

    While democracy quietly sputtered out in Anatolia, the Paris Pact busied itself with dividing up the corpse of the Roman Republic in the Middle East. Deprived of their connection to resources from Constantinople, the Arab Republics were falling into chaos, and it was clear that intervention would be necessary to prevent destabilization of the region. King Henri was particularly concerned about the plight of the large Francophone Coptic Christian minority in Palestine, a fragment of the former Kingdom of Jerusalem that France had long taken special interest in. Members of the Zachad military were also wary of calls for Arab unity undermining their hold on Egypt or on the Trucial States Protectorate, a vital source of oil. A stable, conservatively-minded monarchy in Arabia would quash such nationalist movements. Thus, in March the Zachad Minister of Foreign Affairs Székely Kálmán met with his counterparts from the Kingdom of France and Armenian Caliphate in the city of Jerusalem, where the three diplomats sketched out the future of the Middle East over a long afternoon.

    CYcDFS6.jpg

    By the end of the week, the three states had authorized military detachments that rapidly overcame the remnants of the Arab Republics and installed new governments in their place. France annexed a long strip of Palestine directly to herself and crowned a member of the noble Hashemite family as the Sheikh of Syria. In Arabia, Zachadia elevated the House of Saud back to its former royal position, redeclaring the Sultanate of Arabia and giving it free reign - as well as arms - to deal with Arab nationalists and liberal reformers. Finally, Armenia annexed Mesopotamia as a protectorate, at last enabling its long-sought access to the Indian Ocean.

    KiwmMh1.jpg

    Back in Europe, the summer of 1919 came to an end with the resolution of the German Civil War. Over the half year of war, the KAP had coalesced under the leadership of a charismatic orator and former factory militia leader named Nikolaus Brandler. As Party Secretary, Brandler successfully organized the myriad militias and unions throughout Germany under the leadership of the KAP, establishing party cells that served to ensure the diverse factions of the Red Army adhered to a unified doctrine - one that was both as nationalistic as it was anti-capitalist. In early September, the Red Army overran Nuremberg, headquarters of the German fascist movement. Much of the fascist leadership - which included a number of former Imperial militarists - was captured alive, and Secretary Brandler broadcast their speedy trials over the wireless, so that the rest of Europe could know the fate of all those who opposed the will of the people.

    On September 14, Secretary Brandler and the KAP announced the birth of the German Socialist Union in the capital of Brunswick. While the communists initially rejected any connection to the former German Empire and refused to sign the Chantilly Accords, they reluctantly accepted the responsibility of paying war reparations after Zachadia and France hinted at returning to military occupation. Finally, with their rule secured for the time being, the KAP set about rebuilding the shattered German nation.

    1r2wLAe.jpg


    Proclamation of the German Socialist Union in front of the State House in Brunswick, September 14, 1919.
    The Zachad Election of 1920

    Although Secretary Brandler may not have realized it at the time, Zachadia’s threat to the German Union was almost entirely an empty one. After the end of the Great War, the Federal Kingdom was rocked by successive internal crises. Millions of soldiers demobilized just as the labor market was contracting, the result of a small recession caused by governments throughout Europe slashing their spending in an effort to restrain deficits run up during the war. The threat of communism lurked just over the border in Germany, and more than a few soldiers had been radicalized by their time in the trenches. Worst off, however, political extremism was exploding out of the papers and into the streets. In the runup to the 1920 elections, the Hegemonist Stronnictwo Narodowe formed a paramilitary organization to violently suppress strikers and union activists it deemed guilty, as its young leader Korneliusz Patyk put it, “of carrying the red brand of communism into the nation’s heart.”

    The Białe koszule, or “White Shirts” began a violent campaign of intimidation that escalated after the formation of the German Socialist Union. A response by the state was complicated by the fact that Patyk appeared to have allies at the highest levels of government - even, it was whispered, the Royal Family, as King Charles once mentioned to Prime Minister Láska that “the White Shirts generally seem to have the right idea about things.” Regardless of the King’s private views on the Hegemonists, the White Shirts had a penchant for effectively skirting the law and for courting sympathizers within the local constabulary that prevented concerted investigations into their crimes. Veiled, anonymous threats and beatings in dark alleys often served to convey their message without attribution, even though it was obvious to all who the perpetrators were.

