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7. The Consequences.

The Italian wars would not be finally settled until the peace of Cateau-Cambrésis in 1559, with Spain as absolute winner. But by 1516 the war initiated by the League of Cambrai had finished for Venice. In those 8 years, Venice had a chilling touch with her own mortality. She was lucky to escape losing so little: the Apulian ports and the cities in Romagna, basically the latest aditions. But no longer she will try to grab more territory. The lesson was learned. When the big boys come to play in Italy, the little boys should do well in staying at home. Naples was gone, Milan was gone, Florence and Genoa reduced to servitude, it was the end of Italy for many years to come. Venice had faced the sea for most of her history, then turning around in the 1430s Venice had faced the Terra Ferma against the advice of doge Tommaso Mocenigo. Now Venice was going to face towards the inside. She was no longer a respected regional power and she behaved accordingly to her new position.

The battle of Agnadello or more properly the war of the league of Cambrai, is seen by many as an inflexion point when Venice started her decadence. However, as exhausting to Venice as it was, she would have recovered as she had done in the past, if it weren't for the two other factors that happened at about the same time. The route to India opened by the Portuguese stopped the spice trade through Levant completely in a very short time, this meant the loss of the major source of income for Venice. Also at about the same time as the events we have narrated, Egypt fell into the hands of the sultan of the Ottoman empire. This together with the loses of the third Veneto-Turkish war, Modon, Coron, Durazzo and Lepanto, gave the Ottoman empire absolute control of the remaining trade through Levant.

Withouth the riches of the trade, Venice was no different to any other Italian city, but even worse, the entire socio-political system in Venice was based on a very abundant nobility supported by trade income. As money dried up, one by one the noble families inscribed in the Golden Book fell into poverty. The remaining ones, those with land properties, took over power. But they also suffered from the reduced income. Many adopted the custom of allowing only one marriage per family to avoid the partition of properties (more and more doges were seventy years old bachelors), this in turn led to a proliferation of convents, to which most noble girls were destined, of brothels (it is maliciously said that some convents served a dual role) and of orphanates for the many illegitimate children. It also caused the extinction of some families when the calculations failed, like the Badoer, that became extinct around 1536, when Agnesine Badoer-Giustinian, the last heir, died. But even worse in political terms were the impoverished young nobles, who were prevented by law from taking common jobs, called barnabotti. They were both resentful of the system and ready to sell their votes, as a result the Republic policies shifted towards particular interests and Venice government fell into the hands of a few families. As an indication of the situation, in the year 1492 a proposal was urged by two nobles, that the State should spend 70,000 ducats for the relief of those poorer nobles who held no public office; the matter was near coming before the Great Council, in which it might have had a majority, when the Council of Ten interfered in time and banished the two proposers for life to Nicosia in Cyprus. About this time a Contarini was put in chains for burglary and another of the same family came in 1499 before the Signorie, and complained that for many years he had been without an office, that he had only sixteen ducats a year and nine children, that his debts amounted to sixty ducats, that he knew no trade and had lately been turned into the streets. We can understand why some of the wealthier nobles built houses, sometimes whole rows of them, to provide free lodging for their needy comrades who, in turn, would be grateful enough to support their policies in the Consiglio. But also such works figure in wills among deeds of charity.

It is the combination of all these factors, more than the direct result of the war, what brough the downfall of the proud queen of the Adriatic. Her solid system of government prevented it from being a quick one, because unlike the Venetian nobles, the citizens of the Serenissima Repubblica Terra Ferma possessions had learnt what was like to live under the government of the emperor or the king of France, and never a city deserted voluntarily or tried to shake the serene rule of the winged lion. Even in times of decadence or crisis, the political stability of the Venetian system of government was the admiration of all of Europe and the subject of many discussions.

Still having a lot to lose and aware of the strength of her enemies, Venice was devoted to preserve it, or at the very least to ensure that if it was to be lost, that it would be lost a little at a time. Neutrality and defensiveness were the marks of Venice policies for the rest of her existance.

But for the time being, Venice was finally at peace. The war between the Habsburg and the Valois was to continue between Charles and Francis, but Venice managed not to get involved again, except for a brief period in the League of Cognac in 1528-29. But peace could not be enjoyed for long, as the beast that layed in the East was awakening again. A new belicous sultan came to power in the Sublime Porte, named Suleyman the Magnificent, or the Lawgiver to his own people. His first act in the Mediterranean was the conquest of Rhodes in 1522, a clear show of force. Venice was now in no condition to oppose strong resistance to the supreme naval power in the Mediterranean, at least not alone. The alliance between Suleyman and the King of France was to determine the only place where Venice could look for help.
 

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Si Venecia sobrevivió a la guerra de la Liga de Cambrai fue porque el Papa Julio II, el mismo que hizo que Miguel Angel pintara la Capilla Sixtina, decidió que le bastaba con castigarla y que no quería que desapareciese dividida entre Francia y el Emperador.

Venecia sufrió muchísimo, y para colmo de males Egipto cayó en manos de los Turcos, con lo que desapareció el lucrativo comercio de especias, y la venta de plata europea a los Mamelucos.

Venecia pasó entonces a la defensiva, y resistió como pudo la merma progresiva de sus dominios durante los siguientes doscientos años.
 

henryV

Captain
Apr 24, 2003
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Muchisimas gracias!

Este finde me lo leo (tal vez me lo imprima, nusé)
 

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Fodoron said:
Desgraciadamente no. Ésto tiene la longitud de un pequeño libro, y lo escribí directamente en Inglés. Lamentablemente no tengo tiempo para traducirlo. Las cosas que añado ahora, sí las estoy poniendo en Castellano.

Comprendo que eso lo hace poco accesible, pero aún así me he decidido a ponerlo tal cual por pensar que es mejor que no ponerlo. Se que ello alienará a la mayoría, pero supongo que algunos que estén muy interesados harán el esfuerzo.

Aún así, como dice Michel el Vasco, hay muy poquito sobre Venecia en Castellano. Me temo que hoy en día el Inglés es un idioma imprescindible para llegar a un nivel de información elevado en muchos temas, dado que lo que no se escribe directamente en Inglés, se traduce a dicha lengua.



Ten entiendo y pienso como tu que es mejor ponerlo que no, pero a mi se me hace muy engorroso el tener que traducirlo, aún asi gracias por tu trabajo.
 

acdc1981

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Fodoron[center said:
03bayezid2.jpg

¿y este por que hace el gesto jevi? :rofl: muy bueno el post!
 

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acdc1981 said:
¿y este por que hace el gesto jevi? :rofl: muy bueno el post!
Bueno, si le preguntas a Belis, te contestará que es un masón, y si le preguntas a Vacceo, te dirá que es un adorador del diablo.

Es posible que sea simplemente para ahuyentar el mal de ojo, o algún otro significado que hoy se nos escapa.
 

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El pacto entre el más cristiano de los reyes y el mayor enemigo de la Cristiandad puso a Venecia en una dificilísima posición. Estaba entre la espada del imperio Otomano en Albania y el bajo Adriático y la pared del Milán ocupado por Francia.

Capítulo Octavo: La cuarta guerra Veneto-Turca (1537-1540).


Reminder:
1425-1430 First Veneto-Turkish war: The war of Thessalonike.
1463-1479 Second Veneto-Turkish war: Loss of Scodra, Kroja, Negroponte and Lemnos.
1499-1503 Third Veneto-Turkish war: Loss of Modon, Coron, Lepanto, Navarino, and Durazzo.

1. The antecedents

Francis I came to the throne of France in 1515 with the same program that Charles VIII and Louis XII. He had learnt nothing of their disastrous Italian wars and he even talked about a crusade that should see him conquering Constantinople, once Italy was controlled. All that changed after the battle of Pavía in 1524, when he was made a prisoner and taken to Madrid.

01Francis1.jpg


Francis I might have had some good points, but he left the finances of France in a sorry state due to his Italian expenses and the building of several expensive castles. His enemity with the Habsburgs was his obsession, and he did not hesitate to break his word on numerous occasions and to pact with the enemy of Christendom. On top of that he failed to achieve anything of substance.
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The humiliation was great, but with it came also the realisation that he would probably never defeat the Emperor alone. The alliance with England was not enough. Surrounded by Spain and the Empire he desperately needed to open a second front. Italy was not the solution although he tried it. The surviving powers, Florence, the Papal States, and Venice, had been reduced to a state of extreme weakness and did not serve his purpose. But there was another power on the rise that was a menace to both the Empire and Spain, the Ottoman Empire. A deal made in hell was about to be struck.

The Ottoman Empire had just emerged from the short and bloody reign of Selim I the Grim (1512-1520), who had directed his energies towards the East and South. Venice was left alone, licking her wounds from the war of Cambrai, but the Mameluks' Egypt was incorporated to the Ottoman Empire, effectively doubling its size and inflicting a tremendous blow to Venetian trade profits. Venice responded by congratulating Selim and transferring the tribute for Cyprus from the now beheaded Bey of Egypt to the Sultan of the Ottomans. Unlike Selim, his son Suleyman had no problems in his ascent, since his father had killed his four older brothers to expedite his way to the throne.

02Suleyman1.jpg


Suleyman is considered one of the best sultans of the Ottomans, as he was a great administrator and warrior. However he was the initiator of the Ottoman decadence, as his late years neurosis made him fall under the influence of his wife Hurrem, and he killed his Grand Vizier and his sons, leaving the Ottoman empire in the hands of incapable Selim the Sot and his women. He is also noted because for most of his life he did not grow a beard, unlike the rest of the sultans.
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After over two hundred years of presence in Europe, the Sultan of the Ottomans, although feared and respected, diplomatically was still being considered a pariah and a little more than the usurpator of the Roman Imperial Crown. This was going to dramatically change in 1525 when Francis, still a prisoner in Madrid opened contact in a letter. The sultan answered with style:

"I who am the Sultan of Sultans, the Sovereign of Sovereigns, the distributor of crowns to the monarchs of the surface of the globe, the shadow of God on the earth, the Sultan and Padishah of the White Sea, the Black Sea, Rumelia, Anatolia, Caramania, Rum, Sulkadr, Diarbekr, Kurdistan, Azerbaijan, Persia, Damascus, Aleppo, Cairo, Mecca, Medina, Jerusalem, all Arabia, Yemen, and other countries which my noble ancestors (may God brighten their tombs) conquered and which my august majesty has likewise conquered with my flaming sword, Sultan Sulayman Khan, son of Sultan Selim, son of Sultan Bayazid; you who are Francis, King of France, you have sent a letter to my Porte the refuge of sovereigns; night and day our horse is saddled, and our sword girt on."

We can notice the superiority complex that affected the Osmanli Sultans, a product of their perceived religious superiority, as Islam was on the rise and Christianity on the retreat, the military superiority of the Ottoman Empire, that had never been defeated, and no doubt a reaction also to his exclusion from the Kings of Europe Club.

Meanwhile, the Safavid Shah Tahmasp of Persia was continuing the policies of his father Shah Isma’il and acting overtly hostile to the Ottomans, going so far as to provoke the Qizilbash (his Turkish supporters) to revolt in Anatolia in 1527. The revolt was put down, but at this time news reached the Ottomans that the Shah had just given a favorable reception to envoys from Charles V. That caused much consternation among the Ottomans. For it was the common view that the Europeans can be dealt with as needed, but if they combined with a real threat like Persia... It was at this time that the French ambassador suddenly found himself treated much better. A commercial treaty very advantageous to France was signed in 1528.

Charles terms for Francis release were not extravagant, and have they been met, several wars could have been avoided for the same final result. But despite his solemn oath, Francis had no intention to keep it, and upon his release formed the Ligue of Cognac with Pope Clement VII, Henry VIII, Venice, Florence and, strangely enough, Francesco II Sforza, son of Ludovico, who had been invested Duke of Milan by Charles in 1525. In the war that ensued, Genoa deserted Francis and joined Charles, Rome was sacked by the imperials of the Constable of Bourbon, and the French were expelled once more from Milan, where Francesco II Sforza was forgiven and restored in 1529, under the agreement that upon his death the Duchy will return to Charles. Venice was the only League member to fare well, and managed to recover the ports of Apulia once more. In 1528 Giovanni Moro captured again Monopoli and Trani, and in 1529 Brindisi was also captured by a Venetian fleet. But these conquests were short-lived, and with the imperial crowning of Charles on February 20, 1530, and the restoration of the Medici in Florence, the whole of Italy acknowledge his supremacy and made peace to him, and Venice returned her captures. Francis once more renounced to his rights to Milan in exchange for Charles renouncement to his rights to Burgundy at the peace of the Dames, negotiated in 1529 by Margaret of Austria and Louise of Savoy, aunt of the Emperor and mother of the King respectively.

03CharlesV.jpg


Charles V, through a series of coincidences, inherited a great empire that through a life of constant fighting managed not only to preserve but to increase greatly. He also inherited a religious zealotry from a 600 years crusade from his Spanish ancestors that will later cause the undoing of everything he achieved. He bled Spain, both economically and in human resources in pointless religious wars in Central Europe.
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Everybody seemed happy with the peace except Francis. And Suleyman. With his hands free, Charles turned to Hungary and helped his brother Ferdinand re-conquer Buda in 1531, after a few years of war, both sides realized that they were at the limit of their strategic reach, and in the peace of Nagyvárad in 1535 Hungary was divided between Ferdinand, and Janos Zapolya, Suleyman's protegee. But the peace between Suleyman and Ferdinand did not include Charles, and war continued to rage in the Mediterranean. The now unstoppable Turkish fleet under its new Kapudan Pasha, Khair-ed-din (Gift of God) Barbarossa (Red Bear), sacked Minorca, Apulia and Calabria.

In 1532 Charles sent his fleet under Doria to attack the Ottomans, and he captured Coron. The fight in the lower Adriatic between the Corsairs and the Empire started to damage Venetian trade, and the Signoria sent the fleet to protect the merchant ships. On one occasion in 1533, they came upon what they thought were Barbary corsairs capturing several ships and destroying other, they turned to be Ottoman ships instead, and quickly an envoy was dispatched to apologize and compensate the Sultan.

04barbarossa1.jpg


Khair-ed-din Barbarossa, was the son of a retired Roumeliot soldier from Vardar, Yaqub (Jacob), and Katalina, a Greek woman of Lesbos. Khzir was his name, and he was initiated in piracy by his brother Aruj who had been captured by the knights of Rhodes, and after being ransomed had entered the service of the Mamluks of Egypt as a corsair. During the confrontation between The Mameluks and the Ottomans, Aruj moved the pirate bussiness to the Barbary coast, taking his brother Khzir with him. They killed the emir of Algiers and Aruj took over. Aruj was killed in Tlemcen by Spanish soldiers after a raid on Spanish Oran in 1518. Khair-ed-din then requested Ottoman legitimation and was granted the title of Beylerbey or governor. He was incredibly brutal and cruel, and from the beginning became the terror of the Mediterranean. Of his many feats we can cite the slaughtering of the entire population of the island of Skopelos in 1538, that left the island deserted. He was however on very good terms with Francis I of France. His brother Aruj was the one that had a red beard. He had a brown beard, but inherited the nickname from his brother when he died.
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By 1534 Kapudan Pasha Khair-ed-din Barbarossa had modernized, improved and increased the Ottoman navy, and with his new fleet, he re-conquered, Coron, Lepanto and conquered Tunis from the arabs. Charles in turn conquered Tunis from Khair-ed-din the next year, only to lose it back later.

