Venecia

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Y ahora entramos en el meollo del asunto. Las guerras Italianas, que nos ocuparán unos cuantos posts. Ahí participaron los españoles, dirigidos en un principio por Don Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba, el Gran Capitán.

Pero lo primero que sucedió fue la expedición de Charles VIII, que le supuso a España la devolución del Rosellón, hipotecado en la guerra civil de Aragón.

Capítulo Quinto: La expedición italiana de Charles VIII. 1494-1496. El comienzo de las llamadas Guerras Italianas.​

1. Antecedents

Louis XI of France would be succeeded in 1483 by young Charles VIII. Charles VIII was a throwback. He lived lost in a world of chivalry. Helped by his sister, he turned back a last gasp by the powerful dukes of Orleans and Brittany, supported by England and the Habsburgs in 1488. He clearly had a grand design, probably inspired by the Spanish Reconquista and the rise of the Ottoman Turks. He dreamed of his own crusade versus the infidel and recapturing Jerusalem for Christendom. He based his plan on a nebulous claim that his family had for the throne of Naples in Southern Italy through his paternal grandmother, Marie of Anjou (1404 - 1463). Charles’ ambitions were widely known, and Ludovico Sforza felt that they could solve his own problems with Naples. Florence under Piero de Medici was shifting alliances from Ludovico of Milan towards Ferrante of Naples. Ludovico, quite paranoid about it, signed an Act of Confederation with the new Pope Alexander VI (Rodrigo Borgia) on April 22, 1493, inviting Venice to the league. Ferrante counterattacked by pressing Ludovico to resign to his regency of Milan, since his nephew the Duke, Gian Galeazzo Sforza, was already 22 and married to Ferrante's granddaughter Isabella. Ferrante threatened to declare Ludovico an usurper, and Ludovico decided to bring a bigger threat over Ferrante's head. He misscalculated hugely bringing about the ruin of both Naples and Milan.

However Ludovico felt it would be dangerous to be solely responsible for bringing about a French invasion, and so he persuaded Pope Alexander VI to help him convince Charles VIII. Ludovico's ambassador, Carlo da Barbiano, spoke to the great lords of the Royal Council about the legality of Charles VIII’s claim to the Kingdom of Naples, about the weakness of the armies of the King of Naples, and about the glory the conquest of Naples would bring to France. But most of the great lords of the Royal Council were against an attack on Naples, seeing it as very expensive and very dangerous; that the King of Naples was rich and powerful and his son was a skilled general. They argued that Charles VIII was too inexperienced to fight a war and that his advisers were weak and foolish to trust Ludovico Sforza, who was known all over Italy for his treachery.

But Charles VIII, a youth of twenty-two, was carried away by a thirst for glory and a desire to conquer the Kingdom of Naples, and paid very little attention to the arguments of the great lords of the Royal Council. Instead, he heard the advice of his own advisers, many of whom had been corrupted by the money and promises of Ludovico Sforza’s ambassador, who offered them the possibility of getting land and estates in the Kingdom of Naples and ecclesiastical positions from the Pope. Finally, after several days’ debate, Charles VIII signed a secret agreement with Ludovico Sforza’s ambassador, by which it was agreed that Charles VIII would send an army to invade the Kingdom of Naples and Milan would provide men, money and free passage.

To have his hands free in Italy, Charles made ruinous pacts with all his neighbours, so they would not interfere. Henry VII was given cash, Ferdinand II of Aragon was given the Rousillon. Maximilian was given Artois and Franche-Comté. This handing out of territory is symptomatic of Charles’ lack of foresight as once it was gone it could not make a contribution to France any more and each parcel of land had potential strategic implications to the defence of France, especially Artois and Franche-Comté, both of which bordered Imperial land. Additionally, once given, nothing obliged the receiver to keep his word, and they didn't. However, Charles was willing to do this in his attempt to establish his Neapolitan base for his crusade.

Italy had entered the Renaissance before the rest of Europe. Italians were already caught up in commercial and local political pursuits by the mid 1300's. They had become rich enough that they could see the folly of turning away from the important business of making money for a military campaign. The solution was simply to hire some mercenaries to do the fighting. The fighting was between the many independent towns of Italy and thus to insure a well executed campaign a contract, condotta in Italian, was drawn up between the town leaders and the leaders of mercenary bands, who came to be called Condottieri. From about 1350 to 1454 the Condottieri fought across the breadth of Italy sorting out the never ending series of disputes and power grabs by the Italian towns. By 1450 there were five major powers in Italy. In the north was Venice and Milan. Venice was by far the most powerful, in other words the richest, but much of her power was devoted to maintaining her possessions in the eastern Mediterranean versus the increasingly powerful Ottoman Empire. Florence and the Papal States occupied the center of Italy, and in the south was Naples. In 1454 a balance had been struck by the Peace of Lodi, and the level of conflict fell off. After the Peace the remaining warfare in Italy was mostly large skirmishes, esentially disputes over borders, and the remaining Condottieri carried on a desultory form of fighting marked by small armies of nearly impregnable mounted knights and a few light infantry agreeing to meet at the few level places in Italy, engaging in a few charges and counter charges, and then calling it a day when the sun went down. Most of the point seemed to be to capture and ransom some of the opposing knights, and a few border hamlets would exchange hands. Since the Italians were rich they had all the latest innovations, artillery and hand guns, but rarely turned the artillery on the tall stone walls of the towns or used the hand guns to kill the knights. Their mostly ritual methods of war fighting, lack of unity, and wealth made Italy a tempting target.

 

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2. The Campaign

Charles VIII was on good terms with the two powers in northern Italy, Milan and Venice, and both had encouraged him to make good his claims over the Kingdom of Naples. Thus he assumed he would have their support when he moved against Alfonso II of Naples especially as the rival claimant was Fernando, king of Aragon and consort king of Castile. Ferrante of Naples had just died on January knowing of the storm that was coming over his kingdom, that he left to his son Alfonso. Charles immediately claimed the throne of Naples, but pope Alexander confirmed Alfonso's rights. At the end of August 1494 Charles VIII led a powerful French army with the first artillery train and a large contingent of Swiss mercenaries into Italy. He was granted free passage through Milan, but was vigorously opposed by Florence, the Pope, and Naples. To insure his supply lines Charles took a detour to Genoa, the largest port in northwestern Italy, and left an occupying garrison. Genoa had been a Milanese possession and Ludovico Sforza, who was invested Duke of Milan by Maximilian upon the suspicious death of his nephew and prisoner Gian Galeazzo, started having second thoughts about the wisenest of his invitation to Charles. Additionally, Charles had taken his rival Gian Giacomo Trivulzio under his service, and Ludovico now realized that the claim of Orleans over Milan could materialize with the help of this member of the powerful Trivulzio Milanese family.

As the French army moved south the Neapolitans and their Spanish allies tried to threaten Genoa by taking the nearby town Rapallo in a sea born invasion. The French with Milanese help responded with a joint sea-land assault, retook Rapallo, and then the French soldiers and Swiss mercenaries proceeded to massacre the inhabitants. For the Swiss and French, who had memories of the very bloody sieges of the 100 Years War and Charles the Bold's adventures, there was little out of the ordinary here. The Italians were shocked, and fell into confusion. The French army rolled over a Papal-Neapolitan army, the remnants fled to a nearby town, which the French smashed with their artillery, and there followed another massacre. The Spanish and Neapolitans withdrew from central Italy to defend the borders of Naples. Pope Alexander VI called his army to defend Rome. The Florentines, left alone to contend with the French in the north, withdrew to their castles, a series of sieges and massacres followed, and Charles VIII entered Florence in November. But he offered to respect the decision of her citizens, leaded by Savonarola, of expelling the Medici, in exchange for 120,000 ducats and control of several fortresses.

Charles was very impressed by the fortress like appearence of the houses and palaces of Florence and did not want to get into a street fight there.
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Showing that he also knew how to play the Italian money game, Charles bought off the Pope's Condottieri, probably with money from the Florentine treasury, and by December he entered Rome without a fight. The Orsini, always at odds with the Colonna even took the French side. It was here that Charles proclaimed his peaceful intentions to the rest of Italy, it is true that he had left the new Florentine government intact, and stated that his plan was to reclaim his rightful position in Naples to use it as a base for his crusade against the Turk. He obtained from the Pope the custody of Jem, Bayezid's brother, who was to stir up rebellions during the crusade against the Sultan. Charles then left for Naples. Alfonso, terrified by the situation and despised by his own subjects, abdicated in his young son Ferrantino who was popular between the Neapolitans, leaving to him the chaos of the hopeless resistance.

Jem, son of Mehmet II and older brother of Bayezid, was the secret weapon of the Christians against the sultan of the Ottomans.
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In January 1495 the French invaded Naples, there were a couple of sieges and massacres, a pitched battle in February easily won by the French, and on 22 February Charles VIII entered Naples. Ferrantino, after inflicting damage to the French fleet took refuge in the island of Ischia, off the coast of Naples. But at that point Jem died in Naples (poison was rumored) in what constituted a blow to the crusade idea. But the speed and violence of the campaign left the Italians stunned. Realization struck them, especially the Venetians and Ludovico il Moro of Milan, that unless Charles was stopped Italy would soon be another province of France. On March 31, in Venice, the Holy League was proclaimed; the signatories were the Republic of Venice, the Duke of Milan, the Pope, the Spanish King, and Maximilian Habsburg who was Holy Roman Emperor. Only Savonarola's Florence remained loyal to Charles who had promised to respect their integrity, and Ertole's Ferrara who hoped to recover what had lost to Venice. Charles was both angry and alarmed by the news. The League had entrusted a veteran Condottiero, Francesco Gonzaga, Duke of Mantua to gather an army and expel the French from Italy. By May first, this army was threatening the garrisons that Charles had left in a trail down Italy to guard his communications with France. On May 20, Charles left Naples leaving behind a garrison to hold the country and proclaiming that he only desired a safe return to France.

Isabelle d'Aragon, daughter of Alfonso II of Naples implores Charles VIII on behalf of her father the king of Naples and her husband, Gian Galeazzo Sforza, nominal Duke of Milan, who was then sick.
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As a footnote Charles' army had picked up a terrible malady while in Naples. Naples is southern Italy's great port and sailors who had sailed with Columbus a few years earlier had left the comforting women of Naples with syphilis, the New Worlds horrible revenge on the Old. As the French Army returned north, this malady would be spread across Italy, and eventually to all of Europe. Everywhere except in France it was going to be known as the French disease.

Charles was well received in Rome, but he avoided Florence this time, since he had made incompatible promises to Pisa and Florence, and with his army got to Pisa on June 20. Pisa had long been Florence's rival and had fallen to Florence in 1406, both bought from France and conquered by force. The Pisans begged Charles to protect them from Florentine oppression. Charles broke his word to Florence, and spent some time expelling the Florentines and left a garrison behind to help the Pisans defend themselves from the Florentines. Up to this point the League had apparently been ready to let Charles VIII leave peacefully, but this act, and news that a French relief force headed by Louis of Orleans (future Louis XII), was heading south, invading Milan, and stirring up a rebellion in Novara against Ludovico, galvanized the League into action.