    On October 12th, however, the Hegemonists firmly stepped over the line when a group of Czech White Shirts cornered a Hungarian member of the Partia Socjaldemokracja outside his home in Budapest and shot him to death. Not only did the assault on Láska’s own party push him to act, but the murder highlighted a dangerous and delicate topic within the Federal Republic: that Hungarians seemed to occupy a secondary status compared to Zachadia’s Slavic majority. Hungarian resentment had almost torn the country apart before, and the prospect of ethnic conflict was enough to catalyze a massive government reaction. Prime Minister Láska authorized a broad investigation into the activities of the Stronnictwo Narodowe and asked for the resignation of the party’s chairman, which he received the next day.

    YHgF46Q.jpg

    The perpetrators of the attack were swiftly brought to justice, but the investigation revealed other murders and intimidation of municipal politicians connected to the same group. As the months passed, it became clear that a rubicon had been crossed. Leftist political groups began to form their own armed units - initially to defend themselves against attacks from the right, but soon to conduct their own brash demonstrations. Across Zachadia, opposite political sects chose to battle in the streets. Frustration at the state of the nation in the post-war era was seeping into the mainstream.

    tueHovC.jpg

    Prime Minister Láska led the Partia Socjaldemokracja in attempting to combat the political violence head-on. Over the winter and spring of 1920, the party passed a series of bills expanding the pension system and unemployment subsidies in order to accommodate the many jobless workers in the nation. The receipt of war indemnities from the defeated Occidental Alliance financed public works projects, particularly the improvement of rail lines and roads in impoverished areas of the Carpathians. Nevertheless, the trend of the election was to further political polarization, and despite the shocking revelations about the Hegemonists, a late surge of support for the Stronnictwo Narodowe in May of 1920 made up much of the ground they had lost in the fall of the previous year.

    0KGg6xv.jpg

    When the elections were held in September, the Social Democrats retained their control of the government. Despite the difficult election cycle, Láska’s track record of leading the nation through the Great War coupled with the peacetime stimulus policies proved to be a popular platform. In a sign of the times, though, the new parliament saw an increased number of seats go to the communists, while the monarchist Konfederacja Targowicka was effectively overtaken by the Hegemonists. In the years ahead, both the extreme left and right would continue to build their platforms from fringe movements to leading voices within Zachad society.

    Over the next four years, Láska and the Social Democrats presided over the gradual reestablishment of stability throughout the Federal Kingdom as the economy normalized and the unemployment rate fell. The resumption of the Olympic Games, held in Helsinki in 1921, along with the Prague World’s Fair in 1922 provided welcome distractions for a population still recovering from the war. The Zachad-Yugoslavian football match at Helsinki underscored how far the two nations’ relationship had come when Yugoslavia managed a surprise upset, winning two to one against Zachadia in overtime. No longer was the southern Slavic state merely a hanger-on of its northern liege; for while the Yugoslavians had started the Great War serving as Zachad reserves, they had finished as equals, with one of their generals leading the largest battle of the war. Perhaps unsurprisingly, some voices within Yugoslavia now called for greater autonomy in foreign affairs.

    2VIlrnL.jpg


    The Yugoslavian national football team at Helsinki, 1921. After a strong showing against Zachadia, the team ultimately lost to Aquitania in the final match.
    In terms of defense, the Zachad colonial military was reconstituted in Siam, and the peacetime Army invested in modernizing the air and armor corps, both of which had performed admirably during the Great War. Germany, the most obvious menace, lurked just across the border, but was preoccupied with its rebuilding and the process of collectivization. It would clearly be unable to threaten Zachadia or its allies for at least another decade. As such, in the early 1920s, military expenditures in fact turned from the Army and focused instead on expanding the Navy to nearly twice its size. Strategists were beginning to focus on another rising competitor - one that had developed into the dominant nation in Asia while the European powers fought each other during the Great War.

    The Eastern Sun Rises

    After centuries of isolation, the Empire of Japan reentered the world stage in 1865, when the Kameyama Emperor led a successful coup against the Tokugawa Shogunate that paved the way for a rapid industrialization and exchange with the West. After reforming their military with the help of European advisors, the Japanese grew increasingly ambitious and subjugated the nearby Kingdoms of Ainu Mosir and Middag in 1872. When the era of imperialism arrived in the 1880s, the Japanese were willing participants, conquering Korea in 1886 before turning southwards to take Cambodia and Lan Xang by the end of the decade.