Venice, who desired peace above everything, rejected to join a League of the Pope, Charles and several Italian nations against the Turks in February 1533, and again in 1535 refused to join the expedition of Charles against Tunis under command of Andrea Doria.

05Fran2Sforza.jpg


Francesco II Sforza was the second son of Ludovico il Moro, and became the imperial candidate after his brother Massimiliano was forced to retire to France. He was invested Duke of Milan by Charles V in 1525. He later had problems with the emperor due to a conspiracy against him by Ferrante Francesco d'Avalos, Marquis of Pescara. This fall took Francesco into an unnatural alliance with Francis I in the League of Cognac. After being defeated, he was pardonned by Charles due to the mediation of Pope Clement VII, and invested again in 1529 on the condition that upon his death the Duchy would revert to Charles.
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But another crucial event took place in October 1535. Francesco II Sforza died without heirs the same year he had married Christine of Denmark, niece of the emperor, and his Duchy reverted to Charles. Francesco had left the Duchy to him, who as the emperor was also the suzerain of the Duchy, and a descendant himself of another Visconti, Virida, daughter of Bernabò (Duke of Milan 1354-1385). For the second time Francis broke his word and claimed Milan, starting another Valois-Habsburg war.

The alliance between Francis and Suleyman that had been under discussion since 1525, was preliminarily agreed in February 1535 and formalized in February 1536 between French ambassador Laforest and Grand Vizier Ibrahim. In it, the King of France, alone among the European sovereigns, was regarded and treated as an equal by the Sultan, being henceforward described in official documents as Padeshah, instead of Bey. The treaty also granted the French commercial concessions in the Ottoman Empire replacing Venice, as well as conceded the so-called capitulations which also allowed French consuls legal jurisdiction over French subjects in Ottoman domains and recognized the French king as protector of the Christian holy places in Palestine, concessions that would have long-term effects on Ottoman relations with other foreign powers as well as internal development. The pact was kept secret, though, because to the Christians, the impious alliance between the Most Christian King and the worst enemy of Christendom was a heinous act.

And so in 1536 an ambassador from the Porte was sent to Venice with a most unusual proposition.
 

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2. Unavoidable war

Ambassador Yunus beg (Junisbey also) addressed the Signoria with an offer. Since the Sultan of the Ottomans and the King of France were at war with Spain, Venice, as a long time ally of France, was invited to join and declare war to Spain. The Signoria deliberated for some weeks since they were aware of the implications of the offer. Finally, the Venetians, cautious as ever, responded friendly but did not join. Instead they sent ambassador Tommaso Contarini to congratulate the Sultan on his conquest of Iraq from the Persian Safavids.

Venice had always felt closer to France than to Spain, since they shared some common ancestral enemies, like Milan or the Holy Roman Emperor. But now France had sided with the worst enemy of Venice, the Ottomans. To make matters worse, all of Italy except Venice was directly administrated by Spain or clearly under her orbit. The Venetians had a great distaste of the Spanish but had to accept the new situation in Italy and live with it. The dilemma in which Venice had been placed by France and the Ottomans was a win-win situation for Suleyman and a lose-lose situation for Venice. For Suleyman, if Venice joined, it would help his war effort against Charles, and if not he would have one more enemy that could provide for some easy victories near home. Venice could not hope to win a war against the Turks, but would have been destroyed with gusto by the Spanish and the rest of the Italians. As it was obvious to Francis and Suleyman, Venice had no choice but to refuse, and the Sultan attacked Venice in spring 1537.

Suleyman launched a war on three fronts against Venice. One of his armies invaded Dalmatia in May advancing towards the coastal fortresses in the hands of Venice. Suleyman with the main army sailed from Valona to laid siege to the island of Corfu in August. Khair-ed-din sailed to the Adriatic on command of the fleet in the early season.

The war of Cambrai had compelled Venice to withdraw most of her garrison in Dalmatia for home service, and the province was ill defended. The Ottoman forces took the Dalmatian border fortress of Clissa and then overrun most of Venetian Dalmatia. Meanwhile everything went wrong in the siege of Corfu, pestilence, bad weather, stern resistance, and so after a few weeks it was abandoned in September, but every Corfiot outside the fortress was killed or enslaved, and thousands of them were sold in Constantinople. Khair-ed-din raided the coasts of Dalmatia and Friuli and on his way back to Constantinople he ravaged the Venetian Aegean islands, and in the next year pillaged the coasts of Crete. Most of the Aegean islands were not under direct control of Venice, but in the hands of Venetian families that flew the flag of the Republic. With the exception of Tinos, they were all easily captured, many surrendering without fight.

Since now Venice and Spain were fighting the same enemy, Venice requested help, and a Holy League was concocted by Clement VII in early 1538 with the three of them. The problem was that Spain and Venice had a profound distrust for each other, enhanced because Charles's admiral in the Mediterranean was the Genoese Andrea Doria. The truce of Nice between Francis and Charles released the emperors hands to concentrate on the war against Suleyman, but was not interpreted as treason by the Sultan and the alliance of Suleyman and Francis continued.

It must, indeed, be confessed that the loyalty of the Turks to the alliance was a good deal more constant and continuous than that of the French. The latter were glad enough to take advantage of it whenever and for as long as it suited their purpose; but they did not hesitate to come to terms with the adversaries of the Turk when their own interests dictated the step. Nevertheless, the alliance confirmed in 1535 forms a guiding thread in a tangled diplomatic skein.

06Carlosv.jpg


Charles interest in the Mediterranean was a defensive one. He had an internal problem with the Moriscos, that periodically rebelled and received help from their cousins from the other side of the strait, and he had an external problem with the North African pirates that made life and trade in the Mediterranean costs of Spain insufferable. The Ottoman empire had seen in the war of Charles against the pirates an opportunity to expand in North Africa. Francis, in order to make Charles' life as difficult as possible, let the pirates use the French ports during the winter, so they could more easily pillage and plunder Italy and Spain.
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It was in the autumn of 1538 that the naval battle finally took place - one which had been building up for years - the confrontation between Khair-ed-din Barbarossa, the Sultan's Admiral and Andrea Doria, the Emperor's Admiral. This was the battle of Prevesa at the mouth of the Gulf of Actium (Amvrakikos), where Octavian had defeated Anthony and Cleopatra centuries before.

The Christians, always slow to assemble their international fleets, showed up at Prevesa the 26 of September, where Khair-ed-din was waiting for them. Doria commanded 124 galleys, 81 from Venice, 13 Papal and 30 Spanish, plus at least another 25 sailing ships, mostly Spanish galleons. Having different national contingents, and mixed sail and oars ships was an additional complication to the handling of the fleet by Doria. Khair-ed-din had to deal with the problem that Ottoman officers did not like to fight side to side with corsairs and be placed under the orders of one. He had less ships, 110 galleys.

07Prevesa.jpg


Many people seem to think that the battle of Prevesa took place at the strait that constitutes the entrance to the Gulf of Amvrakikos (or Arta), but that entrance was protected by two fortresses, Prevesa on the North side, and Azio (Actium) on the South side. Andrea Doria did not want to enter the Gulf under such circumstances, and Khair-ed-din refused to come out while Doria waited in formation at the outside. The manouvering that preceded the battle that took place on the west side of the island of Lefkas was brilliantly executed by Barbarossa. The nearby place where the battle of Lepanto took place 33 years later is also indicated.
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Since Khair-ed-din was inside the Gulf and it was impossible to enter through the narrow strait and fight him, Doria decided the next day to withdraw South towards Ottoman territory to attract him out. Khair-ed-din came out, but on his terms, slowly and without attacking the Christians yet. Doria was moving in angle to a wind that he could use to come back to attack Khair-ed-din. His galleons were more a problem that a help, as at that moment, the Mediterranean galley - product of centuries of specialization - was the best fighting vessel in this sea.

On the 28 of September, along the western coast of the rocky island of Lefkas, the wind died and the galleons stopped flat. Khair-ed-din saw the opportunity and attacked. His agile galleys broke through the Christian line of battle where the Venetians had become separated from the Spanish due to the lack of wind. And then each contingent took a different decision. The Venetian admiral, Vincenzo Cappello ordered the attack, while Doria, on imperial orders not to risk the fleet, ordered the retreat. So Khair-ed-din had achieved victory before the battle actually started. The Venetians after losing six ships retreated towards Corfu, where Doria joined later. The result of the battle did not improve the relations between the members of the League, as Doria was blamed for the Venetian loses. The fleet went then to Castelnuovo (now Herzeg Novi in Montenegro) in Dalmatia, where the Spanish infantry of the Tercio of Francisco de Sarmiento were disembarked and took the fortress. The 4,000 men of the Tercio were ordered to hold the castle through the winter.

08Prevesa1538.jpg


The battle of Prevesa was not a terrible defeat for the Christians, but it did clearly establish Khair-ed-din Barbarossa as the best admiral in the Mediterranean, and confirmed the domination of that sea by the Ottoman Empire. To the Venetians it ment that the 1538 campaign had come to an end with a defeat. They wanted a victory to negotiate a better peace deal, but even if more costly, peace had to be sought at any price.
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Although the defeat at Prevesa was far from crushing, and could be rated more properly as a skirmish, as the loses were limited (six Venetian and one Spanish ships), it demonstrated two things to the Venetians. First, the clear superiority of the Turkish fleet and her Kapudan Pasha, that the Christian commanders did not want to confront, and second and more important, that they could not rely on their allies, and that the war could not be won. So they contacted the Porte to negotiate a peace. They were surprisingly well received, and were able to secure a truce in early 1539, while the definitive peace was negotiated.

Suleyman was engaged in a costly war in Persia between 1534 and 1540. Although less important to Europeans even now, this war was more important to Suleyman, as demonstrates the fact that it took up most of the war resources of the Ottomans during the period. It was a costly war, ended by a shaky peace, but it gave the Ottomans an outlet to the Persian Gulf and control of the Silk Road that went through Baghdad. Suleyman knew very well that by awarding the truce, he was breaking the League. The war in Dalmatia was stabilized since what was left to the Venetians was well defended and difficult to take. He had been unable to capture what he most desired, the unconquerable fortresses of Napoli di Romania (Nauplia) and Monemvasia (Malvasia) in Morea. By the simple act of signing a truce with Venice, he made it impossible for Charles to reach him, now as the victor, he could afford the luxury of waiting while the Venetians were being driven to ruin for the lack of trade.

09Malvaold.jpg


The fortress of Monemvasia or Malvasia, that controled the region where the famous wine was produced, was a tough nut to crack. The dark areas in the drawing are cliffs. Adequately defended and supported, the fortress was almost unconquerable, as was also the case with the three castles of Napoli di Romania. It is funny to read in quite a few history books that Monemvasia and Napoli di Romania were conquered by the Turks. It was certainly not the case. But Venice stopped breathing while at war, so peace was an urgent matter for her.
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Charles was furious with the Venetians for what he saw as a treason, and the Holy League dissolved. Without the Venetian fleet, the fleet of Spain and her allies was not strong enough to risk a confrontation with the Ottoman fleet. The garrison left at Castelnuovo could not be rescued. Khair-ed-din, despite the truce, continued ravaging Dalmatia, and attacked Castelnuovo. The Spaniards defended the fortress with desperation. Khair-ed-din offered them an honorable surrender to avoid more casualties between his men, but after general deliberation, they all chose to continue fighting without hope rather than surrender to the Turks. All but 200 died in the assault and the executions that followed. Those 200 were taken to Constantinople and sold as slaves. Five years later a few of them, leaded by sergeant Juan Millón, participated in an escape with other slaves, and stealing a galliot, were able to reach Messina in June 1545. Venetian Luigi Tansillo and Sevillian Gutierre de Cetina, chanted the gest of Castelnuovo in poems.

Ambassador Alvise Badoer was sent to the Porte to negotiate the peace. The Sultan requested Napoli di Romania and Monemvasia, that he had not conquered. Badoer was under secret instructions to offer a sum up to 300,000 ducats and the fortresses of Dalmatia and the islands of the Aegean lost to the Turks. He was to say that he was not authorised to offer the fortresses in Morea and offer instead a yearly tribute of 4,000 ducats for each, but in case peace could not be reached under those terms, he was authorised to increase the offer to include Napoli di Romania, Monemvasia, or both, but no money. But the French had been able to find out about those instructions, and transmitted them to the Porte. With the information, Suleyman's vizier played with Badoer and proved inflexible until he obtained the full offer. Venice had to give up to the Sultan Monemvasia, Napoli di Romania in Morea; Urana, Nadin and Clissa in Dalmatia; and to leave in Turkish possession the Aegean islands of Skyros, Paros, Antiparos, Patmos, Egina, Stampalia, and Nios, most of them already taken by Barbarossa. In addition, Venice had to pay 300,000 ducats as war indemnity. The triumph of the Ottoman Sultan was complete.
 

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3. Consequences

In 1526, sixteen year old Aleksandra Lisowska was captured in Ruthenia by the Turks and taken to the slave market in Constantinople. She was bought by Grand Vizier Ibrahim for the Sultan's harem. She was given the name of Khourrem (or Hurrem), the laughing one, for her bubbling personality, but she is also known as Roxalana. She soon rose through the ranks in the harem, from odalisque (virgins) to concubine (one night stand), to ikbal (favorites, up to four) and finally kadin (favorite "wife"), displacing the previous bas kadin Gulbehar (rose of spring), the mother of the heir, Mustafa. In an astonishing break with tradition, the Sultan legally married her. By playing on Suleyman's neurosis and paranoia, she had Grand Vizier Ibrahim, lifelong friend, right hand of Suleyman and supporter of Mustafa, strangled on his orders in March 1536. Later, she also obtained the death of Mustafa, expediting the way for one of her son's to the throne. She never achieved the maximum status of Valide Sultan, or mother of the reigning Sultan, because she died before Suleyman. Roxalana inaugurated the Kadinlar Sultanati or Reign of Women that greatly contributed to the Ottoman decline, but the next woman in the Kadinlar Sultanati was going to come as a consequence of the Veneto-Turkish war of 1537-1540.

In 1534, the grateful Barbarossa was looking for a worthy gift to his Sultan as a sign of appreciation for his new post as Kapudan Pasha (Admiral-in-chief, the third rank in the Empire), and so he sailed in the middle of the night to Sperlonga in the coast of Italy, South of Rome. While he sacked the town, he sent a raiding party to Fondi, to capture Giulia Gonzaga, countess of Fondi. She was reputedly the most beautiful woman in Italy, and her fame through poets and painters had spread reaching the ears of the Sultan. Fortunately for her, alerted by a messenger, she managed to escape on horse, still on her night cloths.