A large Italian army, mostly Venetian, assembled in Venetian territory in late June and headed west to block Charles retreat to France. A Venetian fleet descended on and took Genoa soon after. Charles had apparently planned to head to Genoa and evacuate by sea. He now had to move inland over the mountains. This was going to be difficult as he still had his large siege train and a baggage train that was loaded with booty from Florence, Rome, and Naples. He turned inland, found his passage blocked by a League garrison at the village of Pontremoli, conducted a quick siege followed by the usual massacre, and continued inland. On July 4, the French reached the village of Fornovo and found their passage blocked by the main League army camped just north of the village. While waiting for events to develop, they enterteined themselves burning the village.

 

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3. The Battle of Fornovo

Alessandro Beneditti, in his Diaria de Bello Carolino (Diary of the Caroline War) gives one of the best accounts of this battle. Beneditti was a physician working for the Venetian forces and started his diary in May 1495, and a month later, was an eyewitness to this battle.* This section reflects chapters 29 to 60 of Book 1 of the Diaria de Bello Carolino heavily edited for brevity.

On 27 June the Venetians and their allies established camp near Fornovo, eight miles from Parma, to wait for the French. They would not have to wait long. But the Venetian Senate was not unanimous on fighting the French. Some members, wanted to attack the rear guard of the French to try to seize the booty, while others cautioned that Italy was risking too much in this battle, while for the French it was only one army. At length the opinion prevailed that the battle should be entrusted to fate.

On July 4, the French showed up and upon seeing the Venetians camped in the right side of the Taro river, they crossed to the left side unimpeded, in a clear example of Italian indecisiveness. Ercole d'Este, duke of Ferrara, Charles strongest ally in Italy as he was the enemy of Venice, communicated with him that the Senate had not yet authorized the Venetian proveditors to fight. Yes, it was almost impossible to keep a secret in Venice, since the decisions were taken in college and many in Venice found a living in selling official secrets. But the French were anxious, seeing the enemy numbers growing, while they had no hope of reinforcements. Parliaments were started, and Charles requested free passage, but the Venetians required him to restore all his conquests and abandon his guns. Charles, after consulting with his Italian advisors, Gian Giacomo Trivulzio and Francesco Secco, together with the nobles, decided to fight, and sent about forty soldiers ahead to reconnoiter. These were quickly routed by the Greek Stradioti.

Pierre Bayard, the paramount example of the French knighthood
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Two days later, on July 6, Charles decided to present battle because they were short on provisions. The League armies, mostly Venetians, were at the right slope of the Taro river, and the French had decided to keep the left side. The French position was deemed to be good for defense because the Venetians had not cleared the field, and the rain had made the river banks slippery and impassable for the cavalry. Charles organized his almost 10,000 men in three battle groups. He put Gian Giacomo Trivulzio in charge of the first, which consisted of three hundred horsemen, two hundred light-armed soldiers, and two thousand German foot soldiers equipped with spears, who were surrounded by men carrying small hand-guns and armed with axes and hatchets. After a short space Count Niccola de Pitigliano and Franceso Secco rode alone in front, the first one the prisoner, the second the leader. A little after them followed the second group, of which the King himself was in command. It consisted of six hundred horsemen, the real line of battle, and in it were all the mounted bowmen and the German foot soldiers the flower of almost all the troops of the King. After a like space came the last group, in which were four hundred horsemen and about a thousand foot soldiers. The rest of the spear-bearing foot soldiers made up one line or vast phalanx which advanced not far from the lines of the horsemen. Artillery protected the first line from the front and the second toward the Taro.

The battle of Fornovo in an engrave from that time. The Italians are at the top, and crossing the river to attack both the rear (left) and back (right) of the French army.
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Melchiorre Trevisan promised the League soldiers that the huge spoils of the Neapolitan kingdom which the French carried were theirs if they triumphed in battle, igniting their combat ardor, or more properly their greed. Francesco Gonzaga had organized his over 20,000 men in 9 lines, and his battle plan was to harass the first and middle groups of the French, while the main force was to attack the rear of the enemy on both sides, when confusion was thrown into the rear and spread by the fugitives into the other two groups, the three lines in the reserve were to attack in full force at the center.

The light cavalry attack on the French front was impeded by the terrain conditions, as the French anticipated, and its result indecisive. While the battle was at its most delicate point, the Stradioti saw that the French guarding the baggage train were being driven out by the assigned italian light cavalry, and they immediately left their positions to fell upon the rich baggage to plunder it. What had been a battle slowly evolving towards the Venetian advantage, now turned into a bloody exchange. The French artillery did not play a role because the rain wetted the powder. The Venetian reserve entered battle. The French were demoralized by the numbers of their enemies, but the Venetians failed to capitalize because many were fleeing the battle and others went to plunder the baggage train. As often, the mercenaries did not want to continue a battle that was turning too bloody for their taste. The Venetian proveditors, and Count Niccola Pitigliano who had escaped from the French, were instrumental in turning back many fleeing Italians convincing them that the battle was being won.

The Italians did surprinsingly well against the French heavy cavalry. The storm and the courage of the Venetian two-hand swormen are credited for avoiding what according to experience should have been just another French victory.
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After over an hour of fighting, the French yielded the field and took refuge in a hill. The Venetians that wanted to pursue them were too few and both sides took to camp. The French had lost over a thousand men, while the Venetians lost over two thousand, but the nobles of both sides had been singled out, and many of them had died. Here started the glorious career of Pierre du Terrail, later known as the fearless and blameless knight of Bayard. But to King Charles, his personal lost was enormous, because he lost all his booty from Naples, Rome, and Florence, worth well over 300,000 ducats. The loses also included several Holy Relics and Charlemagne's sword. A 24 h. truce was declared for burial of the death. Many unlucky soldiers in the booty pillage, joined by crowds of local peasants and camp-servants from both sides took on the field and removed anything of value from the fallen soldiers, so even the wounded ones, both Venetian and French, were found naked before being taken to the Venetian camp for treatment by Beneditti and the other physicians, indifferent to their nationality.

Alessandro Beneditti, the battle chronicler, was a member of one of the first organized medicin camp with first class surgeons in history.
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The following evening, Doge Agostino Barbarigo and the Senate received a report in which they were told that the Venetian army had not been defeated, but that the result of the battle was uncertain because they had many casualties and desertors, but they did not know the enemy casualties. The entire city thought that their fortunes had worsened, but the next day a more detailed report finally revealed the extent of the plunder and the fear that had seized the enemy, who dared not fight but as suppliants sought now a truce, now peace.

In fact, Charles was allowed to leave unmolested, and with the surrender of Louis in Novara to the forces of Ludovico, he was back to square one, so he signed a separate peace with Ludovico at Vercelli in October 10, 1495, and left for France. To this day both sides claim victory at Fornovo, but to the impartial analist, the battle result was disgraceful to both sides. The Italian armies were shown once more tremendously inferior to the French, but Charles was forced to leave Italy in disgrace, and that, to the Italians, was triumph enough. Mantegna was commissioned to paint the "Madonna della Vittoria" to commemorate the "victory" of Francesco Gonzaga.

In my opinion, a clear victory for the French would have had a very similar result, since Charles wanted to leave for France, despite Louis desire to keep the fight in Milan. Only he would have had the booty to partially compensate the costs of the expedition. A clear victory for the Italians would also have had a very similar result, as it would have not dissuaded Louis from later reclaiming what he thought was his: Milan.

 

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4. The consecuences

Venice had profited by the troubles of Naples to acquire four ports, Monopoli, Trani, Brindisi, and Otranto, on the easterly coast of Apulia, that retained as price for their help. Florence was by agreement to receive back her towns, but the indolence of Charles and the corrupt disobedience of French lieutenants gave Pisa to the Pisans, Sarzana to the Genoese, and Pietra Santa to Lucca, triggering a war between Florence and Pisa. That war, provoked by Charles, was to cause much misery to both Florence and Pisa until the latter surrendered 13 years later in 1509. In Naples the first descent of Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba with 5,000 Spaniards, veterans of the Granada war, was not fortunate. His army was defeated at Seminara by a band of Swiss, but the experience served him well, as that defeat at the hands of pikers was the genesis of his ideas that would cristalize in the Spanish Tercios. But Ferrantino, undaunted, presented himself at Naples with his fleet. Repulsed at first, a chance gave him the advantage, and his supporters gained the town. In February, 1496, with the Spanish help, all the castles of Naples were in the hands of the Aragonese. On the death from malaria of young Ferrantino, October 6, 1496, Federigo, his uncle, succeeded. Soon after (November 19), Gaeta, the last important stronghold of the French, surrendered.

Charles left Italy, without having gained anything. He attempted in the next two years to rebuild his army, but was hampered by the serious debts incurred by the previous one - he never succeeded in recouping anything substantive. He died two-and-a-half years after his retreat, of a freak accident - striking himself on the head while passing through a doorway, he succumbed to a sudden coma several hours later, falling to the ground on a filthy passage and was left agonizing for hours surrounded by excrements, as they did not dare move him.

Charles bequeathed a meagre legacy - he left France in debt and in disarray as a result of an ambition most charitably characterized as unrealistic, and having given away several important provinces that would take long to recover. On a more positive side, his expedition did broaden contacts between French and Italian humanists, energizing French art and letters in the latter Renaissance. He also gave a name to a new disease that would be the subject of many jokes in centuries to come, specially when antibiotics gave a reason to laugh about it.

Charles proved the last of the elder branch of the House of Valois, and upon his death at Amboise the throne passed to his cousin Louis of Orleans, who reigned as Louis XII of France. On his accession, he took the titles of Duke of Milan and King of Sicily, sending a shrounding chill through Italy, specially to Ludovico Sforza, who had seized Milan from his nephew Gian Galeazzo, and that upon his death, had seen his claim legitimized. Louis needed the annulment of his marriage to the crippled sister of late Charles VIII, to marry his widow, Anne of Brittany, and Alexander VI (Rodrigo Borgia) needed a royal wife for his son Cesare Borgia who wanted to resign his cardinalate. While preparations started in 1498 for a new French expedition, the Pope and the King of France were reaching an understanding.

Andrea Mantegna was commissioned to paint the "Madonna della Vittoria" in which Francesco Gonzaga is shown receiving the grace of victory.
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For Italy the consequences of the expedition of Charles VIII were catastrophic. Europe knew now, from the French and German soldiers in Charles' expedition, and from the Spanish soldiers in Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba expedition, of an incredibly rich land, divided into easily conquerable principalities, and defended only by mercenary armies that refused to fight at the slightness contrariety. Italy was to be the scenary of a dispute between the main European powers, where the Italians were left only with a secondary role in their own destiny. Basically only Venice with his modelic (for the time) system of government was going to survive the invasion of Italy, as a completely independent state, but at the highest difficulties, and at the cost of her strengh and impulse.