    The Japanese, it seemed, were determined to be seen as the equals of the Europeans, and when treaties failed to guarantee the respect they sought, they did not shy from war. In 1892, the Kameyama government defeated a western power for the first time when the Dutch refused to surrender their concessions in Hiroshima. In 1916, the Paris Pact and Occidental Alliance had attempted to entice the new Emperor of Japan, Morihito, to enter the war with the promise of colonies in Southeast Asia. Both sides were ultimately rebuffed, however, for Morihito’s advisors realized a far greater prize was available while the Europeans were distracted: China.

    ad2YGXv.jpg


    Woodcut painting depicting the inhabitants of the aboriginal Kingdom of Middag. Much like the Europeans, Imperial Japan saw it as a sacred duty to “civilize” the rest of Asia.
    Yet the Sino-Japanese War had been almost 50 years in the making, the result of a long process of modernization in China and Manchuria. The Kingdom of Manchuria, after being annexed as a Russian protectorate in 1872, successfully rebelled in 1881 and established itself as a modern, westernized state under the Sirin Gioro dynasty. Over the next two decades, Manchuria expanded west into the Mongolian steppe and even onto the North Chinese Plain with training and technology supplied by the Japanese Empire. All of this came at the expense of the Qin Empire, the government of China.

    The Qin, who had emerged from the chaos of the Manchu Civil War in the 1500s, were an isolationist regime that had achieved stability by following a form of strict Confucian legalism. They modeled themselves both in name and in spirit on ancient China’s first emperor, Qinshi Huangdi, a ruthless authoritarian famous for his persecution of intellectuals. It was not an empire well suited to the tribulations of modernization that awaited in the 19th century. By 1896, the Kingdom of Manchuria had conquered all of Western China, reaching as far south as the Himalayas and as far west as the Gobi Desert. The Qin seemed on the verge of permanently losing power.

    The situation changed dramatically in 1910 when the young Yongle Emperor ascended the throne in Zhengzhou. Following the Japanese model, the new Emperor mandated industrialization while conducting reforms that centralized the state’s administration. After crushing provincial warlords in southern China and better integrating minority regions, Yongle even acknowledged the forces of nationalism at play by changing the name of the country to the Empire of China and introducing a new national flag. All of these changes, it was hoped, would allow the country to more effectively resist the Manchu onslaught.

    uNkxDBF.jpg


    The Yongle Emperor upon his accession to the throne, 1910. Though inexperienced, Yongle was surrounded by advisors who were willing to bring China into the modern age.
    Unfortunately, Yongle had bigger problems to contend with than just Manchuria. Whether China would be ruled by Han or Manchu bothered Japan not greatly; what mattered more was the prospect of facing off against a centralized, modern government on the mainland. Playing Manchuria off against the Qin had worked well for Japan, allowing it to exploit the weakness of both sides and access their resources, vast labor pools and markets. With the consolidation of the Middle Kingdom under a single state looking increasingly near, in 1916 the Japanese Empire invaded China under vague pretenses of “securing” it for the safety of foreign nationals. Though the Chinese army attempted to retreat to the interior and wage a guerilla war, Japan shattered it in several battles before capturing the coasts and all major industrial centers.

    JbB1ukS.jpg


    Japanese troops enter Tianjin, September 1916.
    By 1918, with no help from the West forthcoming, the Chinese Empire surrendered to Japan. The Yongle Emperor absconded from the country, and in his place Japan crowned a new, more subservient Emperor from among the Han nobility in Zhengzhou. So it was that when Zachadia began to recover from the Great War, it was with the grim realization that most of Asia now answered to Emperor Morihito.

    tyTrwQH.jpg

    There was little to be done about it, however. Even after rebuilding, Zachad naval forces were woefully outnumbered in the Pacific by the Japanese Imperial Navy, and strategic planners were forced to conclude that the ports of Qingdao and Hong Kong, not to mention all of Siam, were now at the mercy of the Japanese should they decide that further rollback of the European presence in Asia was necessary.

    At any rate, by the middle of the 1920s, Zachadia’s attention was redirected back to Europe, as events closer to home were beginning to become concerning. The seeds planted by the Great War were already beginning to show their first green shoots, and just as it had before, 10 years ago, the trouble would start in the East.

    HxwDAxR.jpg

    _________________

    Alright! Well, that was the longest update yet so far. I hope people don't mind the East Asian tangent - I happen to be a bit of a nerd for the time period IRL, and there were some very interesting things that happened there this game (seriously don't know how Japan got a puppet CB on China? Bizzare. But cool!) I think it will be relevant down the line.