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The standard that covered Khair-ed-din Barbarossa's sarcophagus. It contains a passage from the Conquest Sura: "Mohammed! Reveal good news to the believers that the conquest is soon." It displays also the names of the four first righteous Caliphs: Hazret-i Abu Bakr, Hazret-i Umar, Hazret-i Uthman, Hazret-i Ali (written from right to left obviously, so the first is top right). It also displays a star of David, also an ancient Eastern symbol, but its presence here appears to be due to Suleyman (Solomon), being a protector of the Jews. Those were the times of love between Muslims and Jews.
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Unabated, Khair-ed-din continued his search, and in 1537, while ravaging the Aegean island of Paros, a possession of the Venier family, he captured a 13 year old child, Cecilia Veniero. She was the natural daughter, as most Venetian noble children were in those days of limited marriage, of future Admiral and Doge Sebastian Veniero's brother and Violante Baffo. She was presented to Suleyman's harem and given the name of Nurbanu (custodian of the light). She would one day become the Bas Kadin of Selim II "the Sot", the least worthy of Suleyman's sons that rose to the Sultanate as a consequence of his mother Roxelana's intrigues. She would also achieve the status of Valide Sultan when her son Murat III became Sultan, creating the paradox that a Venetian became the most influential person in the Ottoman Empire. She was to correspond with the Doge and with Catherine de Medicis, who desired a renewal of French trading privileges.

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Cecilia Veniero o Nurbanu. It might look like an easy life, but being a member of the sultan's harem could easily become a deadly business. Death awaited their sons when they did not become the next Sultan. When the father did not kill his own sons, as both Selim I and Suleyman did, the new sultan inaugurated with a family massacre. Mehmet III had all his nineteen brothers, none older than eleven, ritually strangled. But also the concubines risked their lives by a bad timing, as Mehmet III also killed the seven pregnant widows of his father by sewing them up in sacks and throwing them into the Bosporus. The worst massacre of concubines was that of Ibrahim (1640-48), that on suspision of one of his 280 concubines being unfaithful, had all of them, except his favorite and informer, drowned in sacks weighted with stones and thrown to the Bosporus. One of them was able to escape the sack and was picked up by a French ship and taken to Paris where the more civilized westerners were horrified.
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But she was not the only Venetian to make a career in the Ottoman empire of Suleyman. Alvise Gritti was also an illegitimate son of Andrea Gritti. As such he would not be admitted in the Maggior Consiglio, so he stayed in Constantinople where he had been born while his father served there as Balio. He was said to be a Turk between Turks and a Venetian between Venetians. For a time he served as governor of Hungary, under King Janos Zapolya, who had the support of the Sultan. In 1524, shortly after his father was elected Doge, he gave a great banquet in Constantinople with over 300 guests between Turks and Europeans. He lived in a district in Galata, whose name is today Beyoglu, or son of the Bey (Doge) because of him.

The peace of 1540 was another disaster for Venice, and only Corfu, Zante, Cefalonia, Tinos, Cyprus and Crete remained in Venetian hands. Within eighty years the Venetian colonial empire had almost completely collapsed under the Ottoman attack. Her prosperity was almost completely in Ottoman hands as they were forced to trade through them, and now the French had obtained the privileged conditions that they once enjoyed.

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The extent of the Venetian possessions in Morea and the Ionian sea can be seen in this map where the Venetian fortresses are indicated by a red dot. Aditional possessions in the Aegean or Cyprus are not visible. This shows the situation in 1460. By 1540 only Corfu, Cefalonia, Zante, Tinos and Crete from the shown places, remained in Venetian hands.
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The battle of Prevesa in 1538 was far from the crushing defeat that some depict, since the loss of ships was practically negligible. In my opinion it does not mark the beginning of the Ottoman domination of the Mediterranean as many also maintain, because that domination had been achieved almost forty years before, after the battle of Sapienza in 1499. Venice lost control of the lower Adriatic, and the Aegean and Ionian seas in the war of 1499-1503, and Spain had not achieved control of the Western Mediterranean, and was simply not present in the Eastern Mediterranean. But the Ottomans were not good at sea, and depended on foreigners, like Greek Khair-ed-din Barbarossa, to maintain their naval supremacy. Khair-ed-din was responsible for the naval reformation of the 1430's, and the leadership that allowed the Ottoman empire to maintain the control of the Mediterranean. While the Ottoman armies were finding increasing problems to defeat the Christians, Prevesa showed them that the Ottoman fleets were invincible for the time being. As such it was a very important moral victory for the Ottomans, that called Barbarossa "King of the Seas", and an equally important moral defeat for the Christians, that not even with superior numbers (not always easy to achieve) could have hope of defeating the ottomans.

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The prestige of Barbarossa continued through all his life. During the Valois-Habsburg war of 1541-43 he joined the French fleet of the Duke of Enghien and together they sacked Nice, then a possession of the Duke of Savoy. He used the summers to pillage the coasts of Spain and Italy, and during those winters, the French gave him the use of the harbour of Toulon, where he forbade the churches from ringing their bells, and where he engaged in trading his captures for money, even openly selling his Christian captives to other corsairs. Barbarossa lived his last three years in Constantinople where he erected a Mosque with a dome for his own sepulchre. He was also a member of the Supreme Council, or the Divan. He died in 1546.
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Venecia se llevó otra buena paliza a manos de los turcos. El comercio veneciano era una sombra de lo que fue, y la riqueza de la ciudad se había evaporado. Solo la modélica organización de gobierno, y la organización militar del Arsenal, que le otorgaba una capacidad naval muy superior a la que le correspondía por su tamaño, le permitían mantener los restos de su imperio. Pero estaba claro que tarde o temprano los turcos iban a ir a por Chipre y Creta, y tambien estaba claro que solo España estaba en condiciones de ayudar. Sin embargo las relaciones entre Venecia y España eran realmente malas. Francia había sido el tradicional aliado de Venecia, y Francia se había pasado al enemigo.
 

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Capítulo Noveno: La quinta guerra Veneto-Turca. La guerra de Chipre

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"A race advancing on the East must start with Cyprus. Alexander, Augustus, Richard and Saint Louis took that line. A race advancing on the West must start with Cyprus. Sargon, Ptolemy, Cyrus, Haroun-al-Rashid took this line."
W. Hepworth Dixon: British Cyprus, 1887.

Reminder:
1425-1430 First Veneto-Turkish war: The war of Thessalonike.
1463-1479 Second Veneto-Turkish war: Loss of Scodra, Kroja, Negroponte and Lemnos.
1499-1503 Third Veneto-Turkish war: Loss of Modon, Coron, Lepanto, Navarino, and Durazzo.
1537-1540 Fourth Veneto-Turkish war: Loss of Monemvasia, Napoli di Romania, the interior of Dalmatia, and the Aegean Islands.

The war of Cyprus basically concluded with the battle of Lepanto. However I am going to write a more extensive issue of the battle of Lepanto to honor Miguel de Cervantes on the 400 anniversary of the publication of "El Quixote de la Mancha" in 1606. The battle of Lepanto is therefore only mentioned here and not told or analyzed.

1. The antecedents

It is hard to define the causes of the war of Cyprus since everyone seems to tell a different story depending of the point of view they adopt. The facts are that Selim and part of his advisors wanted to acquire Cyprus, and that Venice, very conscious of her own weakness, did nothing to provoke the Ottomans. Let's review what was going on in those years so you can make your own opinion.

The Venetians knew very well that sooner or later the Ottomans would attack Cyprus, as they had attacked Corfu and taken from them most of their possessions in the previous three wars. The Venetians, therefore, sent to Cyprus, about the year 1550, the famous military engineer Giovanni Girolamo Sammichele, to complete the fortifications of Famagusta according to the latest theories of defence. Sammichele built the great rampart along the sea from the arsenal to the sea castle, entirely surrounding the latter with the new wall. The rampart was thence extended along the northern side of the city to the great Martinengo bastion at the north-west corner. The Martinengo bastion, the crowning feature of Sammichele's work, is one of the finest existing specimens of military architecture of the sixteenth century. Planted on a rocky eminence, the guns upon it could weep not only the rock-hewn ditch on both sides but also the rocky slopes down to the sea and far inland. It was so strong that the Turks never attempted to attack it when they besieged the city in 1571. Sammichele died at Famagusta in 1559 before his work was completed.

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Famagusta was a very strong city, as the Genoese had demonstrated by holding it from the Lusignan for 90 years. Sammichele made it even stronger, strengthening the citadel in the port, building the sea wall between the citadel and the Arsenal tower (at the left), building the Martinengo bastion (arrowhead shape at the right or North), and completing and improving all the ramparts.
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About ten years later, another famous Venetian engineer Giulio Savorgnano, was sent to Cyprus to advise on the defences of Nicosia. He reported that the mediaeval walls built by King Pierre II were useless against artillery, and was then commissioned to fortify the city according to the latest ideas. Savorgnano, with the help of the provveditore, Francesco Barbaro, designed the immense earthworks and ditch, about three miles in circuit, with eleven bastions faced with masonry, the remains of which may still be seen. The medieval wall and ditch, being outside the new ramparts, had to be levelled so as not to afford shelter to the attack. But, Savorgnano did not remain to complete his designs. He was recalled to Venice to meet a more pressing danger, and left the work to be completed by the new and incompetent provveditore, Niccolò Dandolo.

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Giulio Savorgnano had to deal with the intrinsic defensive weakness of Nicosia, placed on flat terrain, and therefore very susceptible to attacks as history had previously demonstrated. His response was an immense fortification effort that can be best seen from the air, and even shows in satellite images of the region. The entire city was surrounded by a circle from which eleven bastions protruded, each with the name of one of the most significative Venetian families in Cyprus, from the North and clockwise: Barbaro, Loredano, Flatro, Carafia, Podocataro, Constanza, D'Avila, Tripoli, Roccas, Mula, and Quirini.
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The fortification of Cyprus was resented by Sultan Suleyman, who considered that Venice had no right to fortify against himself a part of his own dominions. Although the Ottomans had only set foot on the island to plunder it, the Sultan considered himself the heir of the suzeraneity over Cyprus previously enjoyed by the Bey of the Mameluks, and the Ottoman sultan received since 1517 the payment of the Cyprus tribute by Venice, who did not want to provoke a confrontation.

Selim II had inherited the Hungarian war from his father when he became Sultan in 1566, and it continued for another year until it was clear to both parts that nothing substantial could be achieved, so at the beginning of 1568 an eight year truce was signed between Selim and Maximilian. Since the times he was just the heir, the conquest of Cyprus had been Selim's pet project. He was supported in that by his advisor Joseph Nasi, citing as argument the need to put an end to Christian piracy. Indeed Cyprus was a tempting target, since it was very rich and produced the famous wines of which Selim was very fond. But Suleyman and Sokolli had not felt the need to conquer Cyprus, so piracy could not have been so bad, and besides, Venice was already paying tribute for Cyprus to the Sultan. Certainly Selim granted a great importance to the issue of the wine, since his first edict was directed to make it more readily available, and he had granted his friend Joseph Nasi the monopoly on wine imports from the Black Sea. After the ascent of Selim to the Sultanate the posture of the members of the Divan (the Ottoman high council) was split. Sokolli was alone defending peace with Venice, although the pro-Venetian influence of Nurbanu, bas kadin (favourite) and mother of the heir, cannot be discounted, although she was in bad terms with Sokolli at that time. In favor of the war were Joseph Nasi, friend and advisor, Lala Mustafa, who was the army commander, and to whom Selim was indebted for his help against his brother, and Piali Pasha, the kapudan pasha (admiral), who had a lot to gain from a victorious naval war after the failed assault on Malta in 1565. The war party was helped by the maximun religious authority of the Ottomans, seyhulislam Abu'l Suud, who issued a fatwa decreeing that it was righteous to break a peace treaty to recover the lands formerly held by muslims, as was the case of Cyprus, in muslim hands between 654 and 683, and where Umm Haram (Hala Sultan in Turkish), a cousin of the Prophet, fell from her mule and broke her neck and was buried.

The most controversial role is that of Joseph Nasi, the most famous jew of his time, and to whom intense propaganda, both in favour and against, has distorted very much. He is worth a small detour.

Joseph Nasi was born as Joao Miguez in Portugal in a Jewish family that fled Spain to Portugal and converted there to Christianity in their public life while continued being Jewish in their private life (Marranos). His aunt Gracia had married into the Mendes family, that controlled the biggest share of the Portuguese spice trade, buying from the King of Portugal and selling into the rest of Europe. They also had big interests in the commerce of jewels. In 1536, wanting to escape Portuguese Inquisition with the business she had inherited from her husband, Gracia, her daughter and Joao migrated to Antwerp, but further Jewish prosecution there forced them to move to Venice in 1544. But in Venice, Gracia was accused by her sister of being a Judaizer (false convert) that wanted to leave for the Ottoman Empire with her riches. She was arrested in 1546 and her property embargoed. Joao appealed to Sultan Suleiman at Constantinople, through the influential court physician Moses Hamon, a Sephardic Jew who brought the story to Suleiman in hopes of marrying his son to Gracia's daughter. Suleiman, who wished the transfer of the Mendes business emporium to Turkey, sent an envoy to Venice requesting that Gracia be allowed to travel immediately to Constantinople. Two years, however, elapsed before the negotiations with the Republic were completed and Gracia was released in 1549. She finally travelled to Constantinople in 1553. She was followed the next year by Joao. Here he changed his name to Joseph Nasi, got circumcised, and married his cousin Reyna, the daughter of Gracia, thus securing her fortune. Through his letters of introduction Joseph soon gained influence at the court of Sultan Suleiman. In the struggle for the throne between Suleiman's two sons, Selim, prefect of the province of Kutaya, and Bayazid, the younger but far more talented, Joseph from the beginning adopted Selim's cause, the sultan's favourite, also supported by his instructor, the powerful Lala Mustafa. In the decisive battle at Konia between the two rivals, Bayazid was defeated. He escaped to Persia, and was there murdered with his four sons. After this success, Selim made Joseph a member of his guard of honor, while Suleiman made him Lord of Tiberias in Palestine, to be used exclusively for Jewish colonization. From his failed attempts at this colonization, he is credited as the first zionist in history.

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The Miguez family managed quite well to get hold of the huge Mendes fortune. Gracia Miguez married Francisco Mendes and when he died in 1536 she was named administrator of half of the fortune in the name of her infant child Reyna. The same year, Francisco's brother, Diogo Mendes, owner of the other half, married Brianda Miguez, Gracia's younger sister. When Diogo Mendes dies in 1542, Gracia manages to be named administrator of the whole fortune. In 1546 Brianda denounces her sister Gracia to the Venetian authorities, probably hoping to recover her late husband share, but only manages to cause further loses to the Mendes fortune in Venice and France. After Gracia and his nephew Joseph Nasi, previously Joao Miguez, move to Constantinople, in 1554, Joseph marries his cousin Reyna, securing the Mendes fortune in the Miguez family. Since the cousins did not manage to have children, in the end the money was confiscated by the sultan when Joseph died in 1579.
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And so the events leading to the war started in 1566, when an Ottoman fleet of 80 galleys under Piali Pasha (Kapudan Pasha or first Admiral) attacked the Genoese island of Chios and the Aegean islands of the Duchy of Naxos, nominally independent but in the Venetian esphere of influence. They fell easily, as Venice and Genoa were in no condition to confront the Ottoman Empire and could not come to their aid. In Chios, the rule of the Giustiniani was terminated, in Naxos the Dukes of the house of Crispo came to an end when Jacopo IV was deposed.