But for Venice dark clouds were forming on the East horizon. Upon the death of his brother Jem, Bayezid found that he had his hands free against the Westerners. Already at war with Hungary and Poland, the Venetian merchants started to give warnings that a powerful fleet was being built in Istambul, already exceeding 300 warships. Rhodes or Venice were the likely targets, but while the Hospitallers were buying cannons, strengthening their fortifications, and recalling their brethren from all over Europe, Venice, bussy with celebrations and festivities, was not readying for the storm.

Main sources: David Cinabrio for the campaign and Alessandro Beneditti for the battle. Stanley Heathes in the Cambridge Modern History, and Philip Hughes in A History of the Church. Heavily edited and completed from other minor sources by Fodoron.

 

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En 1500 confluyeron tres factores que iniciaron la decadencia de Venecia:

1) Venecia perdió la tercera guerra con los Turcos, que se hicieron con sus principales puertos de recalo, especialmente Modón, Corón y Lepanto. Pierde también la superioridad naval y la exclusividad del comercio con los turcos, que además estrangulan los márgenes.

2) Aunque aún le queda durante dos décadas más el comercio de las especias a través de Egipto, los portugueses abren una ruta sin intermediarios alrededor de Africa, lo que hace que también caigan los ingresos del comercio de especias.

3) Venecia no ha extraido la lección adecuada de la guerra de Ferrara y continúa tratando de aumentar sus posesiones en Italia. Para ello se alía con los franceses para quedarse con los restos de Milán, y después no duda en tratar de aprovechar el destrozo que ha hecho Cesare Borgia en la Romagna para tratar de arrebatarle algunas ciudades al Papado. No midió bien la jugada y a punto estuvo de pagarlo con su desaparición como nación.

A resultas de todos estos procesos, Venecia inicia una lenta decadencia que la llevará de ser un poder regional a quedar reducida a una interesante ciudad turística.

 

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Capítulo Sexto: El inicio del siglo XVI: La tercera guerra Veneto-Turca y la invasión de Louis XII.​

Instead of separating both issues, as many history books do. I feel more appropriate to present them as they developed to the Venetians, following more or less their temporal development. The help given by both France and Spain during the war against the Ottoman Empire, and the behaviour of the rest of the Italian cities, that were rooting and encouraging Bayezid, cannot be otherwise understood.

1. The antecedents

The opportunity for the Italians that came with the Peace of Lodi in 1454 had already disappeared. The selfishness of the five major nations had made it impossible. The ever changing priorities of Papal States, often subject to foreign influences was a major factor. Florence imploded with the last of the Medici, followed by the Savonarola affair and the exhausting war with the Pisans. Naples, weakened by the military assault of the French, ravaged by famine and with serious internal problems, had become a sitting duck to French and Spanish ambitions. Ludovico Sforza had managed to weaken the position of Milan with his treason to the French. Louis was bound to come for revenge and Ludovico could not have hopes of militarily defending his duchy against the French. Venice was both hated and despised by the rest. Always coming unscathed and with more territories, the Serenissima was seeing as a cold, faceless, secret and mysterious entity, that was little by little taking over Italy. Her constitution had been designed so nobody held too much power in the Republic and so the Doge was a little more than a decorative figurehead, while her real rulers were faceless.

Ludovico Sforza, known as il Moro for his dark skinned complexion, had seized the Duchy of Milan from his nephew and was invested by his suzerain, the Holy Roman Emperor, after the suspicious death of the young Gian Galeazzo. Ludovico was reputed by his scheaming and unreliability.
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During the time between both French invasions, the anti-Venetian sentiment had been running high. Ludovico Sforza and his lovely wife Beatrice D'Este had been trying to gather support from the rest of the Italians, and it was clear that Venice could very well side with the French. There were already attempts to enlist the help of the Turks against Venice. Georgio Buzardo, the Papal ambassador that had concluded an agreement between Alexander VI and Bayezid II against Charles VIII, was sent again in 1496 with ambassadors from Naples, Florence, Milan, Mantua and Ferrara to poison the relationships between Venice and the Ottoman Empire and try to induce the latter to declare war to the former. Bayezid had not liked Charles VIII idea of a crusade against him and was very weary of a new attempt by Louis XII. The Venetian ambassador Sagudino reported on October 1497 that the Italian ambassadors made a joint offer of 50,000 ducats a year to the Porte if the Turks attacked Venice.

The court of Milan was a quintessential Renaissance court. Here we can see Ludovico and Beatrice contemplating the work of Leonardo da Vinci, who worked for Ludovico between 1482 and 1499.
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For the Ottoman Empire war was a necessity. Otherwise the rebellions and fights of the rival Janissaries and Sipahis could destabilize the Sultanate. The death of Jem released the last scruples of Bayezid to wage war against Italy, and he ordered the construction of a big fleet that would give him the necessary naval supremacy, on the excuse of fighting piracy in the Aegean, by then a pirate's heaven, both Christian and Muslim.

Bayezid II was one of the least agressive sultans of the explendor era of the House of Osman, although part of it could be explained by the menace of his brother Jem in Christian hands. But the Ottoman Empire was a conquering machine that required to wage constant war to work properly.
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There had been no official Venetian representative at the Porte since 1492, but Andrea Gritti, the wealthiest Venetian merchant there, was keeping his government well informed. During the summer of 1498, Ottoman naval activities proceeded at great pace, and the ports of Valona and Butrinto on the Adriatic were filled with workmen building ships and making munitions, and notorious pirates were being commissioned by the Porte to captain the ships. 15,000 azabs (irregular troops) and 24,000 oarsmen were enlisted.

The Christian nations of the West knew an assault was coming. The Knights of Rhodes, a likely target, thought their suspicions confirmed when their ambassador was not received by the Sultan, and purchased artillery and munitions from France and Venice, and ordered all knights to be in Rhodes by March of 1499. The people of Puglia (Apulia) feared a repetition of the Otranto massacre of 1480. Mustafa, the Sanjakbey of Valona, had requested the Sultan permission to attack Puglia with his fleet, and Bayezid had renewed his claim on Otranto. In this climate Taranto manifested that if she had to choose between Turkey and Naples, she preferred the former. However, Venice was the most vulnerable to a Turkish attack, and it is surprising that she prepared so little for the possibility.

Venice probably ignored the threat because of the successful war that Poles and Hungarians were waging against the Turks. In 1498, Bayezid II concluded a peace with king Vladislav of Hungary, concentrating his forces against the Poles. The defeat of the Poles and the peace reached with king Albert of Poland in July 1499, meant that Bayezid had his hands free against Venice.

While Andrea Gritti had given ample warning of the Turkish war preparations in 1498, the Republic had done little to prepare herself. The new ambassador Andrea Zancani signed a peace treaty with Bayezid on March 1499, but he had presented a treaty in Latin, which was not considered valid by the Turkish. Andrea Gritti already pointed this to him, but Zancani was not able to procure himself with one in Arabic.

Louis XII came to throne in France with the clear idea of avenging his previous defeat by Ludovico and make good his claim to Milan from his Visconti grandmother. Milan and her dependency, Genoa, were seeing as the key to Italy.
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Meanwhile, Venice was distracted with the Terra Ferma affairs. Louis XII was preparing to make good his claim on Milan, and wanted to enlist the help of the main Italian powers, to avoid the mistakes of his cousin. Venice did not care about Ludovico Sforza of Milan, who had been on the opposite side of the Pisan war, and was seeing as unreliable by all. She was willing to put a price: Cremona and every Milanese territory east of the Adda river with exception of Lecco in exchange for Venetian recognition of Louis rights to Milan, her military help and 100,000 ducats. The treaty, signed on April 15, 1499 at Blois, included a clause recognizing Turkey as an enemy, and relieving Venice of her obligation to declare war to Milan in case of war against the Turks, while obliging France to help against them.

Louis XII, smarter than Charles VIII, knew how to proceed in Italy. First isolate and conquer Milan, then proceed with Naples with Spanish acquiescence. All the meanwhile keeping the Pope and Venice on his side. It was a good plan, but his own mistakes and the refusal of his allies to let him take over Italy spoiled it.
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This treaty, seen by some as the worst diplomatic mistake of Venice, was a perfect example of the Venetian realpolitiks that had her without a friend. However, she was not alone in making pacts with Louis and turning her sight towards the other side, accepting the demise of Milan as a "fait accomplit". The diplomatic offensive of Ludovico failed to find any support. Maximilian accepted his money but did nothing. His son Philip the Fair, ruler of the Low Countries befriended Louis. Fernando of Aragon was also willing to compromise with Louis. Naples, ravaged by war and prey to famine was sympathetic but could do nothing. Florence, despite Ludovico's help against Pisa, declared neutrality while secretly supporting the French. The marquis of Mantua, Francesco Gonzaga, accepted a condotta from Ludovico, but failed to fulfill his obligation. The support from Genoa and Savoy was won by Louis. Pope Alexander VI and Louis XII also made a pact: Louis purchased the annulment of his marriage to Jeanne of France to marry Anne of Brittany, and Alexander VI (Rodrigo Borgia) obtained the hand of Charlotte d'Albretch, sister to the king of Navarra, and the duchy of Valentinois for his son Cesare Borgia who had just resigned his cardinalate. The neutrality of the Holy See to the annexation of Milan was part of the understanding.

The Borja were the noblest family of Valencia, and Rodrigo was pushed into a church career on the steps of his uncle, Pope Calixtus III. As Pope Alexander VI, he continued his love for women and money and used the church as an instrument to advance his children's career. Although he has a black legend attached, he clearly marks one of the lowest points in the Papacy.
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2. 1499-1500. Spoils from Milan, loses in Morea

There were many reasons for the Turkish attack on Venice: border incidents, piracy incidents, the alliance of Venice with France, and the encouragement from all the Italian ambassadors. Of note is the behavior of the notoriously devious Federigo of Naples, who while trying to recruit the help of Venice in case the Sultan sent his fleet against Apulia, was concluding a treaty with Bayezid promising to return the body of his brother Jem, a most important point for the Sultan, and inducing him to attack Venice. But the Milanese envoy was the most active in encouraging the Sultan to attack Venice, according to Gritti. However the most likely cause was that Venice was the best target to the Ottoman aggression, and possessed many colonies that the Turks desired. The hostilities started on June 1499. All of Morea except Napoli di Romania, Modon, Coron, Navarino and Monemvasia fell quickly.

The Venetian fleet had been neglected during the 20 years peace because of the expense, and in one year a new fleet had to be rushed from the Arsenal. Venice had good sea captains, but Antonio Grimani, a good-willing shipowner that had contributed to the war effort with 16,000 ducats, was chosen as Capitano Generale della Mar. It was a mistake because he was an indecisive man and a merchant not a sailor. He was in bad terms with most of his captains. The engagement between the Venetian fleet of 120 ships commanded by Grimani, and the Turkish fleet of 240 ships of worse condition (smaller and with a plague having them undermanned) commanded by Daud Pasha, seconded by Kemal Rais (the feared Camali) and Buruk Rais, that was to help in the siege of Lepanto, took place near the island of Sapienza, off Codon. There were four separated engagements on the 12, 20, 22 and 25 of August. Andrea Loredan valiantly attacked Buruk Rais who seeing himself lost set his ship on fire taking Loredan with him. Alvise Marcello also fought valiantly, but their example was not followed, and for the most part the Venetian captains refused to fight to the point of alienating their French allies by refusing to come to their help. Finally the Venetians retired without grave losses, but Giovanni Moro, the Venetian captain in charge of the castle of Lepanto, who had no artillery, surrendered on the news of the defeat, knowing that no reinforcements would arrive. Venice blamed the defeat on the fleet commander ("Grimani ruina de Cristiani" said the song), and after charging him in chains, he was condemned to exile in an island of Dalmatia.