    Also - if a native German speaker is reading this, can you let me know what the correct preposition would be in the propaganda poster? It's been a while since I spoke and my grammar is... pretty bad now :p
     
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    Part VIII: Black Flags
  • Kienzle

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    Part VIII: Black Flags
    While Zachadia and Germany wrestled with domestic issues such as demographic contortions and the rights of labor, to the east, a much older conflict was entering its final chapter. Of the three main Slavic groups in Europe at the beginning of the 20th century, only the eastern Slavs had yet to unite under a single government, having been divided by dueling kingdoms of Russia and Smolensk since the 16th century. In 1706, the Duke of Yaroslavl had crowned himself “King of the Russians,” taking advantage of Yaroslavl’s hereditary position as the seat of the Orthodox Church to establish a strong power base and absorb many of the small duchies in northeastern Europe. Although the Kingdom - later Empire - of Russia would expand far to the west for the next century, ultimately reaching the Pacific Ocean in the early 1800s, it was never able to overcome the southern Kingdom of Smolensk’s significant advantages in manpower and wealth.

    During the 19th century, while the Germans and the western Slavs gradually established unified states, neither Smolensk nor the Russian Empire managed to gain a significant lead on the other. Smolensk struggled with the feuding of its constituent minority groups - Ruthenians, Tatars and Great Russians - a problem that ultimately led to the Great War. Russia, at the same time, found its largely illiterate population of serfs poorly prepared for the rapid transitions of the industrial age. In the wake of the Great War, Smolensk adopted greater protection for minority rights and a constitutional government, yet the Russian Empire maintained the absolute rule of its Tsar, Nikolai Konstantinov.

    LkjKvTu.png


    While Russia stagnated under authoritarian absolutism, Smolenskii King Rodion Sitnikov extended the suffrage to minority groups and, on January 8, 1921, even to women.

    Tsar Nikolai had originally entered the Great War on the side of the Paris Pact not only because his advisors had warned him not to set a precedent for minority independence movements, but also because the Pact appeared to have the upper hand early in the war. The Tsar had hoped that the war might win Russia concessions in India and Africa with which to restore confidence in the monarchy, but the Treaty of Chantilly had quickly dashed these dreams so as to give the Albin Empire more respectful terms. Accordingly, Tsar Nikolai faced immense popular backlash in the post-war era. The poorly equipped Russian Army had fought in the Middle East, Europe and Africa, losing nearly 300,000 men to combat and roughly a third of that to disease and malnutrition. For what purpose then, growled the public, had these heroes lost their lives? It appeared that Russia had sacrificed nearly half a million of her young men just to prop up her greatest enemy - Smolensk.

    In the early 1920s, the Russkoye patrioticheskoye dvizheniye or “Russian Patriot Movement” established itself as a font for public outrage, one sanctioned by the Tsarist government due to its rightist and pro-nationalist tendencies. Ostensibly, the movement sought to strengthen the state by encouraging enrollment in the military, patriotic education and reaffirming the role of the Orthodox Church in the public sphere. Its leader, Anatoly Zaytsev, was a charismatic member of the Moscow social elite and a former seminary student. While Zaytsev held increasingly raucous rallies in the capital, he assuaged the concerns of the nobility by suggesting that he was merely channeling the frustrations of the public “in a more productive direction.” By 1923, he had wormed his way into the Tsar’s inner circle, where he began to encourage a foreign policy split with the former Paris Pact nations. Later that year, the Russian Patriot Movement rebranded itself as “the Russian Unity Movement” and began to agitate for a resolution to the “the Smolensk question” that would see the Rodina finally complete its preordained destiny as the guarantor of all Great Russians.

    iX5GzcU.jpg


    Anatoly Zaytsev, photographed in 1927.

    On December 12th, 1923, Tsar Nikolai’s untimely passage from a heart attack at the age of 59 eliminated the final hurdle to Zaytsev’s consolidation of power. With the backing of a small section of the army, Zaytsev gave a radio broadcast in which he declared a “new period of pan-Russian rejuvenation” with himself as the national leader, or Vozhd. A brief civil war then ensued as military units loyal to the Konstantinov dynasty clashed with Unity Movement paramilitaries and other Army divisions backing the coup. With Moscow firmly under the control of Zaytsev, however, the outcome was never seriously in doubt. On January 10th, the new Vozhd called for an end to the “bloodshed among brothers” and promised amnesty for all surrendering Army officers. He crowned Tsar Nikolai’s 15 year old son, Mikhail Konstantinov, as the new figurehead “Tsar” and rapidly installed his allies throughout the various organs of government.