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The island of Chios was conquered by Venetian Pietro Giustiniani in 1208 in the aftermath of the fourth crusade. The Venetian Giustinian family claimed descent from Byzantine emperor Justinian through his sons Marco and Angelo, exiled under emperor Tiberius. In 1346 the island was conquered by the Genoese who placed it under control of a commercial enterprise or Maona, whose members took the name of Giustiniani in 1362 after the palace where they lived. The island was prosperous due to the mastic (resin) trade, monopoly of the Giustiniani. In 1415 they became tributary of the Ottoman. The decadence of Genoa precipitated the end of the Giustiniani in Chios, when in 1558 the Genoese Doge negotiated the transfer of the debt of Genoa with the Ottomans to the island enterprise. The Giustiniani were unable to meet the demands, and the same fleet of Piali Pasha of 80 galleys sent to take control of Naxos, stopped first at Chios. Although the island surrendered peacefully, it was sacked anyway, and the Giustiniani taken prisoners to Constantinople. Those younger than 12 were force converted and conscripted into the Janissary. Twenty one youngsters between 12 and 16 years old were demanded abdication of their faith, three accepted and were circumcised, the other eighteen refused and were tortured and killed on September 6, 1566. They were later canonized. The adults were interned in Kaffa, Crimea, where many died. The survivors were later released upon intercession by Charles IX of France. This picture, "Il massacro dei Giustiniani a Chios", by Francesco Solimena is found in the Museo di Capodimonte (Napoli), while a fresco copy by Francesco de Mura is at the Galleria di Palazzo Rosso in Genoa.
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But the expedition to Chios had another unexpected effect, and Piali Pasha was removed as Kapudan Pasha in 1568 under the accusation of having retained for himself an unfair part of the booty of Chios. Nevertheless he kept command in the imperial fleet but he would be fifth in command at Lepanto, a very important issue. Muezzinzade Ali Pasha, who had been educated in the palace, and was married to a half-sister of Selim would finally be named Kapudan Pasha in his place. Muezzinzade Ali Pasha had previously been a commader of the Janissaries but he retained the more experienced Piali Pasha and Pertev Pasha as his viziers (naval advisors).

Selim then rewarded Joseph Nasi with the Duchy of Naxos. Selim also granted him the monopoly on wines imported into Turkey by way of the Black Sea, said to have brought him a net income of 15,000 ducats annually. In addition, he obtained important trading privileges in Poland. Through his business and his influential position at the Porte, Joseph Nasi created a network of spies and informers throughout Europe, whose importance should not be dismissed lightly.

It is said, although not confirmed, that at some point in the past, Selim had promised Joseph Nasi the title of Governor of Cyprus. It is clear however that he did expect such concession, to complete his governorship of Naxos and his wine concessions. To that, we must add his personal grunge with Venice, that although was not by far one of the worst prosecutors of jews, had indeed prosecuted his family and refused some requests that he had directed to the Signoria to improve the jewish situation there.

In 1568 the Moriscos in Spain rebelled against the increased attempts to assimilate them. For a long time they had resisted hoping for a rescue by their brothers in faith from the other side of the strait, and they had been led to believe that the growing power of the unstoppable Ottoman empire would help them recover al-Andalus. Indeed Grand Vizier Sokolli was their champion, and defended a war against Spain in the Divan, while seeing the war against Venice as an unnecessary distraction. The moment for the rebellion was well chosen because all the experienced troops were in the Low Countries under the Duke of Alba and it took Spain one year to gather enough forces to deal with the enemy within. The rebellion was very bloody on both parts and the pirates of the Barbary coast, under Ottoman rule, supplied guns, volunteers and liberated convicts to fight for the rebels, but the military help from the Ottoman empire never materialized. In the spring of 1569, a Moorish delegation travelled to Constantinople to request the help of Selim. They obtained great sympathy and vague promises. Left alone, the Moriscos were finally defeated in 1571. The rebellion convinced the Spanish Habsburgs that the assimilation was impossible, and so the expulsion of the Moriscos became a question of time.

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Right after the conquest of Granada in 1492, the moriscos became a problem for the kings of Spain. Their rebellions were constant, and the state of permanent war against the muslim corsairs of the Barbary cost and the Ottomans did not allow the time and conditions for a gradual absorption as was planned initially. Sometimes a simple unfounded rumor was enough to trigger a morisco rebellion, and soon they were considered the enemy within, even if the moriscos from Castille and Aragon were for the most part quite pacific, unlike the moriscos from Granada, fanaticized by 200 years of frontier war.
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On September 13, 1569, a great fire broke out in the Arsenal of Venice and a great explosion destroyed numerous houses and palaces and four churches, leaving the Arsenal in shambles. Sabotage was suspected but never proved, and some point, without any proof, to Nasi's network of spies. In any case, Nasi learned of this almost immediately through his network of informers, although he was led to believe that most of the Venetian fleet had been destroyed, while in fact only four galleys were lost. Nasi urged Selim to carry out his long-cherished plan for the conquest of Cyprus, to take advantage of a weakened enemy. Selim, who was still in need of the conquest that should inaugurate the reign of every Ottoman sultan, finally allowed himself to be convinced by the pro-war party in the Divan. Sokolli influence could only manage to convince Selim of addressing the Signoria with a request for a peaceful surrender of Cyprus under menace of war, that was delivered by ambassador Kubad to the signoria in February 1570. The letter cited the piracy in Cyprus that disrupted Ottoman trade routes and pilgrimage to Mecca as the reasons for the demand.

Venice could not accept such demand, and her response arrived to the Porte in April: "Venice is firmly resolved to defend her legitimate possession of the island of Cyprus, trusting in the justice of God." This answer prompted Selim to order the inprisonment of the Venetian ambassador Marcantonio Barbaro. Meanwhile, 90 galleys and 3,000 men had been assembled at Zara (Albania). The troops were under command of condottiero Girolamo Martinengo known as Sword of Gold for his inclination to plunder, that made him one of the favorite condottieri to the mercenaries. But command of the fleet was given to Francesco Zane, an indecisive man that did not dare to go alone to Cyprus and went to Corfu to wait for the fleets that the Pope and the King of Spain had offered, losing a precious time to reinforce the island before the arrival of the Turks.

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Given the disparity in size and resources between the contenders, and the position and distance of Cyprus to Venice, without Venetian naval and military superiority Cyprus was lost from the start. The Venetian navy was afraid of venturing alone far from Corfu and Crete, given the Ottoman naval superiority in the last 70 years. Also the Ottoman army was at least 20 times bigger than the Venetian army. Except for a miracle, Cyprus was doomed.
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Already in March and April two Ottoman fleets have made to sea, and a month later, on May 16, 1570, a fleet under Piali Pasha's command, joined them with the bulk of the forces and went to conquer the island. The Ottoman resources were far bigger than the Venetians: 126 galleys, 25 smaller warships, 80 transports and 50,000 men with horses and artillery. The war of Cyprus had started.
 

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2. The conquest of Nicosia

While the war preparations were hurried in 1569, the Venetian diplomacy worked in two fronts, trying to reach a peaceful agreement that failed, and trying to obtain for the Republic the help of the other Christian States at war with the Sultan. Pope Pius V (Michele Ghislieri, from Bosco in Alessandria) was very receptive to Venice problems, and immediately allowed the Signory to levy a tenth on the property of the Venetian clergy for the purposes of the war. The Pope saw the opportunity for one of his most ardent desires, the organization of a Holy League of Christian nations against the Turk. The Italians had paid a high price to the Mediterranean war of Suleyman, and Pius had supervised the improvement of the defensive fortifications in the Papal States. It was now the time to go on the offensive against Selim. Pius did not lack allies. The Knights of Malta were in his debt for the money donated for the rebuilding of their fortifications after the siege of Malta of 1565, and Cosimo de Medici, recently invested Grand Duke of Tuscany by him, was willing to provide his recently created naval order of St. Stefan, with his twelve new galleys as the Pope's fleet. The Signoria authorized their ambassador in Rome to enter the negotiations for such a League, but the negotiations proceed slowly. The Venetians were anxious about the consequences of entering such a league, as their experience had not been good with the previous one, and a peaceful solution was preferred. On the other hand Felipe II of Spain did not want to join the league and the participation of Spain was deemed essential for the league to succeed both in terms of ships, troops and financing. Pius V offered Felipe one million ducats in church exemptions, but still Felipe doubted. On one side it was going to be an expensive venture at a time when troubles were mounting both in the Low Countries and at home with the Moriscos rebellion. On the other hand, the necessary mutual confidence between Spain and Venice for the enterprise was lacking. Felipe was well aware that Venice would abandon the league when it no longer served a purpose to them, and use it only as a bargaining chip with the Sultan. But it did not escape to all of them that the loss of Cyprus would only serve the interest of the Turks, so they all agreed in providing help. Spain sent 60 ships under command of Gian Andrea Doria, Genoa one galley, the Pope paid for the 12 galleys that belonged to Tommaso de Medici of Florence and placed them under command of Marcantonio Colonna, three from Malta and three from Savoy. But the fleet did not have a unique command, nor had the parties agreed on any previous plan, and due to the delay of the Papal ships, the fleet did not leave until August 1570, to meet the Venetian fleet in Crete.

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The naval Order of Saint Stephen was created by Cosimo de Medici to commemorate the battle of Marciano, on Saint Stephen's day, August 2, 1554, when the Spanish and Fiorentines decisively defeated the French and Sienese, leading to the annexation of Siena by Tuscany. The headquarters of the knights were stablished at the Palazzo dei Cavalieri, built in Pisa in 1562 by Georgio Vasari, and the church of Saint Stephen next to it. The symbol of the Order is a red lanceolate lobed cross that the statue of Cosimo carries on the breast plate. The statue is at the Piazza dei Cavalieri, at the entrance to the Palazzo in Pisa. The 12 gallies of the Order constituted the Papal contingent.
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While the negotiations for a Holy League proceed from March 1570 to May 1571, the war started and the Ottoman fleet of Piali Pasha, after devastating the island of Tinos, that was nevertheless succesfully defended by Girolamo Paruta, arrived at Cyprus near Larnaca on July 1, 1570. There, Lala Mustafa Pasha, the Turkish commander, landed his men and guns at Limassol unopposed, and sent reconnoitring parties into the interior to discover the strength of the island. The Cypriots, who had no reason to love the Venetians, offered no opposition to the invaders, but supplied them with provisions, surrendering the stronghold of Leftari. At night, the Venetians entered the city and massacred the men, and disperssed the women and children in the mountains to set an example, exacerbating the dissafection of the Greek locals. Larnaca surrenders on the 4th of July, and Lala Mustafa waits there for the arrival of the whole of his troops, amounting to some 50,000 infantry, 2,500 cavalry, 30 pieces of heavy artillery and 50 smaller guns.

In Corfu, Francesco Zane sends an expedition to take the fortress of Margaritino (Margariti), a short distance inland from Parga, in the coast of Epiro, North of Prevesa. Sforza Pallavicini with 5,000 men and four cannons, after studying the defenses, decides to withdraw, despite the protests of the provveditore generale Sebastiano Venier, and returns to Corfu. On July 12, the fleet of Francesco Zane finally departed Corfu, but the Venetian fleet was hit by a serious pestilence losing many men. After being reinforced with the Cretan fleet of Marco Querini, they attacked the fortress of Braccio-di-Maina (Mani), at the Southernmost tip of the Peloponnesian penninsula, a region of difficult access by land, where they recruited the help of the local Greeks under direction of the Melissinoi brothers. The castle was destroyed because of the difficulty of keeping it. After this action they decide to go to Candia (Crete) for repairs and reinforcements, and to wait for the delayed promised fleets from Spain and the Pope, while the pestilence was still taking a heavy toll on the Venetian soldiers and sailors on board the fleet.

08maina.jpg


Mani, the Southernmost finger of the Peloponnesian penninsula, was (and still is) a poor isolated region that even the Turks did not bother to control tightly. It had several strongholds, and its main importance was that it was obligated pass to all maritime traffic before the opening of the Corynth channel. The reason that it was attacked by the Venetians was probably because they could, being halfway between Crete and Cephalonia, and lightly defended. The name Fortezza de Mania does not say much, as there were four castles in the region.
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Meanwhile, the Venetian commanders in Cyprus collected all their forces in the fortresses of Nicosia and Famagusta, with a small garrison in Kyrenia. The troops available in the island were far outnumbered by the Turks.*

Besides the Cypriot militia, there were about 3,000 regular infantry and 2,000 of the reinforcements sent with Girolamo Martinengo, who had died from the pestilence on the voyage, and was buried at Famagusta. The cavalry hardly amounted to 500, because the feudal nobles who were responsible for maintaining horses had been replacing them by the locally bred mules. Men of authority were lacking. The office of lieutenant-governor was vacant by the death of Lorenzo Bembo, and his successor had not arrived before the Turks invaded the island. The provveditore was Niccolò Dandolo, a man of weak character and unable to grapple with the situation. Astorre Baglioni, general of the militia, a strong and efficient officer, devoted himself to the completion of the defences of Nicosia. He also wished to oppose the Turks on the coast, but as his advice was overruled by the provveditore, he left Nicosia, and with his militia and Stradioti went to Famagusta.

09martinengo.jpg


This armour from Martinengo, at the Royal Armoury in Torino, is a good example of the kind of armor that the defenders wore.
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The Turkish commanders debated whether to attack first Famagusta or Nicosia. Lala Mustafa learned from a desertor of the dissensions between Niccolò Dandolo and his liutenants at Nicosia, and decided to take advantage of the enemies divissions. The Turkish army therefore marched to Nicosia without opposition and in July pitched their camp to the south-east of the city, on a high ground. The siege was undertaken in the approved method of those days. The first batteries were set up at a distance of about 300 paces from the ramparts, on a front of about a mile extending from the Paphos gate to the Famagusta gate, to attack the four southern bastions of the city.*The Turks raised four earthen forts with which to protect themselves against the artillery of the city, and to annoy its defenders. One was on the hill of St. Marina, 270 paces from the Podocataro bastion; one at St. Giorgio di Magnana; one on the little hill called Margariti, and the other on the chain of hills of Mandia.

Under cover of the fire from these batteries the besiegers occupied the old mediaeval ditch (which had not been completely filled in), and from there they pushed forward zigzag trenches which could not be enfiladed by the defenders on the ramparts. By this means they got within eighty paces of the ramparts, and there set up their second line of batteries from which for four days they bombarded the four bastions, Podocataro, Constanza, D'Avila and Tripoli. But, as this fire had no effect on the earthworks of the city, they drove trenches up to the counterscarp, the outer edge of the ditch, where they threw up parapets of earth and posted musketeers to drive the defenders from the walls. Under cover of this fire they drove deep trenches across the ditch, protected from the flanking fire of the defenders by ramparts constructed of earth and brushwood. By this means they reached the corners of the bastions and began to cut away the masonry so as to form a sloping approach by which to deliver an assault.

10NicosiaPinargenti.jpg



The siege of Nicosia in Pinargenti's map of 1573. I have written the names of all the bastions as a reference. The Turkish attack took place from the South, centered on the Podocatero, Constanza, D'Avila and Tripoli bastions. In the blank legend I have pasted an enlargement of the left corner that shows the destiny of those captured by the Turks. The lucky ones were hanged, while the unlucky ones were impaled. "The most rabid of all deaths" according to whitnesses, were the impaled could last three days before the liberating death would finally come.
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Meanwhile the defenders had not been idle, but the fire from the ramparts had not been able to stop the construction of trenches and batteries, nor were there sufficient troops in the city to enable them to make a counter-attack. Nevertheless, when the Turks had crossed the ditch and began to demolish the bastions, it was evident that a sortie must be made to destroy the works of the besiegers. The sortie, made at midday when the Turks were sleeping in the shade, had some temporary success. Two batteries were captured, but by scattering to collect loot the Venetians were unable to withstand the counter-attack of the Turks, and were driven back into the city. The defenders then gave up all idea of further sallies, inner lines of defence were hastily constructed across the four threatened bastions and messages were sent to Famagusta to ask for help. They were encouraged by reports that the Venetian fleet was coming to their aid and rejected the proposals made by Lala Mustafa to surrender on honourable conditions.