This (Turkish?) painting depicts the death of Buruk Rais on the 12 of August, 1499. Buruk (Borrak) became separated and was attacked by Andrea Loredan and Alban d'Armer. Seeing himself lost, he set his galley ablaze, taking both Venetian galleys with him.
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With the naval defeat, not only Lepanto was lost, but also the naval superiority in the Adriatic was lost. In the summer of 1499, all of Dalmatia and Istria were subject to the terrible raids of Iskender Pasha as far North as Trieste, with some incursions in Friuli, bringing fear to the Venetians of a combined Milanese-Turkish attack on Venice.

Venice did not want the war against the Sultan, and after the fall of Lepanto, she sent ambassador to Constantinople, but the conditions were deemed too harsh. Bayezid requested all of Morea (Modon, Coron, Napoli di Romania, Navarino and Monemvasia still in Venetian hands) and 10,000 ducats of annual tribute.

Louis XII assembled an army better prepared than that of Charles VIII in Asti, a small county in Piedmont that belonged to the Orleans as the marriage dowry of Valentina Visconti, his grandmother. Louis had secured the collaboration from Filiberto II of Savoy to cross the Alps. He had under the command of veteran Gian Giacomo Trivulzio 1,500 lances and 17,000 infantry, of which 6,000 were Swiss, and he had better artillery. The invasion of Milan took place also in August 1499, and proceed quickly with the usual massacres that the French inflicted to the dismay of the Italians. Town after town surrendered and the Milanese armies disappeared. On September Ludovico run away with the treasure for Tyrol, and his most trusted friend sold the castle of Milan to the French. On October Louis was in Milan, but he departed the next month for France, leaving Trivulzio, head of the Guelph party, in charge of Milan. Through arrogance, incapacity and greed he was very successful in uniting all Milanese against him.

Gian Giacomo Trivulzio, was a member of the powerful Trivulzio Milanese family. He became an enemy of Ludovico after working for him, and when he entered the service of Charles VIII he contributed to Ludovico's change of sides.
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Meanwhile Ludovico had hired an army of 20,000 men including quite a few Swiss mercenaries. The French had left insufficient forces for such an army and had to cede back all the terrain. The Milanese expelled Trivulzio and received Ludovico il Moro with great demonstrations on February 1500. But Milan was depleted and he needed money for his army which was becoming smaller on lack of funds. Not even the churches were spared, and even that only sufficed for a short time. La Tremouille replaced Trivulzio in charge of the French army and with new reinforcements proceed to Novara in April. There Ludovico's army abandoned him and although he tried to escape disguised as a Swiss, he was captured and turned over to the French, who imprisoned him for the rest of his days. Upon this news, Leonardo da Vinci, employed until then by Ludovico, and having spent several years working on a gigantic equestrial statue of Francesco Sforza left Milan saying: "The Duke has lost his State and his liberty and none of his projects will be finished for him". The conquest of Milan by France was over, and the new neighbour started to exert her influence, helping Venice with her fleet, and Cesare Borgia with her army. Ferrara, Mantua and Bologna became tributaries.

The capture of Ludovico il Moro by the Swiss was his final act. He would live eight years as a prisoner of the French. But the Sforza family would still make a brief reappearance between the French and the Spanish domination of Milan.
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The Pope started to build his sons' empire in Romagna. He had issued bulls declaring forfeited the fiefs of Rimini, Pesaro, Imola, Faenza, Forli, Urbino and Camerino, and in the autumn of 1500 Imola and Forli had fallen to Cesare Borgia, Duke of Valentinois.

During the war Venice had taken possession of what the treaty allowed her. Now only the question of Naples remained in the eyes of Louis, but there he had a formidable enemy in Fernando of Aragon, with perhaps claims as nebulous as his, but already at Sicily.

During that winter the Ottomans built 90 new galleys, bringing their fleet to 250. To that the Venetians could only oppose 100. They asked for the help of the Christian princes, promising 100,000 ducats to subsidize Vladislav of Hungary. France contributed some ships from Genoa, and Spain also promised to help. Meanwhile Milan, Ferrara, Florence, Mantua and Naples offered their support to Bayezid and urged him to continue the war. Bayezid offered Federigo of Naples 25,000 men against his enemies in exchange for Taranto, but his offer was not accepted. Upon the arrival of the Spanish fleet to Sicily, Bayezid offered Federigo his help again and warned France that he would attack Rhodes if any harm came to Naples (many of the Knights were French men).

Gian Giacomo Trivulzio died in 1511, and Leonardo da Vinci, back in Milan and working for the French Governor, made this sketch for his funerary monument, but as in the case of the Sforza monument, it was never made.
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The summer campaign of 1500 was disastrous to the Venetians. On August Modon fell to the Turkish attack leaded by the Sultan, and Coron surrendered. Only Napoli di Romania and Monemvasia were committed to resist the sieges. But the Hungarians declared war to the Ottoman Empire, and the Venetians, with the help of Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba, were able to retake Cephalonia in December, when the Turkish fleet had already retired to Gallipoli.

 

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El ataque a la isla de Cefalonia en Grecia por parte de Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba es uno de los escasos episodios en que Venecianos y Españoles lucharon en el mismo bando. Es un episodio relativamente poco publicitado de su bibliografía. La toma de la fortaleza de San Jorge en Cefalonia, único éxito veneciano de la campaña, se debió a la ayuda española, y en ella destacó por vez primera el genio como minador de Pedro Navarro.

Esta es la narración de lo sucedido:

La Toma de Cefalonia (1500).

Posesión veneciana desde muy antiguo, Cefalonia llevaba unos años en manos turcas. Un poco más extensa que Corfú, alternaba en su litoral largas playas y blancos acantilados calizos, que daban albergue a nutridas colonias de aves marinas. El interior era rocoso y abrupto. La fortaleza de San Jorge (hoy Acros Giorgios), alzada sobre un promontorio cercano al mar, señoreaba en toda la isla. Bajo su atenta mirada, en una honda ensenada de más de quince kilómetros de longitud, situada entre los pueblos de Angostolion, la actual capital, y Lixuri, se amparó del temporal a principios de noviembre la mayor parte de la flota cristiana. El resto se repartió por la isla, utilizando preferentemente las amplias calas del norte y el este. Muy posiblemente algún contingente se trasladaría a la cercana Ítaca.

Custodiaba la isla una orta de 700 jenízaros al mando del enérgico capitán Gisdar, un albanés pagado por Constantinopla. Ya sabía esta guarnición de combates y asedios, pues durante cuatro meses los venecianos la habían cercado sin éxito.

Como primera medida, el Gran Capitán recurrió a la negociación, por si era posible evitar una confrontación armada, y si no, sonsacar el estado de ánimo de los defensores y su disposición ante un nuevo asedio. Para ello acudieron a la fortaleza dos mensajeros, el español Gómez de Solís y el veneciano Pucio. Buenos oradores, instaron a Gisdar a entregar la ciudadela, recordándole que tenía enfrente a los vencedores de los moros de Granada y de la poderosa Francia. No se hablandó el albanés por palabras tan escogidas. Experimentado, buen conocedor de la guerra y de todo lo acontecido en Italia y otros lugares, contestó que sabía de la valentía de los españoles y de su Gran Capitán, pero no pactaba y, además, podían estar bien seguros de que, si Alah no les concedía la victoria, ni a él ni a sus hombres podían cogerlos con vida. Como gesto de caballerosidad y al mismo tiempo de arrogancia, regaló al Gran Capitán dos bandejas de oro. En una de ellas iba un fuerte arco, en la otra un rico carcaj repleto de flechas. Así de cortas fueron las negociaciones. El regalo no dejaba dudas sobre las intenciones de los turcos, que preferían el sacrificio a manos de los cristianos antes que presentarse delante del sultán como cobardes, pues sabían que poco les duraría entonces la cabeza sobre los hombros.

A simple vista se veía lo inaccesible del castillo. Sus altos y gruesos muros coronaban una atalaya de pura roca a la que se dirigía un único camino fácil de defender. Por el lado contrario, el mar ceñía los acantilados donde se asentaba la fortaleza y era su mejor centinela. Muchísima dificultades encontraron los artilleros para emplazar sus ingenios por lo empinado del pedregoso terreno, que se resistía a cualquier preparación. Frente a la puerta principal del castillo se alzaba un pequeño montículo con algo de tierra que de piedras. Allí colocaron varios cañones, pero no todos los que hubieran querido, por lo reducido del lugar. Sobre él quedó también ubicada, detrás de la artillería, la tienda del general español y las de los jefes venecianos.

Muy próxima al enemigo se preparó una trinchera aprovechando los accidentes del terreno. Los capitanes Villalba y Pizarro se instalaron en ella con 600 peones y muchos arcabuces. A la derecha de la batería del montículo, pero más adelantados, Diego de Mendoza y Pedro de Paz con 200 hombres de armas como infantería pesada y 200 jientes acompañados de 1.500 infantes. Una gran torre, a la que llamaron del espolón, se llevó ella sola 100 caballeros, 100 jinetes y 1.000 soldados de a pie mandados por el comendador Mendoza y Pedro de Hoces. Rodeando la fortaleza hasta el lado de los precipicios que daban al mar se repartieron 1.500 hombres. Por toda la isla destacamentos y patrullas. La flota aliada permanecía alerta ante una posible tentativa enemiga de recuperar la isla, que no llegó a ocurrir.

Fueron los basiliscos venecianos los primeros en escupir sus pesadas pelotas de hierro fundido contra las recias murallas del castillo de San Jorge. Las bombardas españolas no tardaron en acompasar con su estruendo la infernal orquesta. El castigo fue tremendo, pero no el adecuado para aquella obra defensiva tan bien construida y mejor situada, que sumaba a su pasiva resistencia la tenacidad de los guardianes. Inmejorables aliados tuvieron los turcos en los pedregales y pendientes que circundaban la fortaleza. La falta de un suelo estable imposilitaba el uso eficaz de la artillería. Por ello, se recurrió a las minas, que realizaron con éxito Micer Antonello y Pedro Navarro, el cautivo liberado por el Gran Capitán en Sicilia. Con los cimientos socavados, un lienzo de muralla se derrumbó con gran estrépito. Lazando su grito de guerra: ¡Santiago y Cierra España!, los de Iberia se abalanzaron decididamente al asalto. Con ellos iba su capitán general, espada y rodela en mano, dando ejemplo como un alférez más. Conforme avanzaban, se disipó la polvareda y apareció detrás de los escombros del derribo un muro de ocasión que los jenízaros habían levantado previamente al localizar la mina. Así y todo prosiguió el ataque, empleándose escaleras para subir a lo alto y entablar una cruda pelea cuerpo a cuerpo. Hubo valentía por ambas partes, pero la porfía de los turcos, que parecían pegados a sus defensas, rechazó el ataque.