    Of primary importance to Zaytsev’s new, ultranationalist regime was the reorganization of the military. The Army, which had scarcely modernized since the Great War, would now be reconstructed to fight against Smolensk. Rather than attempt to fully man Russia’s long and often remote border with its southern neighbor, Zaytsev elevated a group of young officers who believed in utilizing armored vehicles and aviation to fight a new way of war. These technologies had only begun to mature during the Great War and were still far from proven. Yet a concentrated armor corps, the officers reasoned, could move swiftly over the Russian steppe and capture vital centers in Smolensk. The prospect of such a swift victory excited Zaytsev, who knew that despite Russia’s vast size, its manpower was more limited than Smolesnk’s and would not sustain a long conflict. While the mobilization doctrine had its detractors within the Russian Army throughout the 1920s, the theories would ultimately be borne out in practice.

    Passing the Torch: The Zachad 1928 Election

    The Zachad 1924 election season proved to be nowhere near as contentious as the first post-war elections in 1920. With the economy back on track and seeing low levels of unemployment, neither the murmurs of instability in Russia nor East Asia were able to shake confidence in Prime Minister Láska’s government, now entering its eighth year in power. The Social Democrats maintained a comfortable margin against the opposition, gaining seats back from the communists and ensuring the continued expansion of the welfare system.

    The end of the Great War indemnities in 1923, however, posed the first major challenge to the welfare agenda as the government was forced to confront the dual expenses of improving the fleet while simultaneously funding extensive healthcare and pension systems. This proved to be the beginning of the first post-war schism in the Partia Socjaldemokracja as many legislators began to push back against Láska’s platform of a strong national defense. The party, they argued, was becoming a watered down version of its former self, and if Láska chose the expansion of the navy - an imperialist appendage if there ever was one - over workers’ welfare, the Social Democrats would no longer be recognizable as anything other than another faction of the ruling class.

    Rather than choose one national priority over the other, Láska chose to punt on the issue going into the 1924 election season. The government spent eye watering sums to expand the fleet and welfare systems, running deficits in the subsequent years that led to a depreciation of the Zachad Koruna and increased inflation. The effective elimination of the German economy from the world market after the Great War had meant that demand for Zachadia’s industrial sector had never been better, but now the combination of monetary depreciation and strong domestic demand threatened to overheat the economy.

    z1nBWW3.jpg


    The collapse of German industry following the civil war and the KAP’s attempts to achieve autarchy left Zachadia in command of the world’s industrial supply chain.

    In 1926, a scandal erupted involving the Polish wing of the Stronnictwo Narodowo-Demokratyczne. Zachad’s traditional conservative party was discovered to have been shamelessly paid off by Galician landowners in exchange for diverting planned rail lines and paved roads from their estates. As the scandal unfolded, other forms of bribery gradually came to light, such as the establishment of sinecures in the provincial bureaucracy and unrecorded sales of government wares to local manufacturers, tarnishing the party’s national image. Conservative voters split in two ways, with some ardent nationalists joining the Hegemonists while the pro-business faction largely fell into the liberal camp.

    MUXdZb7.jpg

    The influx of conservative voters was not the only trend aiding the liberals, however. The Patriotic Party, or Stronnictwo Patriotyczne, had criticized the cost of implementing the Zachad healthcare system, pension plan and unemployment benefits. Moreover, the Social Democrats’ long tenure in power had seen a new bevy of regulations that the liberals argued were preventing business owners from scaling up production. Seeking greener pastures abroad, Zachad firms began to invest more in the neighboring economies of Yugoslavia and Volasea, both part of the Zachad customs territory. In particular, throughout the 1920s Zachad firms began to develop a relationship with Yugoslavian King Stefan Crnojević’s government that often bordered on the corrupt. Corporate tax rates stayed low, while unions were frequently targeted for extrajudicial harassment. While leftists decried Yugoslavia for groveling to the powers of Zachad capital, the foreign investment also had its benefits. By 1930, Yugoslavia had the fifth highest GDP per capita in the world and a lower unemployment rate than in Zachadia.[1]