Due to the indecission of the fleet commanders, the defenders of Nicosia would not receive any help. Colombani, the survivor of the party sent to Famagusta for help met a refusal from Bragadino. Although Astorre Baglioni was willing to march to Nicosia, Bragadino knew that both cities would be lost if Famagusta was left unmanned. As in the siege of Malta, resistance behind strong walls was the only option against the vastly superior Ottoman army. There were 20 Turkish soldiers in the island for each defender. Nevertheless Baglioni would frequently hostigate the Turks with his cavalry, inflicting them numerous casualties, but unable to distract them from the siege.

11bastionnicosia.jpg


One of Nicosia bastions, as it remains today. Ironically, the Southern bastions attacked by the Turks are now in the hands of Cypriots, while the Northern bastions are kept by the Turks in the only divided city that remains in Europe. We can see the minaret from a mosque protruding from the background.
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The siege had now lasted for six weeks, the summer season was drawing to a close, for fifteen days the various attacks on the bastions had been repulsed with great loss of lives to the assailants. The diseases were also taking a heavy toll between the Turks and the morale was decreasing, so Lala Mustafa determined to make a great effort to take the city by assault. Piali Pasha was informed from Rhodes that the Venetian fleet was not likely to arrive owing to dissensions among the allies, and he ordered a hundred soldiers from each ship at Larnaca to go to Nicosia, increasing the troops in 20,000 more against the handful of defenders. The courage of the jannissaries was revived by the promise of rewards to those who should first cross the walls, and a general assault on four bastions was ordered. Before dawn on 9 September the Turks advanced to the attack. Scaling the walls of Constanza bastion while the defenders were still asleep, they made themselves masters of the bastion, killing its commander the Compte di Roccas and driving the defenders into the city square. The Tripoli bastion was also stormed, and three guns there were captured and turned upon the defenders in the square. Street by street the Turkish forced their way into the city. The last stand was made in the courtyard of the Palace, were Niccolò Dandolo and the last defenders finally surrendered when they were promised their lives would be respected, but they were immediately killed after surrendering. Eight days of pillage were decreed, the city plundered and the third palace of the Lusignans burned down, as the previous two ones had been destroyed by the Genoese and the Mameluks. The number of casualties of the terrible massacre is estimated at 20,000. Between those that surrendered and were killed was the bishop Francesco Contarini, while many youngs were enslaved and taken with the booty to the ships at Larnaca. One of the women destined to the harem, Amalda de Roccas, chose death to dishonor and managed to blow up the ship where she was held, that sunk with its load of booty and captives.

12Torchprisoner.jpg


Ilustriation of the Cypriote woman holding a torch, entitled "the victorious prisoner", from the book "The gallery of strong women", by Pierre Le Moyne, Paris 1947.
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On the news of the terrible massacre of Nicosia, the commandant of Kyrenia surrendered without making any defence, and that castle is therefore the only one of the Venetian fortresses that has remained intact to the present day. The remainder of the island, with the exception of Famagusta, followed the example of Kyrenia and submitted to the Turkish forces.

The news of the fall of Nicosia also reached the allied fleet on September 18, near Castelrosso (Kastellorizo) an island south of Rhodes not too far from Cyprus. Colonna proposed to help Famagusta, but Doria wanted to attack Durazzo in Albania, and Zane preferred to land at Negroponte in Euboea. So nothing was done, Doria decided to return to Messina with the pretext of bad season, and so the fleet that could have prevented the attack on Cyprus, or at least helped Famagusta, returned home. Francesco Zane could have continued to Famagusta with his 112 galleys but he decided to retreat to Candia without combat. The Venetians were enraged and substituted Francesco Zane for the older but fierce Sebastiano Veniero as Capitano Generale, with Agostino Barbarigo as Provveditore Generale, while at the same time prepared to sign peace at any price, as the French ambassador suggested, accepting that the island was lost. Meanwhile, under the direction of Veniero the Venetians started a campaign of attacking in diferent parts of the Ottoman Empire. Sebastian Veniero pillaged the island of Andros, while in November Antonio da Canal stablished a new siege at the fortress of Margaritino, near Parga in Epiro.

But Pious V was decided to have his Holy League at any cost, and he sent his grand-nephew, cardinal Michele Bonelli, known as cardinal Alessandrino as his legate to Spain and Portugal. Bonelli had resigned to his post as Camerlengo so his great-uncle could sell it to Venetian cardinal Luigi Cornaro, grand-nephew of Queen Caterina Cornaro and also active promotor of the League, for 70,000 scudi to raise funds for the war against the Turks. He finally succeded after long discussions to persuade Felipe II to participate in the League. Felipe agreed to pay the bulk of the cost of the League and involve himself in the Oriental Mediterranean in exchange for command of the joint fleet and the agreement that after two years of activity in the Venetian area of interest, the Ionian and Aegean seas, the Holy League Fleet would turn to the Barbary Coast for another two campaigns, before turning to the Papal interest of driving the Turks out of Constantinople. Portugal and France refused to join the League, England was not asked and Russia didn't bother to answer.

The signing of the Holy League gave Venice new hopes on the war when they were already considering the peace proposals of Sokolli, since they obviously included the cession of Cyprus.
 

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3. The siege of Famagusta

The fortifications of Famagusta, designed by Sammicheli, responded to the most advanced conceptions of defensive warfare: the rectangular enclosure of the wall, almost four kilometers long and strengthened at the corners by strong bastions, had ten towers placed at intervals and was protected by an inclined earth rampart 30 meters wide. Behind the walls, ten fortresses surpassed their height, named the Knights, overlooking the sea and the sourraunding lands, while at the outside, a deep ditch surrounded it. The main direction for an attack was protected by the imponent masses of the Martinengo bastion and the Andruzzi fortress. The Martinengo bastion was so strong that was never attacked and can still be seen today. The Andruzzi fortress was protected by the lower Rivellino (ravelin) bastion, placed ahead of it. The walls were designed to move the artillery easily from place to place, and the bastions had no blind spots and fire coud be directed against those trying to climb or mine the walls, while the defenders artillery was protected from enemy fire.

13martinengo.jpg


The Martinengo Bastion. This immense bastion of over a square mile big was built by the Venetian architect Giovanni Sammicheli between 1550-1559. With its triangular design constitutes the best XVI century example of military architecture in the World. Built over rock on the North-West corner of Famagusta, it was designed to protect the city from a landing or a northern attack as it covered all that area to the sea. The maximum thickness of the walls is 20 feet (6 m.), and all built of stone masonry. It has two levels. The top level is accesible to cannons from two ascending ramps at the sides, and dominated the countriside at the other side of the moat. The bottom level is accesible from two descending ramps from the top level and two descending ramps from the city. In its vaulted chambers there are vent holes for gunpowder smoke to escape and for ventilation to take place. On its walls there are niches for gunpowder barrels and cannon balls. Its cannon flankers, three on each side, protect the walls at both sides of the bastion. The flanker gunports are the largest along the entire walls for here the biggest guns were installed. It is comparable with the French forts built just before the First World War at Verdun. The bastion is named after Ercole Martinengo, disciple of Giulio Savorgnan, that worked on the fortifications of Famagusta before and during the siege. He is not to be mistaken with condottiero Girolamo Martinengo who died before arriving to Famagusta, or with captain Luigi da Martinengo, who fought until the bitter end. When Lala Mustafa attacks Famagusta, he realizes how strong the Martinengo bastion is, and so he decides to leave it alone. Therefore, the North-West side of the city is rendered safe by the bastion, making the defense of the city easier for the Venetians.
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The first forces of Lala Mustafa arrived at Famagusta on the 16 of September 1570, when the plundering of Nicosia was still taking place. The head of Niccolò Dandolo was delivered to Marcantonio Bragadino in a basket. Lala Mustafa Pasha himself, leaving a garrison of 4,000 men in Nicosia, arrived with his main army to Famagusta in October 1570, and pitched his camp at the village of Pomodamo, three miles to the south of the city. Finding that the fortress could not easily be taken and that the season was now too late to begin a regular siege, he retired to his camp to pass the winter, which was unusually severe. Piali Pasha retired with his fleet and men to Constantinople, leaving behind 40 galleys to guard the siege. But in January, twelve Venetian vessels under command of Marco Querini arrived at Famagusta with food, munitions, and 1,700 troops under command of Luigi da Martinengo, the only captain corageous enough to come to the island. Querini managed not only to break the blockade, but also sunk two Turkish galleys. The beys of Chios and Rhodes, in charge of the blockade, paid with their lives their failure. In February Marco Quirini departs from Famagusta with his fleet of 12 ships, and Bragadino and Baglioni let the Turks believe that the defenders have abandonned the city in those ships. When the Turkish army approaches, Baglioni leads a fierce attack killing 2,500 enemies. During the winter, the defenders of Famagusta worked night and day to improve the fortifications under the able direction of Girolamo Maggi d'Anghiari (or Hyeronimus Magius Anglariae), an English born military engineer at the service of the Venetian Republic, and Ercole Martinengo, a pupil of Savorgnan.

14OthelloGate.jpg


The citadel was built in the XII century during the Lusignan period, to protect the harbour. The citadel was originally surrounded with a moat. In 1492 the Venetians transformed it into an artillery stronghold making alterations similar to those at Kyrenia castle. The marble panel above the entrance shows the winged lion of Venice, and includes the name of Nicolo Foscarini who remodelled the castle. The citadel consists of towers and corridors leading to artillery chambers. On one side, its large courtyard is the refectory, and above it apartments, both dating back to the Lusignan period. In the courtyard of the citadel there are some Ottoman and Venetian cannons and their iron balls. Cristoforo Moro, who according to some is the original Shakespeare's Othello married to the beautiful Desdemona Barbarigo, was a Venetian captain and governor of Cyprus between 1505 and 1508. Shakespeare places Othello's play in a port in Cyprus and may have turned Cristoforo into a Moor due to his name. The present day name of the citadel, Othello's Tower, came into use during the British colonial period. The Venetians have done something similar and identify Palazzo Contarini-Fasan in Venice as Desdemona's palace, and a hotel claims to be the place were Desdemona first met Othello at a dancing party.
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In April 1571 large Turkish reinforcements of men, arms, and provisions arrived from Caramania and Syria, bringing the number of assailants to 193,000 soldiers, 40,000 engineers, 3,000 cavalry and 113 pieces of artillery, to the 8,000 defenders, of them 4,000 infantry, 800 militia, 3,000 citizens and peasants, and 200 Albanian stradioti.*It was indeed an epic siege. They fought men and women, soldiers and priests, with superhuman efforts. Furniture, pieces of the houses, churches and convents, everything no matter how precious was used to rebuild the battered walls. Four groups of young women ran up to every part putting down fires, treating the injured and encouraging the survivors, while monks and priests guided from the bishop of Limassol, that died on the task, went around bringing a crucifix and invoking the eternal rest for the dying and the divine help on the defenders. The recent memory of the fierce slaughter at Nicosia, removed every illusion on the clemency of the attackers, and persuaded them to sacrifice their lifes, robbing the enemy from the pleasure of a new massacre.

15Ffortifications.jpg


Left, ample ramps for the cannons lead to the protected bastions of Famagusta. The revolutionary defenses, product of the knowledge acquired in the Italian wars, that the Ottomans did not possess, where the main factor in allowing 7,000 defenders to hold for so long against 200,000 attackers. Right, the ravelin, or demi-lune, an outwork composed of two faces, forming a salient angle that splits the enemy attack, and protects the bastion behind and above it, the Andruzzi fortress. The ravelin and the Andruzzi fortress protected the only land gate of Famagusta. At the ravelin and at the Arsenal tower took place the fiercest attacks by the muslim hordes.
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While Famagusta was subjected to its long siege, the resistance of its defenders gave time to conclude the negotiations to form the Holy League, that was finally signed by the special envoy of Felipe II and former minister, the influential cardinal Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle, on May 25, 1571. It was agreed to concentrate the combined fleet at Messina, under command of Don Juan de Austria, half brother of king Felipe of Spain. The signing of Spain also brought the inclusion of the Italian States under her orbit, Florence, Savoy, Urbino, Ferrara, Parma, Mantua, Genoa and Lucca, but only four national contingents were formed according to who paid the bill, Spain would not only pay for his ships and soldiers, but also for those of the rest of the Italians; Venice, Papal States, and Malta covered their own expenses.

16Famagusta.jpg


A map of Famagusta during the siege. The Turks attacked the South wall from the Arsenal tower to the ravelin, and the South half of the Western wall. The Martinengo and Diamante bastions were not attacked, neither was the castle or citadel. The knights (cavalieri) were raised platforms inside the walls from which protective fired was directed to the assailants, there were three behind each wall, with the names of the main cities in that direction, Limassol in the South, Nicosia in the West and Kyrenia in the North. When the city walls were broken, a second line of defense had been made by joining the knights with hand made ramparts.
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Meanwhile the Ottoman fleets reigned in the seas. Uluch Alí with his corsairs attacked Crete at La Canea and looted and burned Rhetimo whose habitants had abandoned it, on July 7, devastating later Corfu, where everybody outside the fortress was killed, and four Venetian galleys were captured. Uluch Ali attacks then with 17 galleys the Maltese fleet of 4 galleys of Pietro Giustinian capturing another two. Muezzinzade Ali Pasha, the Kapudan Pasha, leaves Constantinople in March with 30 galleys and attacks the island of Cephalonia and is reinforced in May with the 124 galleys of Pertev Pasha and proceeds to the Adriatic where he reunites also with the fleet of Uluch Ali, attacking Zante, Durazzo, Valona, Dulcino, Antivari, Lesina and Curzola, capturing 7,000 peasants as galley slaves. Meanwhile the corsair Kara Hodja (black eyes) attacks the gulf of Venice, and the army of Ahmed Pasha attacks Parga, in the Albanian coast of the Epirus, north of Preveza, a city still in Venetian hands due to the loyalty of its citizens. The Venetian fleet of Sebastian Veniero and Agostino Barbarigo, was able to avoid the muslim fleets in the Adriatic, arriving in June to Messina, where the Holy League fleet was going to assemble.