La ferocidad de los jenízaros era legendaria. Consumados arqueros, disparaban lluvias de flechas, algunas de las cuales eran incendiarias y otras portaban veneno. Una de ellas acertó al capitán Sancho Velasco, quien al poco murió a causa de la dolorosa herida. También se fue al cielo un aventurero húngaro de noble cuna que peleó como una fiera. Los defensores arrojaban piedras que aplastaron muchos cascos y escudos. Derramaban aceite hirviendo que provocaba horrorosas quemaduras, que muy fácilmente se infectaban. Empleaban unos garfios, llamados lobos por los españoles, con los cuales prendía a los asaltantes desprevenidos que se arrimaban al pie de las murallas y los izaban a gran altura para luego soltarlos y que se estrellaran contra las rocas. Uno de estos lobos capturó al capitán García de Paredes. Vieron los otomados que se protegía con una buena amardura y lo subieron para quitársela y pedir rescate por él. Pero con descomunal esfuerzo, el extremeño logró zafarse y manejando la espada con sorprendente destreza dejó fuera de combate a varios de sus enemigos. Los demás, desconcertados por hallar tanta energía en quien creían abatido, dudaron de sus propias fuerzas y concertaron con él un trato de no agresión si, a cambio, esperaba el rescate encerrado en una celda. No tenía García de Paredes mucho en donde elegir, así que aceptó las condiciones que le exigieron sus captores.

Los turcos no eran enemigos de fiar ni copados como estaban. No conformes con esperar los asaltos para ir quebrando enemigo, intentaron varias salidas nocturnas para destruir los cañones e infligir graves destrozos en el campamento de los cristianos. El fuego de arcabucería, bien dirigido desde las trincheras españolas, evito el desastre y les hizo desistir tras sufrir cuantiosas bajas. Mas no se desanimaron por ello. Obstinadamente, cabaron un túnel subterráneo que desde el interior de la fortaleza atravesaba la tierra de nadie en dirección al montículo de las bombardas, donde se alzaba la tienda del Gran Capitán. Ese era el lugar elegido para acumular en una gran bóveda barriles de pólvora con los que hacer saltar por los aires el punto más fuerte del dispositivo del asedio. La leyenda cuenta que tuvo un sueño D.Gonzalo en el que vio el túnel. Fuera el sueño o la continua vigilancia een que se mantenía el campamento español, lo cierto es que se detectó la mina y se atajó con su correspondiente contramina, que convenció a los jenízaros de lo vano de sus intentos.

Sigueron días de continuos forcejeos que a ninguna parte llevaron. Después de varios ataques infructuosos de los españoles lo intentaron los venecianos. Por Venecia se luchaba y por ella 2.000 de sus hijos acometieron contra la fortaleza confiados en recuperar la plaza. Combatieron bravamente, pero la firmeza de los turcos les obligó a retirarse dejando en el empeño a numerosos de los suyos. Muy desilusinados, dejaron que sus aliados volvieron a llevar el peso de las acciones.

La obstinada resistencia de los turcos, unida a la inclemencia del tiempo, la humedad salitrosa del mar y a la aspereza del terreno endureció la vida en la isla. Enfermos y heridos, muchos de ellos incurables, ee acumulaban en lugares pestilentes donde la falta de higiene aumentaba sus males. Hacía tiempo que se había agotado la harina para hacer gachas, pan y bizcochos, el alimento básico de la tropa. La dieta se limitó a raquíticas raciones de legumbres secas y carne de caballo y burro mal condimentada, pues de cabras y corderos ya se había dado cuenta hacía tiempo. Los soldados recolectaban por el campo tubérculos, raíces y cualquier hierba que no los matara. La miseria aumentaba con los días.

Un hecho, atribuido por muchos a un milagro, apaciguó las penas de los expedicionarios. Un barco merante naufragó cerca de la costa y casi todo su cargamento, consistente en castañas y avellanas procedentes de Alejandría, llegó a la orila arrastrado por la marea. Estos frutos aliviaron los estómagos descontentos hasta que, semanas más tarde, volvieron las naves enviadas a Sicilia y la Calabria.

Con el estomago vacío o lleno, la estancia en aquella isla apartada y arisca, tan cercana a la bases turcas de Grecia y los Balcanes, no se podía mantener indefinidamente. Por ello se tomó la resolución de dar un asalto definitivo, que acabara con los turcos y con aquella situación lamentable que amenazaba a desastre.

Bombardas y basiliscos de bronce castigaron a conciencia las fortificaciones durante días, en postrer intento por doblegar la resistencia de las gruesas paredes. Además, Pedro Navarro preparó minas explosivas para secundar a los artilleros en la demolición de lienzos y torreones. Frente a la impotente torre del espolón formaron los vizcaínos con su jefe Lazcano. La noche previa al asalto pocos durmieron. Los aliados por últimar los preparativos y por la tensión de saber lo que ocurriría el día siguiente. A los defensores no les dejaron dormir. Las bombardas y un nutrido fuego de arcabucería, bien dirigido por mosen Hoces, batieron las murallas manteniendo en continua vela a los turcos por temor a un ataque nocturno. Muertos de sueño vieron amanecer.

La mañana siguiente se presentó desapacible. Muy temprano, antes de dar la batalla, Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba arengó enérgicamente a sus tropas, provocándolas con el recuerdo de sus hazañas. Enardecidos por las palabras de su capitán, que las traían a la memoria tan sonadas victorias, los veteranos, lanzando su grito de guerra, cargaron con renovada furia contra la fortaleza como si de combate a campo abierto de tratara. Entre ellos, como uno más, el Gran Capitán, dispuesto a compartir el riesgo con sus hombres. Dirigieron todo su esfuerzo contra un muro de ocasión que parecía más flojo que los demás. Apoyaron las escalas en las paredes y treparon como gatos, cubriéndose la cabeza con las rodelas para no caer víctimas de la lluvia de piedras y flechas que los turcos les dedicaban. Uno de los primeros en subir fue el capitán Martín Gómez que, con desprecio de las heridas que le mortificaban, contuvo a los jenízaros con gran valentía, permitiendo con ellos que los que le seguían subieran al camino de ronda de la muralla con el menor daño posible. Así y todo las rocas que circundaban el castillo estaban sembradas de cadáveres ensangrentados y heridos que gemían de dolor.

Cada vez eran más los hombres acumulados en lo alto de la murralla. El ruido de los aceros y los gritos se mezclaban en frenética confusión, Cada uno peleaba por su vida sin acordarse de bandera ni rey. El valor, el coraje y la temeridad empujaban a los españoles en aquel angosto lugar. Pero nada ni nadie parecía poder torcer la férrea voluntad de los guerreros otomanos, que resistían como rocas las acometidas más feroces.

En otro punto distante del castillo se desarrollaba idéntica pelea, para de este modo dividir y mermar la eficacia de las flechas y los alfanjes turcos. Informado Gonzalo Fernández de lo reñido de los combates, ordenó traer un puente de madera que había sido construido para la ocasión la noche anterior. Lo colocaron rápidamente contra uno de los muros reparados y por él pasaron en tromba varias capitanías de reserva, que esperaban el momento de intervenir. La sorpresa del plan tuvo éxito y cogió desprevnido al enemigo, que muy poca resistencia ofreció en aquel lugar. A continuación, los soldados se desperdigaron por el interior de la fortaleza luchando con despiadado coraje, deseosos de rendir a los turcos. Los heridos estorbaban a los muchos que empujaban desde atrás con ánimos de querer pelear en la primera fila. Los capitanes, celosos unos de otros, alardeaban delante de sus hombres y no dejaban que nadie les igualase en bravura y arrojo. García de Paredes, haciendo uso de su gran fuerza, abrió a porrazos la puerta de la celda donde sus captores lo tenía prisionero y acudió raudo a unirse a la batalla, que no iba a dejar que terminara sin él. Furioso por el deshonor de su encierro, la pagó con los desafortunados enemigos que encontró en su camino. El Gran Capitán, olvidándose del rango que ocupaba y repartiendo estocadas a cuantos otomanos le salían al paso, se perdió en la refriega como uno más. Los soldados, al ver a su general entregado a la bélica tarea sin que el brazo le desmayara, tomaron ejemplo y redoblaron sus esfuerzos, no queriendo ser menos que él.

El castillo de San Jorge temblaba hasta sus cimientos como sacudido por un terremoto. El clamor de la batalla sobrepasaba los límtes de sus muros. Olía a sangre, a sudor y a humo; a madera quemada y a degollina. Acorralado, Gisdar se retiró con los hombres que aún se matenían en pie hacia el interior del reducto, desde el cual, imaginaba, poder conseguir alguna ventaja. Pero los españoles habían sufrido mucho y les hervía la sangre. Pasando por alto de los muertos embistieron a los últimos jenízaros, que les esperaron a pie firme como si el asedio acaba de empezar. Se trabó dura pelea, esta vez con un claro vencedor. No hubo clemencia ni nadie la pidió. Era el momento de terminar con todo aquello. El albanés, como buen soldado, supo estar a la altura de las circunstancias. No lo cogieron vivo. Murió como predijo, atravesado a cuchilladas y arcabucazos en medio de los cadáveres de sus fieros guerreros, para los que se día se abrieron de par en par las puertas del paraíso.

Sin nadie a quien matar, se calmaron los ánimos y volvieron a ser personas. En la más alta de las torres se izaron tres banderas: la de los reyes de España, la del de San Marcos por Venecia y otra con una cruz, para que se viera desde bien lejos a quien pertenecía la fortaleza y toda la isla de Cefalonia.

Se recogieron los heridos y se contaron alrededor de un centenar de bajas propias. Los turcos no tuvieron heridos, sólo 700 muertos, toda la guarnición. Era la nochebuena del año 1500. El día de Navidad se celebró una solemne misa de acción de gracias en el patio de armas del castillo de San Jorge. De esta manera se puso final a la que el Gran Capitán calificó como la más brava batalla que jamás vió ni oyó.

Fuente: Antonio L.Martín Gómez. "El Gran Capitán. Campañas del Duque de Terranova y Santángelo". Editorial Almena.

Link: http://es.geocities.com/capitancontreras/cefalonia.htm

He de decir que en mis investigaciones he encontrado datos que indican que esta campaña está un poquito exagerada

Los Turcos de la isla serían unos 300 y pico, no setecientos, y tras el asalto final quedaron prisioneros unos 50, que se habían rendido. Lo cierto es que no hace falta maquillar los datos. Fue una brillante victoria española y fue la única victoria de la campaña, porque los venecianos no consiguieron nada. Y el año anterior los venecianos habían tenido Cefalonia bajo asedio durante 5 meses teniendo que abandonarlo por ser incapaces de tomar la fortaleza.