    kxdURo3.jpg

    Capital flight contributed to mounting Zachad electoral fatigue after 12 years of the Socjaldemokracja administration, having an effect that the party proved unable to handle effectively as it waded deeper into internal bickering over ideology and policy platforms. When the elections took place in May of 1928, support for the Social Democrats fell eight percent while the liberals - a coalition made up of the Patriotic Party and their more libertarian cousins, the Radykalny - claimed just under a third of the vote. The results were widely anticipated leading up to the election, perhaps contributing to the Social Democrats’ genteel acceptance of their loss. Prime Minister Láska addressed Parliament one final time, in which he reiterated his pride in Zachadia for overcoming immense challenges during the Great War and establishing a strong social safety net in the postwar era.

    “To the people of this Kingdom,” he said, “you have put your trust in me for 12 years. Serving you has been the greatest honor of my life. Together, we have lit a democratic and just path for the nations of Europe.” His speech received a standing ovation from the entire chamber.

    GsH6fSJ.jpg

    Upon acknowledging his party’s loss to the liberals, Láska also announced his retirement from politics. Now at the age of 53, he had served the Partia Socjaldemokracja for 20 years, over half of which had been spent as Prime Minister. As the longest serving Prime Minister in Zachad history, Láska’s time in office had also coincided with an enormous transition in Zachadia’s role on the world stage. When he had assumed office, the Federated Kingdom had been vying with the empires of Germany and Albina for supremacy. Now, she was indisputably the greatest power not only in Europe, but in the world. Her military, industrial might and even cultural contributions were unsurpassed; her influence was felt even as far away as in the Orient and among the republican nations of the Amerigas.

    As such, the Prime Minister’s departure was generally regarded as bittersweet. Though the voters had clearly expressed their desire for new leadership, they also recognized Láska’s immense contributions to the nation. As for Láska himself, he seemed content with the results of his work. As he left the Capitol, a reporter asked him what he planned to work on in his retirement. “I have plenty of reading to catch up on,” he demurred. “I think I’ve earned it.”

    To lead the country as the new Prime Minister, the Patriotic Party selected Baron Konstanty Nowak, a liberal aristocrat and owner of a complex of textile factories in Warsaw. Widely considered a congenial and approachable man, Baron Nowak’s easy smile belied a shrewd politician, one responsible for engineering the relentless attacks upon the Social Democrats in the early 1920s. These successful election tactics, along with his widespread network of alliances within the liberal camp, ensured him the position of Prime Minister after the election was clinched.

    5pYdQuC.jpg


    An elderly King Charles photographed with Prime Minister Nowak, 1929.

    An Inward Turn: Zachad Foreign Policy of the 1930s

    Baron Nowak’s agenda once in office was relatively simple. Content to leave the nation’s various agencies relatively undisturbed, the Prime Minister busied himself with streamlining or altogether eliminating anti-business regulations and slashing taxes across the board. He attempted to reduce colonial expenditures by turning over the Trucial States Protectorate to Arab suzerainty and devolving administration to western-educated local elites in the Far East. At home, while unemployment assistance was sharply curtailed and the Navy was forced to abandon plans for five new battleships, the economy hummed along productively.

    AsKmvOa.jpg

    Prime Minister Nowak had little knack for international relations, however, something that was soon readily apparent as the world began to slide back into uncertainty in the late 1920s. The death of King Henri de Tournus in 1927 inaugurated a far less stable period in Franco-Zachad relations as the ambitious new King, Louis XVI, sought to counterbalance away from Zachad hegemony in Europe. In 1929, Volasean security services discovered a small ring of gunrunners in Transylvania attempting to arm Hungarian radicals. The weapons were tentatively traced to the Albin Empire, but when Zachadia requested diplomatic condemnations from its allies, Louis instead suggested that the Zachad government was needlessly attempting to inflame tensions.

    Furious, King Charles directed Prime Minister Nowak and the Foreign Ministry to make the French abandon their position of unnecessary neutrality. “The damn Gauls would be nothing without us,” he told Nowak in a private session. Zachad diplomats soon smoothed things over with Louis’ government and the episode ended with nothing more than a minor loss of face for the French, but it had badly strained relations on both sides of Europe’s most important alliance.

    ma9yCO3.jpg

    The following year, fighting erupted in the Caucuses where the nationalist government of Azerbaijan launched an all-out assault on neighboring Georgia. Azerbaijan’s government, under the autocratic leadership of General Firuz Quluyev, had modeled itself after Anatoly Zaytsev’s regime and received Russian military advisors to prepare for the war. While General Quluyev claimed Georgian oppression of Azeris as the reason for war, his propaganda pitched the war domestically as a jihad to cleanse the last Christian holdout from the Caucasus. Several divisions of the Azeri army, mounted in trucks and backed up by Russian-made armored cars, rolled over the Georgian border and quickly captured the capital of Tblisi. The smaller Georgian army was separated and defeated in detail in the space of two months.