17Famagustasiege.jpg


The siege of Famagusta depicted by Pinargenti in 1573. The Port was well defended by the Castle (Castello), and the North side by the Martinengo bastion. The Turks attacked the South side between the Arsenal tower, next to the sea, and the ravelin that protected the Land door, and the South side of the Western walls. The numerical superiority of the Ottoman army, that continuosly recibed reinforcements, was astonishing, demonstrating the level of resources that the Ottoman empire was capable of movilizing at the peak of its power, and that for many decades hid the decadence that its army had already entered. Had Famagusta received the timely reinforcements many times promised, the siege could have prolonged for years, but it is doubtful that Cyprus could have been recovered, as unlike in Malta, the Ottoman army could hold to what they had already conquered, and the Venetian economy did not allow for prolonged wars, while the Ottoman Empire was designed for constant war.​
 

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4. The fall of Famagusta and the fate of Bragadino

In the siege of Famagusta, the first Turkish batteries were constructed on a front of 1,000 paces on the south side of the fortress, against the arsenal tower near the harbour to the ravelin which guarded the land gate at the south-west corner. By the end of May the Turks had driven their trenches up to the counterscrap, entered and crossed the ditch, and had begun to mine the ravelin and the arsenal tower. Some of the mines were discovered and captured by the countermining defenders, who were glad to make use of the gunpowder they contained, as the fortress was beginning to run short of ammunition. Baglioni conducts an unorthodox defense, and blows up the Turkish trenches at the mount of the Jews, poisons the wells, and sets tablets with nails all around the walls. On June 21, the besiegers succeeded in firing a mine under the arsenal tower. The wall was shattered by the explosion, and immediately the Turks made an assault over the debris. Led by Baglioni in person, the defenders repulsed the attack after five hour hand-to-hand fighting. On June 29, a second mine was fired under the ravelin, making a great breach in the walls over which the Turks attacked encouraged by Lala Mustafa Pasha himself. The arsenal tower was also attacked simultaneously, but both attacks were repulsed after six hours fighting. After this, the defenders themselves laid a mine under the ravelin to blow it up if it could be no longer held.*In ten days of crashes, 30,000 Turks between soldiers and engineers have met their death.

On 9 July a third general assault was made on the whole rampart with its three intervening towers between the ravelin and the tower of the arsenal. The ravelin was captured, but immediately Luigi da Martinengo fired the mine, killing 100 Venetians and 1,500 Turks, and Baglioni takes the rest of the defenders and repells the assault. All through July the Turks destroyed the ramparts by mine and cannon. In two weeks Mustafa has a large trench built and orders the fourth general assault. Baglioni and Martinengo carry out a sortie and when retreating explode another mine on the left flank of the ravelin, burying 700 Turks. Again and again the Ottomans assaulted the breaches, only to be repulsed at the second line of defence constructed of casks and sacks filled with earth. On the 29 a particularly bloody assault takes place preceded by the explosion of five mines around the flank of the Knights of Limassol and one at the square of the Arsenal. This time the Venetians are only able to repell the assault with strong losses to themselves. The defenders of Famagusta are running out of supplies and water, and the civil population starts to pressure the Venetian commanders to surrender. The next day a renegade contacts Baglioni with an offer that is rejected, and Lala Mustafa orders a fifth general assault two days after the previous one, that is also repelled while the Turks count the eldest son of Lala Mustafa Pasha between their death. But only 500 defenders are left, many injured and all tired from the tension, constant work and lack of food, they are enough only to place a man every 50 meters of the defensive perimeter. After withstanding 26 assaults their situation is desperate, and the last day of the month the cipriot nobility oblige the Venetians to ask for surrender. Baglioni opposes it because he is aware of the fate met by the defenders of Nicosia, but facing certain death, the civilians and his own men convince Bragadino that the defense is no longer possible. Only seven barrels of powder are left.

On July 30, Lala Mustafa is forced to report to Selim that he had lost 60,000 men in the 26 assaults against Famagusta, and he is probably understating the number. 163,000 shells had fallen into the city during the siege, an amount more usual of XXth century sieges. The outer walls have been broken in six of the eleven strongholds, but the defenders still have the citadel intact, where they could still resist if the walls finally fall. Ignoring that the defenders have almost exhausted their gunpowder and were also running out of water, and even domestic animals and rats were difficult to find for food, stricken also by the death of his son and the great number of casualties suffered, Lala Mustafa accepted the terms for the surrender of Famagusta on the first of August. The terms included that all lives were to be respected, safe transfer of the troops and arms to Crete, and freedom to the civil population to remain safe in Famagusta or to accompany the troops. In a single day the terms were settled and signed. The Turks immediately sent fourteen vessels into the harbour, and on them the sick and the wounded were embarked together with some families. By August 4, most of the garrison had gone on board the ships and the city was left to the Turks. As soon as they entered it, General Marcantonio Bragadino had complained Lala Mustafa that his soldiers were showing violence to the remaining inhabitants, for which there were not sufficient ships. Mustafa replied that he would take steps to prevent any further violence on the part of his men, that two more ships would be provided, and that he would be glad to meet Signor Bragadino in person.*

18Canbulat.gif


The Canbulat tomb in Famagusta. Djanboulat, bey of Kilis in Adana, was among the high ranking officers commanding the right wing of the Turkish army along with Iskender Pasha and Deniz Pasha, at the south section of the walled city. He died in the attacks to the Arsenal bastion and was declared a martyr. His tomb was placed below the bastion. According to one Turkish legend Djanbulat Bey drove his horse on a big reel with blades which was mounted by the Venetians at the entrance of the Arsenal Bastion in order to prevent the advance of the Turkish Army, and with his sacrifice he opened the doors for the conquest of Famagusta by his army. A more modest legend states that Djanbulat's bravery allowed the capture of the Bastion. Of course we know better that neither Famagusta nor its bastions were conquered, but surrendered under terms.
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The same evening General Marcantonio Bragadino with Astorre Baglioni, Luigi da Martinengo and the rest of the officers rode out of the city to the pavilion of the pasha, where they were received with great courtesy. They were disarmed and introduced into the presence of Lala Mustafa Pasha, who conversed with them for some time. Then Mustafa demanded hostages for the safe return of his ships and, when Bragadino refused to go beyond the terms of capitulation, Lala Mustafa Pasha accused him of having put to death certain Turkish prisoners. Bragadino’s reply so enraged Mustafa that he himself cut his right ear, and have his men cut his left ear and his nose. He then ordered the rest of the officers killed. Of Bragadino's party, only the engineer Ercole Martinengo saved his life, hidden from the rage of Lala Mustafa by the chief eunuch. The other forty members in the party were immediately killed. Baglioni was beheaded, Gian Antonio Querini was strangled, 70 year old Lorenzo Tiepolo was hung, and all the rest killed in different manners in front of Bragadino, and then all their heads collected in a pile. Bragadino was then imprisoned with his wounds untreated. About 300 soldiers and civil defenders where then killed and the remaining enslaved and taken to Constantinople.

Almost two weeks later, on August 17, Bragadino was brought from imprisonment, sick from his badly infected wounds. He was subjected to torture being dragged around the walls, with sacks of earth and stones on his back, then tied on a chair and hoisted to the yardarm of the Turkish flagship where he was exposed to the mockery of the sailors while Lala Mustafa and other Turkish officers mocked and insulted him and his religion. Too weak to walk, he was beaten, undressed and tied to a pole in the main square. He was then flayed alive starting at the back of the neck and continuing down. By the time they reached his waist he had expired, they nevertheless continued until they took out all his skin. His head was cut and put on a pike. His body was cut in four and each piece was placed in one of the bastions of the walls. His skin was filled with straw and cotton, and carefully sewed, then placed over an ox and paraded all over Famagusta. Bragadino's skin was taken on board a ship with several of the heads from his officers and exhibited at every port of call before being presented as a trophy to Selim II in Constantinople.

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Marcantonio Bragadin, martyred in a most horrible way, together with the rest of the leaders of the defense of Famagusta.
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Some years later the skin of Bragadino was stolen from the Arsenal of Constantinople by an enslaved Veronese soldier, Girolamo Polidoro, who gave it to the Venetian Balio. In 1588, Girolamo Polidoro addressed the following letter to the Doge of Venice:

"Serenissimo Prince,

I, Hieronimo Polidoro from Verona, enslaved in the service of this excellent Republic, and not forgetting in my slavery my devotion to the Republic, nor fearing any danger, I was the very happy martyr that at the request of illustrious Tiepolo, at the time Bailo (ambassador) to Constantinople, raised at the house of the Arsenal the skin of preclare Bragadin, and under my clothes took it safe and entire to the illustrious Bailo, with the virtue, courage and infinite devotion that I profess to your Serenity. What happened to me after that, is too horrible to hear by the ears of such religious and lenient prince, and even more unbearable to tolerate by human nature. Because accused of this just action by the Turkish ministers, I underwent innumerable agonies that perhaps no person has had to endure in the living memory of mankind. Many days I was tortured, tied to a rope hanging from my feet, beaten on the belly and the back with three thousand blows of a stick. Beaten on my "nature" to the point that I have become eunuch. Half dead I was returned to my agonies, hanged from my feet again, folded, with a ball in my mouth, my head pushed into a recipient with salted water, I suffered the most terrible penalties.

After all these agonies, broken, ruined, reduced to begging, with each of my faculties reduced, I finally find myself at the feet of your Serenity, where I implore, for the love of Christ, a pension of sixteen ducats per month.
"

The services and courage of this soldier, thanks to whom we have definite proof of the destiny suffered by Marcantonio Bragadino, and that gained him terrible tortures were only worth five ducats per month to the Signoria. The Venetians gave the remains of Bragadino sepulture with honors at the church of Sts. Giovanni e Paolo in 1596, were they still rest, surrounded by his monument, as was officially attested in 1961 for one of his descendants.

19Lala.jpg


Lala Mustafa Pasha in his encampment after his victory at Kars (Turkey). He sits beneath a canopy, with Ali Celebi (Gelibolulu) kneeling before him. Standing nearby is Molla Celebi Katizade, who holds a spear that pierces a Safavid cap and is strung with human ears. One half of a double-page miniature painting from a sixteenth century manuscript of the Nusretname, an account of the Turkish conquest of Georgia by Lala Mustafa Pasha in 1578. British Library.
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Since there is not doubt that the supreme army commander of the Ottoman army, and member of the Divan (Ottoman high council), broke his word after accepting the honorable military surrender of the enemy, and cruelly gave death to those that unarmed had surrendered to him under terms, the historians only disagree about his motivation. Western historians have accepted the Venetian testimony of those present that Lala Mustafa was infuriated by the terrible losses incurred that he would find difficult to explain to the sultan, and did not take well the finding that the defenders had reached their limit of resistance and that the generous terms that he had accepted and that had deprived him of the glory of conquest, were unnecessary. Meanwhile Turkish historians defend that Bragadino's insolence brought this punishment on him and that there was an issue over some Turkish prissoners that Lala Mustafa believed had been executed, and that upon that belief, he considered the conditions of surrender as void, or in other words, that once the other party had met their terms of the compromise he felt relieved of having to do the same because he did not find everything to his liking. What I find most amazing about this story is that the number three in the Ottoman Empire, after the sultan and the grand vizier, would commit such heinous acts, and then present himself to the head of his country with the skin of an enemy that had surrendered to him on assurance that his life would be respected, and that such head of the state would accept the present and endorse such acts and display the trophy in the Arsenal. I guess the only country in Europe were such things could happen in the XVI century was the Ottoman Empire. The city of Famagusta had its name changed to Gazimagosa, the city that could not be conquered. The cathedral of St. Nicholas, where the Lusignan kigs of Cyprus were crowned as kings of Jerusalem, was converted into the Lala Mustafa Pasha Mosque to honor the criminal, and a minaret now protrudes next to the left tower.

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St. Nicholas Cathedral was constructed between the years 1298-1312 during the Lusignan period and is one of the most beautiful Gothic structures in the Eastern Mediterranean. The Lusignan kings would be inaugurated as Kings of Cyprus at the St. Sophia Cathedral in Nicosia, and later as Kings of Jerusalem at the St. Nicholas Cathedral in Famagusta. In 1571 the cathedral was turned into the Lala Mustafa mosque by the Turks. The architecture of the western front of the building has been influenced by the architecture of the Reims Cathedral. It has an unparalleled window with Gothic style tracery. The XVI century Venetian gallery in the courtyard is today used as a reservoir for ablutions. A Venetian insignia can be seen above the circular windows at the entrance. The relief ornamented with animal figures is thought to have been brought from a temple in Salamis. The apsis of the cathedral is in the Eastern style and is composed of three parts as in most Cyprus churches. The windows in the top part have been well preserved. There are two chapels at the side. The church of St. Peter and St. Paul was turned into Sinan Pasha Mosque, after the second Turkish governor of the island.
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But with the surrender of Famagusta and the fall of the entire island of Cyprus in Ottoman hands, the war had not concluded. The three Ottoman fleets did not succeed in locating and engaging the Venetian fleet on its way to Messina, so convinced now that the Venetians did not have the courage to present combat, they retired in September to winter in Lepanto.
 

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5. The battle of Lepanto and the end of the war

Uluch Ali, on his return to Algiers for winter with 25 corsair galliots, disembarcks in Calabria, at his birth place, and finds out about Don Juan's fleet in Messina, but he reports that the fleet will probably winter in port. Nevertheless, he is denied permission to travel to Algiers and has to return to Lepanto to join the rest of the Ottoman fleet.

The allies of the Holy League ignored the fate of the defenders of Famagusta when they finally collected all their forces in Messina towards the end of August. Despite the lateness of the season, Don Juan de Austria quickly organized the fleet and departed port by mid-September. It was not until the end of September, when they reached Cephalonia that they learnt of the torture and death of Bragadino and his officers, and the surrender of Famagusta. Don Juan decided to continue towards Lepanto, where the Ottoman fleet was docked for winter, in the hope that they would present combat. Selim ordered Muezzinzade Ali Pasha to present battle, and both fleets came together on October 7, 1571 at the entrance to the Gulf of Patras. The Christian triumph was absolute, and essentially the bulk of the Ottoman navy was wiped out, with only a few damaged ships under command of Uluch Ali escaping, and about 60 more that did not participate in the battle. The Christian loses were very light compared to the Ottoman ones. The battle of Lepanto was the biggest naval engagement since the battle of Actium and it marks the end of the galley battles after 3,000 years of Mediterranean galley warfare. Being their first crushing defeat, the Ottoman sources almost kept silent about it, referring only to the "dispersed fleet."

22GreekLepanto.jpg


A Greek painting of the battle of Lepanto on a table, in the Orthodox icon style. The Greeks were already tired of Turkish domination and were now more receptive to Latins. The victory at Lepanto gave hope of liberation to many, and some raised in rebellion at the Venetian request, armed and supported by Venetian troops. After peace was concluded between the Porte and the Signoria, the Greek rebels were bloody massacred by the Turks, and the orthodox priests, held responsible under the Millet system, were usually hanged or burned. Once more, relations between Latins and Orthodox did not lead to love precisely.
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At this point you might want to look down a few posts and read the 13 chapters on the battle of Lepanto and then continue with the war of Cyprus, or you could continue with the war now and check Lepanto later.

Given that the season was over, that Cyprus was now well garrisoned by the Ottomans, and that the Turkish fleet had already retired to its winter quarters in Lepanto, the Holy League fleet would have not achieved anything of substance if, unexplainably, Selim would not have ordered Muezzinzade Ali Pasha to present combat. The possibility of destroying the entire navies of Spain and Venice in a single battle, and thus opening the entire Mediterranean to his armies, was probably worth the risk to him. We must consider that for 70 years, since the battle of Sapienza in 1499, the Ottoman navy had been unbeatable, and so confidence was probably high. The Christians, on the other hand, risked a lot more, as if their combined fleets had been wiped out, they could not have stopped the previsible Ottoman offensive that would have followed. The Christian victory at Lepanto made sure that the Christian nations in the Mediterranean were safe, from then on, from Turkish agression, with the exception of Venice, still possessing highly vulnerable outposts deep in the Ottoman area of control. The Ottoman Empire also lost forever the supremacy at sea.