Lo gracioso del caso es que tras la victoria, el heredero del despotado de Morea y por ello del imperio Bizantino, Andreas Palaeologus, el hijo de Tomás Palaeologus, dejó en herencia el imperio Bizantino a los reyes de España, porque la conquista de Cefalonia le dió la esperanza de que al igual que habían recuperado Granada de las fauces del Islam, fueran capaces de recuperar Bizancio. Andreas murió en 1503, momento en el que Fernando el Católico pasó a ser el heredero oficial del Imperio Romano de Oriente (*).

Pena que se liaran en Italia y contra el Francés, porque si no la recuperación de Costantinopla era cosa hecha

(*) Está en los libros de historia, pero si no os lo creeis y necesitais rápida confirmación, siempre está Wikipedia

 

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3. 1501-1503. Venice's defeat and the demise of Naples.

Since Bayezid had problems with the Hungarians, Poles and Persians, the war against Venice became a low priority, and he offered peace, but he did not offer to return any of his captures. Feeling supported by the fleets of France, Spain and Portugal, and the League with Hungary and Poland, Venice rejected. After that not much happened during 1501, except the Turkish conquest of Navarino and Franco-Venetian raids in Anatolia and Mytilene.

Meanwhile Cesare Borgia was taking personal control of the Romagna with French help. The lords of Pesaro and Rimini did not await his attack and took refuge in Venice; Cesare took Faenza (April 1501) and had its lord and his heir murdered. The pope now created him Duke of Romagna; he and his descendants were to be lords of the finest province in the Papal States. Cesare next turned his borrowed power against the barons of the Campagna, and in June 1501 he forced the surrender of the Colonna fortresses and confiscated the possessions of the Savelli. When he threatened Florence the republic hastily bought him off with 36,000 ducats and an engagement not to hinder his attack on the maritime principality of Piombino. This, with its great fortress of Orbetello, fell to Cesare in September. Alexander now divided the spoil between Cesare and Lucrezia's son. Lucrezia herself was about to make a third marriage, to the heir to the Duchy of Ferrara, so that there also the future dukes would be Borgia. Practically the whole territory of the states of the Church had now been made hereditary in this family, and future popes, if all went well, would rule their states by grace of the descendants of Alexander VI.

Federigo of Naples was in a very delicate situation between the Spanish and the French, but his handling of the crisis could not have been worse. Without much support from his own subjects, he succeded in alienating any possible ally.
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King Federigo of Naples had angered the Christian powers of Europe by his continual intrigue with the Sultan. He had threatened to invite the Turks to Italy, and even to give them Taranto if he were attacked by France or Spain. Since Ottomans armies were in Hungary and Anatolia, France and Spain saw the occasion to strike upon Naples, and after dividing Federigo's Kingdom in a secret pact at Granada, proceeded against him. Federigo found out what was cooking through a bull from Alexander depriving him of his throne and confirming the partition of his kingdom. He was unable to oppose much resistance, and the French entered Naples in August. Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba met more resistance in the siege of Taranto, defended by Federigo's son Ferrante. But already schisms were appearing between the French and the Spaniards. The Colonna had been expelled from Papal States by Cesare Borgia, allied of the French, and they were well received by the Spaniards.

The kingdom of Naples was clumsily divided in the Treaty of Granada. The center part was unassigned, and both Fernando and Louis preferred to take it all by force rather than negotiate its proper division.
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By the end of 1501, both Leonardo Loredan, the new Doge, and Bayazid wished peace. Venice was nearly broke and the Hungarians showed signs of faltering, and contrary to their promise where negotiating a separate truce, while Bayezid had great problems with Shah Ismail of Persia and the spread of his heresy in the Ottoman Empire. In 1502 the war was desultorily carried until August, when Beneto Pesaro leaded the fleet to the conquest of the island of Santa Maura.

Ferrante surrendered Taranto to Spain on March 1502, and Fernando of Aragon did not keep Cordoba's promise of personal freedom to him, and asked him to send Ferrante to Spain. His father was kept in France under more generous terms, so not only the kingdom, but also the family was divided. But the kings had neglected to properly divided the regions of the kingdom, leaving the Principatos, the Basilicata and the Capitanata between both parts unassigned. The Capitanata (today Foggia), on which both Apulia and Abruzzi depended for food and flock wintering proved to be a problem. The French denied that Capitanata was part of Apulia arguing recent administrative usage, and refused to allow the commissaries of Spain to collect the tolls on migrating flocks (a major source of income) as the treaty stipulated. Soon incidents were taking place and in July open war broke out.

The Capitanata was the final excuse for the war that both Louis and Fernando desired. Louis had the advantage, since his forces in Naples were greatly superior, but el Gran Capitán was able to hold while Fernando dispatched reinforcements. Louis, incomprehensibly, failed to properly reinforce his forces.
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Cesare Borgia left a free hand by Louis, had alienated both the Orsini and the Colonna to the Spanish side, and then his father Alexander VI while professing friendship to the French, organized a secret league with Venice and Maximilian to support Spain against France. Venice wanted to preserve her ports in Apulia, at risk both from the French and the Spaniards, so they played both cards. Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba, with inferior forces was obliged to concentrate at Barletta on the northerly coast of Apulia, holding also Taranto. The Venetians sent provisions and money to Barletta. Reinforcements were sent into Calabria from Sicily. In March, 1503, a fresh army reached Reggio from Spain. In April, 3000 Landsknechtes were sent by Maximilian from Trieste to Barletta in Venetian ships. The lack of decision by the French to attack when they had the advantage, the skill of Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba and the delays of Louis in bringing reinforcements will see the French expelled from Naples in one year. But it was the last intrigue of the Borgia Pope, who died in August 1503.

At the battle of Cerignola on April 28, 1503, the French army was completely defeated and his commander, Louis d'Armagnac, Duke of Nemours, killed. It is said that Fernando González de Cordoba shed two tears over the body of his enemy. After the battle his men started calling him el Gran Capitán. He introduced many of the reforms that would change the way battles were fought for centuries, and lead to the creation of the Spanish Tercios, and also trained most of the next generation of Spanish commanders.
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The truce concluded between Bayezid and the Hungarians and Poles weakened the position of Venice, that signed peace after much negotiation on March 1503, ratified by the Doge in May. Venice had lost Modon, Coron, Lepanto, Navarino, and Durazzo, and had to return Santa Maura. Most importantly, Venice had lost her naval supremacy in the Oriental Mediterranean. The increase of the Turkish fleet, together with the Venetian naval defeat and the lost of her ports of call with the Levant, gave the Ottoman Empire the control of the Oriental Mediterranean for three centuries and sealed the fate of Rhodes, Cyprus and Crete. For the next 70 years the Ottoman Empire will have uncontested naval supremacy in the entire Mediterranean.

 

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4. Consequences

The Ottoman Empire showed once more, perhaps for the last time, their remarkable cultural adaptability. They started the war building inferior and obsolete galleys, yet by mid-war they were building first rate ships, copying their galleys from the Venetians and their galleons from the French. Captured ships were taken to the shipyards and evaluated. Andrea de Re, a boatswain captured in 1500, spent several years designing ships for the Sultan. This adaptability that had given the Ottomans the best army in the world during the second half of the XV century, and now the best Mediterranean navy in the first half of the XVI, was going to slowly wane when in the midst of their religious problems with the shiites, arabic intransigence was adopted, leading to the rejection of other cultures improvements.

For Venice, three were the main events that brought her decline from the status of regional power to that of an interesting city to visit. All three came at about the same time. The first was their defeat at the third Veneto-Turkish war with the loses of the very important ports of Modon, Coron, Durazzo and Lepanto, the loss of her naval superiority, the penetration of the Florentines in the Levant trade that the treaty allowed, and the loss of trade revenues to the Turkish. The second, on September 1499, was the arrival of Vasco de Gama to Lisbon from Calicuta (India), with the almost immediate decay of the spice trade through Cairo, that would effectively reduce the income of Venice by several times, putting a clear limit to her ambitions forever, and affecting the political life of Venice in ways that could not be predicted at the time, as the noble families of Venice started to ruin one after the other, and steadfast on their expensive and now improductive way of live, only those with significant Terra Ferma possessions were to remain in control of the Republic. The last event was going to be triggered by Venice herself, when in her imprudence, arrogance, and unabated greed, she was going to set her eyes in certain towns in Romagna that although nominally under Papal authority, were actually ruled semi-independently by powerful families that were seeking the protection of Venice against the attacks by Cesare Borgia.

A new Pope was to emerge that would become Venice worst enemy, making the Sultan of the Ottomans look like a peaceful and reasonable man. Giuliano della Rovere, of that powerful family well stablished by the nepotism of his uncle Sixtus IV, had gained the support of the Spanish cardinals and tricked Cesare Borgia, who was seeing the French star decline and wanted to change to the Spanish side, into thinking that an agreement could be struck that would keep him as gonfalonier (commander-in-chief) of the Papal forces. The French candidate was defeated and in November 1503 Julius II was elected pope. Venice made a fatal mistake when the Signoria thought that they could cross this violent, self-willed man.

 

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Un Gran trabajo Fodoron pero no te sería posible traducirlo porque yo no entiendo la noble lengua de Shakespeare sino sólo nuestra querida y nobílisima lengua Cervantina.

 

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Un Gran trabajo Fodoron pero no te sería posible traducirlo porque yo no entiendo la noble lengua de Shakespeare sino sólo nuestra querida y nobílisima lengua Cervantina.

Desgraciadamente no. Ésto tiene la longitud de un pequeño libro, y lo escribí directamente en Inglés. Lamentablemente no tengo tiempo para traducirlo. Las cosas que añado ahora, sí las estoy poniendo en Castellano.

Comprendo que eso lo hace poco accesible, pero aún así me he decidido a ponerlo tal cual por pensar que es mejor que no ponerlo. Se que ello alienará a la mayoría, pero supongo que algunos que estén muy interesados harán el esfuerzo.

Aún así, como dice Michel el Vasco, hay muy poquito sobre Venecia en Castellano. Me temo que hoy en día el Inglés es un idioma imprescindible para llegar a un nivel de información elevado en muchos temas, dado que lo que no se escribe directamente en Inglés, se traduce a dicha lengua.

 

[Reza Khan]

La verdad, aunque se hace mas engorroso de leer. Una vez traduces y tal te das cuenta de que es un gran texto. La toma de la fortaleza de San Jorge ha estado muy bien.

 

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La toma de la fortaleza de San Jorge ha estado muy bien.

Eso precisamente no lo he escrito yo :rofl:

Pero gracias igualmente

 

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Finalmente todo el mundo estaba harto de Venecia, y acudieron a la llamada del Papa Julio II para desmembrarla de todas sus conquistas.

Capítulo Séptimo: La guerra de Cambrai​

It is very difficult to explain the war of Cambrai succinctly because the three powers that fought the entire period of 1508-1516, France, Venice and the Pope, did so in every possible combination. Spain and the Empire, when active, sided with the Pope.