    When Georgia surrendered unconditionally, General Quyulev announced the country’s direct annexation to Azerbaijan. The Armenian Caliphate, motivated by its own historic tensions with Georgia, offered a weak condemnation of the annexation while the nations of the Balkans looked to Zachadia for guidance. Although Prime Minister Nowak briefly convened a meeting with military leaders, the consensus view held that Azerbaijan was a third-rate nation, incapable of altering the regional balance of power and too far away to make a difference regardless.

    AoCFBys.jpg

    Yet Russian influence was spreading further than the Caucasus. In India, the unstable Punjabi Republic, the last non-colonial state on the subcontinent, fell to a radical faction of Indian nationalists that installed a brutal, militarist regime in order to “strengthen the state for liberation from European imperialists.” In order to modernize their armed forces, and with an eye on Smolenskii Baluchistan to their south, the new state of “Khalistan” entered into diplomatic talks with the Zaytsev regime. Finally, radical politics threatened to topple the government of the Republic of Iran, which was struggling to rebuild itself after having served as a battlefield during the Great War. There, Russia hinted at returning the colonial region of Khuzestan in exchange for an alliance.

    Though Iran had little love lost for Moscow and such an outcome was far from guaranteed, the diplomatic overture was the final stroke for the Kingdom of Smolensk, which now found itself surrounded on almost all sides by revanchist, authoritarian states. Determined to slap down Zaytsev’s ambitions before it was too late, in December of 1930 King Rodion began to organize a conference that would clearly establish Smolensk’s status as the foremost Great Russian state, stripping the Unity Movement of its momentum.

    biigCUL.jpg

    King Rodion appealed to Zachadia for assistance, but found the Federated Kingdom surprisingly unwilling to provide anything other than token support. Now at the age of 69, King
    Charles was rapidly losing what little interest he had ever had for statesmanship while Prime Minister Nowak was disinclined to see Russia as a real threat. After the diplomatic spat with France, Nowak’s Foreign Ministry advisors believed that playing powerbroker in the east would be seen as overreach and invite pushback from the other nations of Europe. With the German Social Union finally emerging from the depths of its collectivization and rebuilding process, the need to preserve a military coalition in the west was paramount.

    Sensing Smolensk’s weakness, Zaytsev pressed the issue of unification harder, insisting that the “mongrel Kingdom” bow to Russia’s superiority and holding a series of provocative military exercises on the border of Smolenskii Kazakhstan. On February 19, 1931, the tense situation exploded into open conflict following an exchange of fire between patrols near the Aral Sea. Russian forces, hard-hitting and mobile, quickly shattered the Smolenskii garrison in the southern region and pushed as far as 100 miles past the border in some areas. Both sides engaged in artillery duels along sections of the border in the east, though the spring Rasputitsa muds prevented meaningful Russian advances in the Smolenskii heartland.

    After a month of fighting, it was clear the Russians had severely mauled the Smolenskii Army in several engagements and Zachadia stepped in to arbitrate an end to the conflict before it escalated any further.[2] Smolensk made no border concessions, and both sides agreed to table the issue of Russian unification for the near future. Prime Minister Nowak breathed a sigh of relief at avoiding a war, but the outcome only emboldened Anatoly Zaytsev’s regime, now confident in its abilities to fight Smolensk when a better opportunity presented itself. As the world tilted towards authoritarianism and the Paris Pact slowly disintegrated, it seemed he would not have to wait long.

    HFXLgr5.jpg

    Russian tank column advances on the Kazahk steppe, March 5, 1931.
    _________________

    1: Including colonial populations.
    2: I used the console to end this war - didn't seem quite right for it to take place here.

    ... and we're back. Sorry for the long delay - it's been harder to find time for this project, and I had a bit of writer's block this month as well. I suspect the next update will be the last one. As you can see, I condensed rather a lot of time into this update as the pace of events has slowed down significantly.
     
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