Soon after the battle, dissensions broke out again between the Holy League members, this time over the booty, and every contingent returned to port for the winter, waiting for the next season to continue the war. A month later, the fortress of Margaritino, in the hands of the islamized Chamides and a symbol of Turkish oppression in the area, surrenders to Paolo Orsini and is destroyed. Meanwhile Grand Vizier Sokolli put all the resources of the Ottoman Empire to the rebuilding of the fleet, and over the winter, in just five months, 150 new galleys were commissioned, a feat that could probably only be pulled by the Ottoman Empire. It is said, however, that in their construction and due to the urgency, they had to use fresh wood as there were not enough reserves of properly dried and treated wood, and that this navy was not of the same quality that the one that Barbarossa had built, and that those ships rotted quickly. It is possible that this was true, as those ships never saw naval combat against the Christians and were out of commission in a few years.

23Margaritino.jpg


The fortress of Margaritino (Margariti) is still as it was left by the Venetians. The fortress surrendered to the Venetians and the accompanying people from Parga, who had several scores to settle with the muslim Chamides, in just three days.
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On May 1572 Pius V died, and the new Pope, Gregory XIII (Bolognese Ugo Buoncompagni) tried hard to put new life into the Holy League against the Turks, but he was more concerned with the Protestant problems.

On the next year's campaign, the new Kapudan Pasha, Uluch (now Kilich, or sword) Ali Pasha consistently avoided combat with the Holy League fleet under command of Marcantonio Colonna. Both fleets met at Cape Mallo and Cape Matapam, at the South of the Peloponnese. On the first encounter Kilich Ali Pasha refused the battle, and on the second he retreated after losing five galleys, taking refuge at the harbour in Braccio-di-Mania. In September, the Spanish fleet of Don Juan de Austria arrived to Corfu and Alessandro Farnesio, proceed to attack Navarino with 4,000 Spanish soldiers, 500 Venetians under command of Paolo Orsini, and 1,000 adventurers under command of Girolamo Acquaviva. But when the siege was already established, Kilich Ali Pasha showed up with the Ottoman fleet, and the men had to be quickly brought on board for the battle. Once the siege was broken, Kilich Ali Pasha avoided battle and took refuge in the Gulf of Coron, that was too fortified to assault. Since the presence of the Ottoman fleet prevented a sustained siege, the attack on Navarino was cancelled.

24Mania.jpg


Map of the Morea with several places marked with the Italian names. Navarino (Pylos), where the siege could not take place, with the nearby fortresses of Modone (Methone) and Coron (Koroni), surrendered by Venice in 1503, and Malvasia (Monemvasia), surrendered in 1540. Several actions took place in or near Braccio-di-Mania (Mania's arm or Mani), a crossroads in the sea. In the Spanish drawing we can see the Holy League fleet in action against the main fortress in Kiparissos. Notice that the Venetian maps (and the Spanish copies) were wrong in placing Vathia at the right of the harbour. The harbour was protected by fortresses at both sides of the entrance, and was the port were Kilich Ali took refuge after his defeat at the skirmish of Cape Matapam. Two fortified places North of the one attacked in this map, is the fortified village now called Gerolimenas, that was took by the Venetians two years before, in the summer of 1570.
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The Venetians were discouraged by the lack of results, especially from the Spanish side that did not show enough enthusiasm to their eyes, and the only achievement of the Holy League was the capture of one Turkish ship. A Spanish ship came under attack of 25 Turkish galleys. The Venetians and the Spanish sent reinforcements, and so did Kilich Ali Pasha, but when he saw that he did not have a great numerical advantage he quickly retreated to Modone, but one of his galleys, under command of a nephew of the famous corsair Barbarossa was captured by the Marquis of Santa Cruz, Don Alvaro de Bazán.

It is worth to read what Miguel de Cervantes, also present in this action, had to say about the small incident in El Quixote: "The following year, which was the year seventy-two, I found myself at Navarino rowing in the leading galley with the three lanterns. There I saw and observed how the opportunity of capturing the whole Turkish fleet in harbour was lost; for all the marines and janizzaries that belonged to it made sure that they were about to be attacked inside the very harbour, and had their kits and pasamaques, or shoes, ready to flee at once on shore without waiting to be assailed, in so great fear did they stand of our fleet. But Heaven ordered it otherwise, not for any fault or neglect of the general who commanded on our side, but for the sins of Christendom, and because it was God's will and pleasure that we should always have instruments of punishment to chastise us. As it was, El Uchali [Uluch Ali] took refuge at Modon, which is an island near Navarino, and landing forces fortified the mouth of the harbour and waited quietly until Don Juan retired. On this expedition was taken the galley called the Prize, whose captain was a son of the famous corsair Barbarossa. It was taken by the chief Neapolitan galley called the She-wolf, commanded by that thunderbolt of war, that father of his men, that successful and unconquered captain Don Álvaro de Bazán, Marquis of Santa Cruz; and I cannot help telling you what took place at the capture of the Prize. The son of Barbarossa was so cruel, and treated his slaves so badly, that, when those who were at the oars saw that the She-wolf galley was bearing down upon them and gaining upon them, they all at once dropped their oars and seized their captain who stood on the stage at the end of the gangway shouting to them to row lustily; and passing him on from bench to bench, from the poop to the prow, they so bit him that before he had got much past the mast his soul had already got to hell; so great, as I said, was the cruelty with which he treated them, and the hatred with which they hated him" [Miguel de Cervantes, Don Quixote. Book One, Chapter 39].

So, was him the son or the nephew of Barbarossa? It was both. The older brother, Aruj, was the original Barbarossa with a red beard, and he was killed by the Spanish. His younger brother Khizr, despite his brown beard, inherited the nickname and became more famous, receiving the name of Khayr-ad-Din, or gift of God. The Barbarossa killed by his own slaves was the son of Aruj and Khayr-ad-Din's nephew.

And with this paltry achievement, the campaign of 1572 was concluded. The main conquests of the Venetians were the fortresses of Sopoto and Margaritino in Albania, and Clissa in Dalmatia. Parga had changed hands, but was again held by the Venetians. After the victory of Lepanto, and the conquest of Margaritino, Antonio da Canal was able to raise the Greeks of Acarnania and Etolia, in the Ionian cost between Prevesa and the Gulf of Patras, in rebellion against the Ottoman oppression.

25Epirus.jpg


The coast of Epirus, together with the Morea, was the preferred target for Venetian action. Very close to the safe port of Corfu and to Cephalonia, the Venetian fleet felt safe enough to act here even when the Ottoman navy dominated the seas. Except for a brief period, Parga was under Venetian control, raising the hopes of the neighboring Orthodox Greeks of escaping domination from the distant sultan. In the end their hopes were ill-placed, as the Venetians were not only powerless against the Turks, but also pursued their own goals that did not include a selfless liberation of Greece.
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However, by the end of the 1572 season it was clear to the Signoria that nothing more could be accomplished in the war. The patriotism and enthusiasm after the victory of Lepanto had waned, and the anti-war party was growing strong as the economy was worsening and the war outlook did not improve. Cyprus was now firmly in Ottoman hands and it would take a even bigger army to root them out. Felipe obviously was not going to go on an all-out war against the Ottoman Empire four thousand miles from home just to return Cyprus to Venice, at best a circumstantial ally. Additionally, as agreed, the Holy League's next two campaigns were going to look after the interests of Spain and the rest of Italy in the Barbary coast. So in September 1572, the Council of Ten authorized the Venetian Balio Marcantonio Barbaro to enter in peace negotiations with Grand Vizier Mohammad Sokolli, who was friendly to Venice and favorably inclined to peace. He told Barbaro: "by conquering Cyprus we have cut off one of your arms, but by defeating our fleet you have only shaved our beard. You can not expect another arm to grow to replace the cut one, whereas the shaven beard always grows again and even more abundantly." On March 7, 1573, the matter was settled. The treaty, which was signed in Constantinople, sealed the cession of Cyprus to the Sultan. It further arranged that the Venetians should give back to the Turks the fortress of Sopoto, near Corfu, which they had taken; that they should raise the tribute paid to the Porte for the possession of Zante from 1000 to 1500 ducats ; and should pay 300,000 ducats as war-indemnity. Clissa (Klis) and Parga remained in Venetian power, while Margaritino was abandoned. The Greeks that had raised in rebellion, were once more left to their own, and were massacred by the Turks, with the metropolitan of Patras burnt at the pire.

It was again another disaster for Venice who found herself in the difficult position that the one country on whose trade her prosperity depended, periodically attacked her to deprive her of her most precious possessions. Even the French ambassador at Constantinople, Francois de Noailles, bishop of Aire (Aix), wrote to his king Charles IX, how badly it had all turned out for Venice.

26ambassadors.jpg


Imperial ambassador Charles Ramire (he is identified for being the Austrian ambassador in Selim's time), held by two Osmanli dignitaries, bows deeply before sultan Selim II, as the court ceremonial demands as a sign of respect and inferiority. Another European legate awaits his turn also held by two Pashas.
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Despite having signed peace in March, 1573, and to show the reliability of the Turks, five months later, Sinan Pasha, former captain of Dragut and Uluch Ali, and future governor of Cyprus, returning from Tunis, attacked Corfu, killing those outside the fortress, burning and pillaging, and starting a siege on August 18. However a Venetian counterattack forced them back to their ships on September 6. In the attacks of 1537, 1571 and 1573 Corfu lost nine tenths of its population. Improvements in the fortress and the island defenses were started in 1576.
 

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6. The consequences

The defense of Famagusta is one of the most glorious pages in Venetian history, and quite comparable to the stern resistance that the Knights of the Order of St. John presented during the sieges of Rhodes and Malta. They did a lot to dispell the myth of Ottoman invencibility when resoluted men and women confronted them, and contributed to halt the Ottoman advance. It is sad to think that during those terrible months they always thought that sooner or later Venice would come to their rescue.

27bisanti.jpg


The coin used at Cyprus during the Venetian period, the "carzie" was coined at Venice. But during the long siege of Famagusta, from September 1570 to August 1571, having exhausted them, Marcantonio Bragadino minted a new coin, named "bisante" after the previous Cypriot coins from the Lusignan period that in turn came from the "byzantion", the gold coin of the Empire. This is the only coinage made in Cyprus during the entire Venetian period. The bisanti, all of them dated in 1570, have the following inscription: In the anverse, the lion of St. Mark, symbol of Venice, with the legend "Pro Regni Cypri Praesidio". In the reverse, below a small angel or "amorino" that implores to heaven for the city surrounded by the enemy, in four lines, the legend "Venetor Fides Inviolabilis" and "Bisant". It is an extremely rare coin and a testament to the long siege.
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For the Ottoman Empire, the war of Cyprus was very expensive, and Grand Vizier Mohammed Sokolli, the main opposer to the war, was also the only winner as he came again firmly in control of government. Selim, after having reached his glorious conquest, continued his live of pleasures and drunkenness with even more intensity, abandoning all government tasks into his able hands. All the partidaries of the war lost influence. Lala Mustafa Pasha was accused of losing too many men against the Venetian strongholds and was removed from the political scene for several years, his ambition of becoming Grand Vizier never fullfilled. Of the 200,000 Ottoman soldiers involved in the conquest of Cyprus, it is believed that 80,000 perished, while the defenders had only 10,000 men. Piali Pasha, despite being married to a sister of sultan Selim, had already been removed from power in 1570 because of the Chios incident, and the defeat at Lepanto guaranteed that he never recovered influence. Muezzinzade Ali Pasha, also a brother-in-law of Selim, died at Lepanto. Pertev Pasha, who fled Lepanto wounded, saved his head thanks to the good offices of his wife, who had strong ties to the imperial harem, but died October 7, 1572, on the exact first anniversary of Lepanto. Uluch Ali, the new Kapudan Pasha, after some success given his extraordinary naval capabilities, continued the collaboration with France against Spain and Portugal, recovering Tunis in 1574, but was disenchanted by the progressive lost of interest of the Ottoman sultans in their navy. He died an unexplained dead in Constantinople in 1587 when he was trying to make himself named Beilerbey of the Barbary coast with the not so secret ambition of independence from the Porte. The Turkish chroniclers of the time did not risk to report the death of such an important man, and it was said later that he died at the hands of a slave or at the blade of his barber's knife. Probably the sultan had him killed, although some believe the Spanish secret agents finally got him after several failed attempts. Without sons, he left his enormous fortune and his 1,300 slaves to the sultan.

Selim II died in December 12, 1574, breaking his skull in a fall while drunk. With the ascenssion of his son Murad III, and the Valide Sultan Nurbanu, the enemies of Sokolli gained influence over the sultan, and Sokolli's power started to fade. His supporters were imprissoned or executed, and he was finally assasinated in October 1579. His executioner was a Bosniac dervishe (monk) that was said to be mad. Some Turkish historians had blamed him with the controversial order to the fleet to engage the enemy at Lepanto. On command of the fleet was an inexperienced fleet commander, Muezzinzade Ali Pasha, who had previously been only an army commander. A naval defeat for a land empire could be considered of secondary importance and would discredit most of his political rivals, and after all Cyprus had already been won. If this is true, he clearly miscalculated the naval disaster that could take place. I find more plausible that Selim and the Divan believed in their invencibility and sought the opportunity to wipe out the fleets of Venice and Spain once and for all, a situation that would have played very well to the advantage of the agressor. Under the influence of his mother Nurbanu, the Venetian Cecilia Venier Baffo, the weak Murad maintained a peaceful policy towards the West, renewing the peace treaties with Venice in 1575, and with Austria in 1577, and finally reaching an eight years truce with Spain in 1578, that would be definitive.

28SelimII.jpg


"Selim the Sot died suddenly, as the accidental result of a last solitary debauch. Superstitious by nature, he had seen portents of his approaching end in the appearance of a comet, a destructive earthquake in Constantinople, floods which threatened the holy places of Mecca - but above all a serious fire in the kitchens of his Serraglio, which destroyed also its wine cellars. This seemed to confirm his premonitions, since the death of his grandfather had been preceded by a fire in the Serraglio of Adrianople. Disconsolate, he paid a visit to a Turkish bath that he had lately built and whose walls were not yet dry. To deaden his fears he drank, at a single draft, a whole bottle of Cyprus wine. Then, tottering unsteadily, he slipped and fell to the floor, cracking his skull on its marble flags and thus precipitating a fatal fever. Such was the not inappropriate end of Turkey's least distinguished Sultan." The above citation from Lord Kinross "The Ottoman Centuries" shows that in the end Cyprus got its revenge through its wine.
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Regarding Joseph Nasi, he did not obtain the rewards that he expected. Every land conquered by the Ottomans belonged to the sultan, that usually aportioned part of it for timars (lots for soldiers) and kept the rest within the family. Lala Mustafa was made governor of Cyprus, and its rents were for the most part assigned to the Imperial Harem, and Joseph Nasi was not appointed to any position. Being on the losing side of the political confrontation, Joseph Nasi's influence waned after the conclusion of peace with Venice in 1573, and although he retained his offices and income, the remainder of his life was passed in quiet seclusion in his castle of Belvedere. Nasi died childless on August 2, 1579; and his property was seized shortly after his death by sultan Murad on the advice of Sokolli, except for the 90,000 dinars stipulated in her ketubah (marriage contract) that were kept by his widow, Doña Reyna Nasi. With that money, a shadow of the Mendes riches of her mother, Reyna stablished a Jewish printing shop in Constantinople. The death of Nasi was lamented in the Jewish community. With Nasi, the Duchy of Naxos, also known as the Duchy of Archipelago, came to an end.