1. The antecedents

"You Venetians, it is certain, are very wrong to disturb the peace of other states rather than to rest content with the most splendid state of Italy, which you already possess. If you knew how you are universally hated, your hair would stand on end… Do you believe that the powers of Italy, now in league together, are truly friends among themselves? Of course they are not; it is only necessity, and the fear which they feel for you and your power, that has bound them in this way… You are alone, with all the world against you, not only in Italy but beyond the Alps also. Know then that your enemies do not sleep. Take good counsel, for, by God, you need it…" Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan, to Giovanni Gonnella, Secretary of the Venetian Republic, 1467.

When in 1500 Cesare Borgia set out to carve himself a principality in Romagna with the help of the French and the blessings of his father, Pope Alexander VI, the Romagna was a territory belonging to the Papal States only nominally. Many decades of neglect by successive popes had left the cities in Romagna fall into the hands of condottieri by the right of conquest or as rewards for military achievements. The Malatesta in Rimini, the Manfredi in Faenza, the Sforza in Pesaro, the Montefeltre in Urbino, the Baglioni in Perugia. In many cases they were despised by their subjects, that were heavily taxed to maintain their courts and personal armies without getting anything in exchange, not even real protection.

Cesare Borgia, the duke of Valentinois, ambitious, ruthless and as scheming as his father, was probably responsible for the murder of his brother. He was also a very corageous commander, his men were very loyal to him and several cities in Romagna preferred to be under his rule and fighted for him. Nowadays the reputation of his vices has obscured his virtues, since his enemies survived him, and he is wrongly described as the terror of Italy.
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Venice was always looking for places to expand. She could not get anything more from Milan, and already Louis XII was starting to think that half of Milan was in the hands of Venice and that he had been shortchanged by the Signoria. In the north was the Emperor, always trying to recover Padua and Verona to which he had very disputable claims. The Estesi family had shown to be very energetic in their defense of the Marquisate of Ferrara. But to the Signoria, the loosely held Papal cities of the Romagna must have looked like a free-for-all buffet. After all, they had already confronted Sixtus IV and got their way in the war of Ferrara. By the end of the XV century Venice had already entered an agreement with the Manfredi of Faenza and the Malatesta of Rimini, who had placed themselves under the protection of the Serenissima Repubblica while still nominal subjects of the Pope.

After the conquest of Milan, Louis was preparing the expedition to Naples, and requested the help of Cesare Borgia, Duke of Valentinois, his ally. Cesare and the Pope obtained in exchange from Louis the request to Venice to retire the protection over Faenza and Rimini. Venice, in the worst of her war against the Turk, had no choice but to submit, but she did so reluctanctly. In Rimini, Pandolfo Malatesta was so detested that he was immediately expelled by the citizens, that gladly gave themselves to Cesare Borgia. Giovanni Sforza also fled Pesaro, and both went to Venice. Faenza held out, for the people were devoted to their lord, Astorre Manfredi, a handsome and virtuous youth of eighteen. Manfredi surrendered in April 1501, oh the promise that his freedom should be respected; but Cesare broke his word, and sent him and his brother as prisoners to Rome, where they were put to death. Cesare was following Machiavello's doctrine to the letter: When a city is conquered no law should be changed, and no tax should be introduced, but the ruling dinasty should be extinguished.

Machiavello was an ambassador for the Republic of Florence during these events. After the return of the Medici to Florence, he was one of the few that could not be forgiven his service to the Republic, and had to retire under great resentment from public life to write his works.
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In August 1503, both Cesare and Alexander fell very ill simultaneously, wether from an epidemy or poison it is unclear. Alexander died, and two days later the Orsini raised against Cesare in Rome. Venice saw the opportunity, and interpreting that the French protection was to the Church and not personally to Cesare, dispatched troops under command of Bartolomeo d'Alviano, a member of the Roman Orsini, to reinstate the petty tyrants under condition that they should accept suzerainty from the Signoria. Ignoring warnings from France in support of Cesare Borgia, they set to conquer several of the cities by force, since the citizens did not want the tyrants back. They took direct control of Faenza, since the Manfredi were extinct, and of Rimini, that Malatesta surrendered then to Venice on view of the love that the people of Rimini professed him, before going to conquer a new city where he was not so well known. The new Pope, died within the month, and a new one had to be elected giving the Venetians more time. The Venetian ambassador in Rome received instructions of convincing the Venetian cardinals into supporting the candidate Giuliano della Rovere, favorable in principle to the Venetian interests. But Giuliano della Rovere was half condottiero, half cardinal. A man of strong will and violent temper that always acted on his own interest. A sworn enemy of the Borgias, the coincidence of his interests with Venice ended the moment he was elected Pope. It is ironical that the Venetians helped put in office the man that almost destroyed them, and a clear sign that the usually sharp Venetian diplomacy was lacking in those years.

 

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2. The forging of the League of Cambrai

Julius II was a warrior as much as a pope and saw that what Cesare Borgia had been doing was what was needed to bring the Papal States under effective control. Despite the arrangement with Cesare that gained his support in the Papal election, the Duke of Valentinois was an obstacle, so breaking his word, he got rid of him having the king of Aragon order his imprisonment in Spain. Cesare would escape two years later only to die helping his brother-in-law the king of Navarra quell a rebellion in 1507.

The life of Cesare Borgia makes for a fine reading. Many think that he was the inspiration for the Prince of Machiavello, where he is mentioned abundantly, but in my own opinion it was Fernando el Católico, also mentioned. Where Cesare almost always acted on borrowed power and when confronted by someone of equal determination (Julius II) disappeared, Fernando achieved mostly everything that he strived to, and showed the degree of ruthlessness that Machiavello considered so important for a Renaissance prince.
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Julius then requested Venice the return of Rimini, Faenza and even Ravenna, that the Venetians had held since 1431 but that the new pope saw as his, since it was one of the territories ceded to the Holy See by Pepin III in 752 in what constituted the original Papal States, although the Pope lost effective control of the city in 1218. Venice politely refused and in doing so made the worst mistake of her 1,000 years of existance. They were underestimating this pope and reading poorly the new political situation in Italy, by thinking that they could play the French and the Spaniards. The same mistake that costed Ludovico his Duchy.

The pope began to look round for allies; Venice was a power far beyond what his slight resources could hope to subdue. And the pope no longer looked to the other Italian states. Naples was now ruled by Spain, Milan by France. The new papal diplomacy must be international; the next war, if war there must be, would be a general European war. But while France and Spain were still at war about Naples, the pope's great schemes had to wait.

In the next two years (1504-1506) the pope secured from Venice a few small towns, surrenders made in a manner that emphasised the Venetian determination to keep the main strongholds, and he took back the papal fiefs in the Campagna which Alexander VI had granted to the Borgia. Then, by three diplomatic marriages, he sought to bind to the Holy See the most turbulent of his own barons; one of his nieces married a Colonna, while, for a nephew and for one of his own daughters he arranged marriages with the Orsini.

Completely defeated in Naples by Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba, Louis XII of France agreed at Blois in October of 1505 to cede his rights over Naples to his relative Germaine de Foix on her marriage to Fernando of Aragon, widow of Isabel of Castile, in exchange for cash compensation and the agreement that in the absence of heirs, the kingdom of Naples should return to France. In the summer of 1506 Julius announced his plan. It was to reduce his own two cities of Perugia and Bologna, neither of which had ever been more than nominally subject to the popes. Despite the opposition of Venice, and of France, the expedition started, August 26, 1506, and Julius II led it in person covered in armor. It was almost three years since his election. The remaining six years of his reign were to see almost continuous war. Perugia and Bologna surrendered withought resistance. Then Genoa, inmersed in civil strife, rebelled against the French, and in 1507 Louis came back to Italy to quell the rebellion.

During the whole period of the Italian wars, Genoa was inmersed in internal fights and bids for power that had her changing masters quite often, from Milan to France and from France to Spain. Genoa was no longer an independent republic.
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By then there had already been talks between the main powers interested in Italy, Louis, Maximilian, Fernando and Julius about acting against Venice. The main motive was that Venice was next in the list after Milan and Naples, but it was clearly favored by a surprisingly incompetent diplomacy from Venice part, and by the lack of prudence and vision from the Signoria. Venice had indeed run up a long account with the powers of Italy and Europe. Since 1495 she had held Brindisi, Otranto, and other ports of Apulia, and thus mutilated Fernando's new acquisition. By treaty with France and by older conquest she held the eastern portion of the duchy of Milan. Against Julius she held Rimini and Faenza, as well as her earlier possession, Ravenna. There had also been acrimonious discussion about the right of collation to Venetian prelacies, such as Vicenza and Cremona. Maximilian's imperial rights were ignored in Padua and Verona, his hereditary rights in Friuli. The day of reckoning was at hand. In 1508 the Pope thought that the time had finally come for Venice, and again new mistakes from the Signoria were going to favor the alliance against herself.

Maximilian wanted to be crowned Emperor by the Pope, and he had assambled a big army. An army that could very well be used against the French in Milan or against the Venetians in Padua. So when Maximilian requested free passage he was told that he would be left to pass only without his army. Enraged at the repeated refusals of Venice to grant him a free passage, he attacked the republic in February, 1508. The fortunes of war were against him. The French stood by their ally. Nicolò Orsini, count of Pitigliano, held his own in the Veronese, while his cousin Bartolomeo d'Alviano in the east took Gorz and Trieste in the hereditary lands of the enemy and threatened a further advance. The "elected Roman Emperor," as he now called himself, was fain in June to conclude for three years a humiliating truce, by which Venice retained her conquests. In this truce the King of France was himself included, and he wished the Duke of Gelders, his own ally, and Maximilian's obdurate enemy, to be also comprised; but Venice, with unusual imprudence, allowed the wishes of her reputed friend to remain unsatisfied. Louis was already thinking that Venice held too much of the ancestral lands of his grandmother's Duchy of Milan.

While still finding time to coerce MichelAngelo Buonarroti into painting the ceiling of the Sixtine Chapel, Julius was going to act as the glue for the new alliance. On December 10, 1508, the Emperor and the King of France signed a pact of alliance at Cambrai, a peace-treaty between the two powers and a league against the Turks. But secretly a bigger league was compacted against Venice, purporting to include not only France and the Empire, but also the Pope and Aragon. The Cardinal undertook to answer for the Pope; no one spoke for the King of Aragon, but it is probable that a secret understanding already existed. Each power was, by the united action of the league, to recover the places held against it by Venice. Thus Spain would recover Monopoli, Trani, Brindisi and Otranto; the Pope, Ravenna, Rimini, Faenza, and smaller places in the neighbourhood, a list which might be afterwards extended; Maximilian, Verona, Padua, Vicenza, Treviso, Friuli, and generally all places held or usurped by Venice from Austria or the Empire; while France was to receive Brescia, Bergamo, Crema, besides Cremona and the Ghiara d' Adda, ceded to Venice as her share of the spoils of Ludovico il Moro. The Italian powers were to open the war by the 1st of April, 1509, and Maximilian promised to join them within the space of forty days. The investiture of Milan was to be renewed to Louis for the sum of a hundred thousand crowns, still due under the earlier bargain. England and Hungary were to be invited to join the unwieldy coalition, the latter being offered Dalmatia, and each contracting power was given four months for naming its allies. The League stated its intention without room for doubt:
"We have found it not only well-advised and honorable, but even necessary, to summon all people to take their just revenge and so to extinguish, like a great fire, the insatiable rapacity of the Venetians and their thirst for power." In fact, there was no legal justification to deprive Venice from lands that she had legally held for centuries. The rapacity was as much on the side of the League if not more, as claimed to be on Venice's side.