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The loses of Venice to the Ottoman Empire were mounting. There was too much disproportion between the huge Ottoman Empire and the tiny Venetian Empire to be otherwise. But Venetian decadence was a slow one due to the virtues of her government, while the Ottoman Empire had started a quick internal decadence that would turn them from the first power in Europe into the last.
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After the Cyprus war Venice entered into a permanent commercial crisis. Textile production of silk and wool also declined. The same happened with printing in part because of the Index Librorum Prohibitorum. Shipbuilding in the arsenal diminished. In 1575-1577 there was a terrible outbreak of plague, with tens of thousands of deaths in Venice. In 1590 there was a serious famine, and food supplies did not return to normal until 1594. Part of this impoverishment was due to the fact that Venice, in spite of its wretched economy, was pursuing a policy of totally retiring the public debt. This was made easier by going from a gold to a silver standard in 1562. The Cyprus war had cost 6 million ducats, but the government now payed off the Monte vecchio, the Monto Novo, the Monte novissimo, and the Monte di sussidio, so that by 1600 all loans had been liquidated. Venice had now very little empire left to lose. During the XVII century, Venice was able to stabilize its economy and halt its decadence, while the Ottoman Empire entered a free fall for the next 200 years. They were still going to fight two more wars, but in the future the tiny state was going to be able to put up a fight against the muslim giant that periodically attacked her.

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As a homage to Marcantonio Bragadino, Titian painted "The Flaying of Marsyas" (1575-76), which depicts the final stages of a musical duel between the God Apollo and the satyr Marsyas. According to Greek mythology, Marsyas was a sepherd that picked up the pan flute when Athena, daughter of Zeus, discarded it out of vanity - she had been told that her face became bloated and ugly when she played the instrument. Becoming an expert player, Marsyas challenged Apollo, the patron of music, to a performing contest. Apollo agreed but stipulated that the winner could decide the punishment of the loser. Marsyas was departing as victor when Apollo added his voice to the sound of the lyre. Marsyas protested, arguing that the skill with the instrument was to be compared, and not the voice, but the judging Muses awarded the victory to Apollo, who chose to hang Marsyas from a tree and flay him alive. While his skin was stripped off the surface of his body that was but one wound, Marsyas complained: "Why do you tear me from myself? Oh, I repent! Oh, a flute is not worth such a price!" [Marsyas. Ovid, Metamorphoses 6.385]. Later Apollo regreted his harsh punishment. The suffering and death of Marsyas were lamented by earthly beings such as animals, other satyrs, and nymphs, whose flowing tears formed a river named after him. We can hardly imagine the suffering that can be inflicted on a human being by this most cruel torture.
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Another of the defenders of Famagusta is worth mentioning. Girolamo Maggi d'Anghiari, or Hyeronimus Magius, was an English born scholar, notary at the New World for the king of Spain, educated both in letters and jurisprudence at the University of Pisa (1546). A true Renaissance scholar, he was addicted to the study of the sciences, and particularly to the mathematics and military architecture. In 1551 he published his book "Cinque primi canti della guerra di Fiandra", and in 1564, together with Jacomo Frusto Castriotto "Della fortificatione delle città". Also in 1564 he published the "Variarum Lectionum" that touches upon a wide variety of subjects from superstition, magic conjuring and lycanthropy, to the medieval legends surrounding Gilded Horses and the Four Swordsmen (The Quadriga), Byzantine protoreligious mythology, military tactics and torture. He probably never imagined while writing it that he was going to get first hand experience on the subject of torture. He was working for Venice on the fortifications of Famagusta when the island was invaded. Together with the rest of the citizens that remained in the city, he defended Famagusta, besieged by the Turks. He contributed by inventing machines which destroyed the Ottoman works. When that city surrendered on terms of respecting the defenders freedom, the Ottomans pillaged his library and carried him away in chains to Constantinople, a slave to Mohammed Pasha. Despite the hardship of his captivity, during the nights he wrote a treaty on bells and carillons, "De Tintinnabulis", a book still read by the curious. To try to gain his release, he dedicated and sent it to the Imperial ambassador Charles Ramire from Gendt. Given the lack of success, he wrote a second book, based on his experiences, about "the horse" and other instruments of torture, illustrated in a horrible and hair-raising way, dedicated and sent to the French ambassador at The Porte, Francois de Noailles, bishop of Aire. The attempts of Girolamo Maggi to rescue his life were in vain as they met with the indifference of the French ambassador, that could probably have saved him, given his high position. On the night of March 27, 1572, Girolamo Maggi was tortured and strangled.

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First page of Girolamo Maggi's 1564 book "Della fortificatione delle città", and an illustration from his book "De Tintinnabulis" that shows a proposal for a bell piano. A book written while a slave in Constantinople, before he was murdered.
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The history of Cyprus, that poor island, continued being a sad one as had always been. The Cypriots at first improved their situation, as the feudal laws introduced by the Franks were finally abolished and the serfs freed and allowed the purchase of land and its inheritance. The main churches were converted into mosques. The Latin church was expelled and the Orthodox church was granted recognition, and inserted into the Millet system, that considered tolerated religions as intermediaries, and the archbishop and the three bishops returned to their sees. But soon they discovered that the dog had just changed its collar. A few years later Archbishop Timotheus presented a request for help to Felipe II of Spain which stated: "There have recently been repeated cases of abuse on the part of the conqueror; in a greedy manner they attempt to confiscate and seize the property of the inhabitants; Christian houses are broken into and domiciles violated, and all sorts of dishonest acts against wives and daughters are committed. Twice until now churches and monasteries have been plundered, multiple and heavy taxes have been imposed whose collection is pursued by systematic persecution, threats and tortures, which lead, many persons to the ranks of Islam, while at the same time, the male children of Cypriot families are seized in order to form the brigades of the Jannissaries. This most hard practice is the worst of the sufferings to which the people of Cyprus is subjected by the Turkish administration." In brief this describes the situation of the Christian subjects of the Ottoman Empire that explains the decline of the Balkans, Greece and Cyprus under the corrupt Ottoman administration. They did not like it.

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A map of the new Ottoman province. Under the corrupt and inefficient Ottoman administration, the island entered the worst period of its terrible history, marked by impoverishment and depopulation. Cyprus, the place in Europe where wine and parfums were discovered 5000 years ago, turned from a rich productive land into an almost barren island.
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Between 1572 and 1668, the Cypriots staged 28 "bloody" uprisings to protest the taxes. That's an average of one bloody uprising every 3 and a half years. In 1660, the Sultan recognized the Archbishop and the Bishops as "the protectors of people" and the representatives of the Sultan. In 1670, Cyprus came under the jurisdiction of the admiral of the Ottoman fleet. The admiral sent an officer to govern in his place. In 1703, Cyprus came under the jurisdiction of the grand vizier who sent a military and civil administrator. This office accompanied the highest bid for the tax rights to Cyprus. The Cypriots were being cruelly exploited to repay the note on the bid. By 1760, the situation on the island was critical. An epidemic of plague, bad crops and earthquakes caused many Cypriots to emigrate. The initial population of 150,000 plus the 30,000 Turkish settlers was reduced to a mere 25,000. The final straw came when in 1764, the newly appointed Pasha doubled the taxes. Chil Osman (the local tax collector) and 18 of his friends were torn to pieces by Greek and Turkish Cypriots. The group had to pay a huge sum to the Sultan and the families of the victims. It was assessed that each Christian family had to pay 14 piastres and each Turk 7. The Turkish Cypriots led by Khalil Agha attacked the Turkish government authorities. The uprising was suppressed and Kahlil Aga beheaded.

The consequences of the Greek rebellion spilled onto Cyprus. The Sultan consented to the execution of 486 Christians on July 9th, 1821, accusing them of conspiring with the rebellious Greeks. The casualties included 4 bishops, many clerics and village officials and prominent citizens. They were beheaded in the central square of Nicosia while Archbishop Kyprioanos was hanged. The property of the church was plundered and the Christians forced to pull the upper stories off their houses. Maybe to make sure there were no tall buildings on which to station a lookout. In 1878, 307 years after they took control, Turkey relinquished the rule of Cyprus to Britain. But this was not to be the end, as in 1974, the Turks invaded once more the now defenseless island, taking control of half of it and creating the only iron curtain that remains in Europe.

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A winged lion with the open book and the inscription "Pax tibi Marce evangelista meus", or "peace unto thee Mark my evangelist". It is a timeless reminder of the Venetian pride that sits in the grass of the courtyard at the Othello's tower in Famagusta, now under the rule of the unrecognized Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus supported by the Turkish army.
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Although the decline of the Ottoman Empire is attributed at the period that starts with Murad III, Selim's son, we can already see the start of it during the latest years of Suleiman. The Janissaries were already losing their edge against the Western armies and victories were increasingly more difficult to achieve. The decree of 1566 that allowed the Janissaries to marry, followed by admittance of their sons into the corps, and in 1576 the admission of muslims that heralded the end of the devshirme (child-levy) as the way of entrance into the Janissary, were very efective in creating a group only interested in their own advancement. The decline of the Turkish nobility that provided the counterbalance to the Janissary with the sipahi cavalry, and the break-up of the timariot system left the sultanate unbalanced and economically weakened, at a time when the spiral of prices/wages due to the price revolution caused by the New World precious metals was starting to hit the Ottoman Empire with disastrous results.

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It is Othello's pleasure, our noble and valiant
general, that, upon certain tidings now arrived,
importing the mere perdition of the Turkish fleet,
every man put himself into triumph; some to dance,
some to make bonfires, each man to what sport and
revels his addiction leads him: for, besides these
beneficial news, it is the celebration of his
nuptial. So much was his pleasure should be
proclaimed. All offices are open, and there is full
liberty of feasting from this present hour of five
till the bell have told eleven. Heaven bless the
isle of Cyprus and our noble general Othello!
[Othello by William Shakespeare. Act 2, Scene 2.]
[The scene depicts Othello (Cristoforo Moro) with Desdemona Barbarigo and her father Aureo Barbarigo]
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A pesar de la victoria de Lepanto, Venecia perdió la guerra de Chipre y además tuvo que pagar fuertes indemnizaciones. Afortunadamente el imperio Otomano estaba entrando en barrena. Aunque para Venecia era magro consuelo, dado lo poco que le quedaba por perder, y puesto que su riqueza era una pálida sombra de lo que fue.

Ahora os pongo un capítulo sobre la interesante orden militar de San Esteban, fundada por Cosme de Médicis, y que tuvo una actuación destacada en la batalla de Lepanto.
 

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7. The Order of St. Stephen. A lesser known military order.

Cosimo de Medici, Duke of Florence, founded the Military Order of Saint Stephen, Pope and Martyr, on March 15, 1561, to commemorate his victory over the French led by Marshal Strozzi at the battle of Marciano, on Saint Stephen's day, August 2, 1554. The order, authorized by Pope Pius IV and confirmed by Pope Pius V in 1562, naming Cosimo and his succesors Grand Masters of the Order in perpetuity, obliged his members to defend the shipping of Christian nations against pirates, liberate Christians from the slavery of the Turks and, above all, defend the Church and the Catholic Faith.

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The arms of the Naval Order of the Knights of Saint Stephen, as they appear in the church of St. Stephen at the Piazza dei Cavalieri in Pisa.
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The knights, with base in Pisa, were in action within two years of the foundation of the Order, coming to the aid of the knights Hospitaller at the siege of Malta in 1565. In 1567 Pius conferred on Cosimo the title of Grand Duke of Tuscany for him and his heirs and successors, with sovereignty over Florence, Lucca, Pisa, Siena and the surrounding territories, despite the objections of the Emperor and the King of Spain. In 1571 they armed twelve galleys of the Order at the service of the Pope under command of Marcantonio Colonna, which distinguished themselves at the Battle of Lepanto. With the death of Cosimo, his son and successor, Francis (who became Grand Duke in 1571), was no less enthusiastic in his support for the Order and the galleys of Saint Stephen were engaged in skirmishes with the Turks along the Barbary coast in 1582, at Monastero in 1585, Chios in 1599 and the Albania coast in 1604. Francis was succeeded by his brother Ferdinand I (1587-1609), who supported the knights in their attempt to raise the siege of Famagusta in 1607; unfortunately they were repulsed but, with forty-five galleys, captured and pillaged the city of Bona in Algeria. The Order reached the apogee of its power under the Grand Magistery of Ferdinand I, who was responsible for the construction of the Church of Saint Stephen in Pisa - the population of this city doubled between the foundation of the Order and 1613.

With Ferdinand's death, the Grand Magistery passed to his son, Cosimo II, whose premature death in 1621 led to a regency during the early years of his son Ferdinand II, who succeeded at the age of eleven. The costs of these naval expeditions had become increasingly burdensome to the Florentines, whose own economy was not as robust as it had been in the previous century, while the citizens of Livorno bitterly resented the war with the Turks with whom they had been engaged in immensely profitable trade for the previous two centuries. Confronted with the opposition of the citizenry, Ferdinand gradually reduced the military activities of the Order, selling the majority of the galleys to the French in 1647. In 1668 an agreement was made with the Turks by which the sultan permitted them to trade in Turkish waters, a protection already accorded to the navy of the Emperor. In 1678 the Turks attacked the Venetian ports along the Albania coast once again and the remaining galleys of the Order distinguished themselves in assisting the successful defense of the Venetian Republic. Although the Order was now relieved of the burden of constant warfare, it continued to maintain a number of galleys as Venetian auxiliaries, assisting the latter in their capture of Prevesa and Santa Maura in 1684. A few knights joined the crusade in Morea of 1716-1719, sailing on the galleys of the Order (which were not engaged in the fighting). During the remaining years of Medici rule the Order abandoned its naval role; during the previous century it had succeeded in liberating between six thousand and fifteen thousand Christian prisoners from the Turks.

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Sigismond Habsburg, Archduke of Austria, Grand Duke of Tuscany, and current Grand Master of the Order of St. Stephen, dressed in the Order habits.
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With the end of the Medici dynasty, the title of Grand Duke of Tuscany and Grand Master of the Order went to the Habsburg Archdukes of Austria where they remain. The Grand Duke Leopold abdicated his rights and as Grand Master of the Tuscan Orders on June 18th, 1993, and has been succeeded by his elder son, the Archduke Sigismond Habsburg, Grand Duke of Toscana, current Grand Master.


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Information for this posts has come from many places, but I would like to cite the following: The height of the Ottoman power, by Moritz Beosch, in The Cambridge Modern History. Cambridge, 1903-1912. (vol. 3). Robert Midgley's translation of The war of Cyprus from Antonio Maria Graziani (De Bello Cyprio, 1624).
 

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El capítulo de la guerra de Chipre, engarza con la batalla de Lepanto, la principal de dicha guerra.

La serie que escribí acerca de esta batalla sí está en castellano, y la podeis encontrar en el siguiente hilo:

La batalla de Lepanto (1571)