 

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3. The first assault. 1509-1510. The League of Cambrai: France, the Empire, the Pope, and Spain against Venice

Venice spies soon found out about the League, and we can only imagine the Venetians despair when they found out that they were to be alone at war against what looked like the rest of mankind. While negotiations were carried on in the vain hope of detaching the Pope from the alliance, all preparations were hurried forward for resistance. France declared war on the 7th of April; on the 27th the Pope proclaimed his interdict. The Venetians had more than 30,000 men on foot, Italian men-at-arms, picked infantry from Apulia and Romagna, with the excellent levies from the Val di Lamone under Dionigi di Naldi, Stradiots from Illyria and the Morea, Sagdars from Crete, and a considerable force of native militia. Of the allies, the French were first in the field, opposed on the Adda by the Venetians under Pitigliano and Alviano. The impetuous character of the latter was ill-yoked with the Fabian strategy of his colleague, and the policy of the Signoria was a compromise between the two. Alviano proposed to cross the Adda and take the offensive. This plan having been set aside, Pitigliano determined to recover Treviglio, which had given itself to the French. The place was captured and burned, but, owing to the delay thus caused, the Venetians were not ready to prevent the French from crossing the Adda at Cassano. The Venetian orders were to run no unnecessary risk. Thus the French were allowed to capture Rivolta undisturbed. But when (May 14) Louis began to move southwards towards Pandino, and threatened to cut off Venetian communications with Crema and Cremona, the Venetians hurried to anticipate him. The light horse were sent on to occupy Pandino and Palazzo, and the main force followed along the higher ground, while the French moved by the lower road parallel to the Adda. Between Agnadello and Pandino the French found an opportunity to attack the Venetian columns on the march. By this time the Venetian army was spread over some four miles of ground, the artillery was not at hand, and Alviano, who was not present when the fight began, was only able to bring into action a small portion of the heavy-armed horse and a part of the infantry. It is not certain whether he could have refused battle, it is certain that he did not expect it. Nor is it clear whether the French movement on Pandino was a feint, or whether their attack was an afterthought, when the movement on Pandino had failed. It is certain that the French were able to throw the whole weight of their force on a part of the Venetian army. Aided however by the higher ground and the vineyards which clothed the slope, the Venetians held their own for awhile, and even gained some advantage. But when the main battle of the French came up, while Alviano received no further support, the day was lost. The losses fell chiefly on the levies raised by conscription from the Venetian peasantry, who did well. Alviano's own band of infantry from Brisighella was almost annihilated. He was himself captured, fighting desperately. Pitigliano, with the main body of men-at-arms, was able to retreat in good order. But a great part of the army was broken and fled. Thirty-six pieces of ordnance were left behind and fell into the hands of the enemy. Pitigliano at Brescia endeavoured to collect and reorganise the remnant of his army. But the demoralisation was great, and the troops refused to remain with the colours, deserting in numbers as soon as they received their pay.

Louis XII at the battle of Agnadello. For Venice it was a crushing defeat, but the main problem laid in that once the mercenaries deserted, they had no forces left to oppose their enemies until they reached the outer perimeter of Venice itself, defended by the Venetians themselves. Milan had faced the same problem that Machiavello identified clearly: The nations that depend on mercenary arms are destined to fall into other hands.
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The battle of Agnadello (known as the battle of Vaila then), was defined by Machiavello as when Venice lost in one day all that she had won in eight hundred years. The first impulse of the proud Republic was to bow before the storm. France was allowed to occupy Bergamo and Brescia, Crema and Cremona, almost unopposed. Those that resisted were massacred. The governor of Peschiara and his son were hanged on Louis orders after surrendering. The visdomino, whom the Signoria had some years before set up at Ferrara as a mark of suzerainty, was driven out. The restitution of the towns of Romagna and other concessions were offered to the Pope, and shortly afterwards the Romagna was actually evacuated. Since they could not be defended, Verona, Vicenza, and Padua were allowed to give themselves up to emissaries of the Emperor. Treviso decided on her own to hold, but the recent conquests to the east of Venice were given up. The towns in Apulia were abandoned. Meanwhile every effort was made to strengthen the narrower line of defence. Fresh troops were raised, and money and stores collected; while on the other hand attempts were made to open negotiations, with the allies severally, and especially with the Pope.

After the defeat the Venetians were desolated, and the Signoria, wisely, allowed the cities to give themselves up at their own judgement. The cities that surrendered to the French, West of the Garda, spared thousands of lives. Verona, Vicenza and Padua in the area assigned to the Emperor were not in such a great risk, since Maximilian was quite an incapable army commander. But there was such a fear that the cities surrendered to the first one that showed up at the doors claiming to be an Emperor's envoy, even if he did not carry any credential. Later they came to their senses.
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Maximilian had appeared at Trent in June; but as his forces were slow in collecting, the Venetians felt strong enough in July to re-establish themselves in Padua. The Austrian garrison was surprised, and the re-capture of the city provided the first moral boost for the Venetians. The city was then made as strong as possible in preparation for the emperor's army. An army was sent from Venice including 200 of the patrician youth between whom two sons of doge Leonardo Loredan were present. This showed the Paduans the commitment of Venice in their defense and gave them the morale to resist. Thus, when at length in August the emperor was ready to move, the first thing necessary was the recapture of this fortress-city. Supported by 500 French lances under la Palice, and an army that seemed to contemporaries nothing less than prodigious (50,000 Germans, Spaniards, French and Italians), he sat down to besiege the town in the middle of August. The hostility of the peasantry, whose hearty loyalty furnishes the best testimonial to Venetian good government, caused him much difficulty, and his heavy guns were not in position till the middle of September. Dissensions arose among the allies. La Palice was on the worst of terms with Maximilian's chief military adviser, Constantin Areniti. A famous legend represents Bayard himself and the French men-at-arms as unwilling to go to the assault of a breach on foot, mixed with the landsknechtes, unless accompanied by the German nobles and gentlemen, who declined to derogate so far as to fight unmounted. Finally the siege was given up on October 2. Soon afterwards the Emperor took his departure to the Tyrol; the French retired into the Milanese, and the Pope withdrew his men. Vicenza speedily returned to Venetian rule, and Verona alone of the more important places remained in imperial hands.

After the recovery of Padua and her succesful defense, Venice recovered also the morale, and during the whole war maintained the conviction that she could handle Maximilian, and so always obstinately refused to cede him even an inch of Venetian territory, while she was more willing to compromise with her other enemies, including the Pope, that she knew she could not handle.
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4. Shifting alliances. 1510-1511 The Pope changes sides.

Julius II upon his elevation to the pontifical throne had three goals. To recover and extend the temporal posessions of the papacy, to exercise to the full his spiritual power, and to drive the foreigner from Italy. Venice had infringed upon the first two, but although willing to dismember her if necessary, Julius could be satisfied by the acceptance of his conditions.

In February, 1510, the Venetians at length came to terms with the Pope. His conditions were hard, but they were accepted. Venice recognised in full the immunities of the clergy and the papal right to provide to all Venetian benefices, renounced all unauthorised treaties concluded with towns in the Papal States, abandoned all intention of appealing to a council against the papal bans, and conceded free navigation of the Adriatic to all papal subjects, among whom Ferrara was expressly included. In return, the Pope admitted the humble request of the Republic for pardon, and promised his good offices in future. Venice came to this harsh terms because they had no intention to keep them. Nine days before the act of submission, the Council of Ten had drawn up a secret declaration that they would not hold themselves bound by what, so they declared, they only signed under compulsion. The gains of the war would be the pope's only so long as he had strength to keep them; and meanwhile he had mortally offended his allies, especially the French. The Venetians were allowed by the Pope to recruit in the Papal States, where they engaged several famous condottieri, among others Giampaolo Baglione, and Renzo da Ceri. Thus the first aim of Julius was secured. He had humiliated the Queen of the Adriatic, and recovered all rights usurped by Venice from the Holy See. He was now at liberty to turn his attention to his third goal, the expulsion from Italy of the "Barbarians"-in the first place of the French with whom he also had constant problems of jurisdiction. The bitter passion felt against the Venetians was quickly and completely switched to the French and their ally, the duke of Ferrara, who was excommunicated in August 1510 and had his fief declared forfeited for remaining loyal to his ally Louis. For the purpose of expelling the French, Julius hoped to win the aid of the Emperor and of Henry VIII. But abundant patience was needed before this could be brought about. The first effect of the Pope's change of policy was rather to increase the bitterness of Maximilian against the Venetians, so that he tried to induce the Turk to attack them. With the King of Aragon Julius was not at first much more successful. Fernando accepted the investiture of Naples, but showed no inclination to an open breach with the league. There remained the Swiss.

The Swiss played a crucial role in the Italian wars, but since their League of Cantons was divided, they fought for both sides and they cared only for their salaries, that is all they got.
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The Swiss were poor and ignorant, their general Diet ill-instructed and impotent, their leading men needy and venal, their common men ready to follow any liberal recruiting officer, and even the cantonal governments lacked coercive force. Thus the fine military qualities so often displayed by them in these wars had hitherto served only to win the mercenary's pittance. French victories would have been impossible without Swiss aid; French disasters had fallen mainly on the Swiss. But latterly they had risen to a higher sense of their own value; their arrogant behaviour and exorbitant demands had begun to fatigue the French paymaster. Relations, which had never been easy, had now become decidedly unfriendly; for the French King had refused the Swiss terms, and discharged his unruly levies, intending in future to draw his infantry from Germany, the Orisons, and the Valais. Moreover the ten years' treaty of 1499 had run to a close, and Louis showed no great eagerness for its renewal.

Already in 1506-7 the Emperor had tried to shake the Franco-Swiss alliance, and lavish expenditure had been needed to neutralise his influence. For the expedition against Imperial Genoa it had been necessary first to hoodwink, afterwards to ignore, the Swiss authorities. The Swiss who fought at Agnadello were illicit volunteers. It was the task of Julius to turn Swiss dissatisfaction to his own ends, and for this purpose he had an admirable instrument in Matthaus Schinner, Bishop of Sion. A man of energy and ambition, plausible and energetic, the enemy of France, Schinner was early in 1510 set to win the Cantons and the Diet for the Pope, and a defensive alliance was concluded. In July the Diet was asked to give effect to this agreement by assisting the Pope in the invasion of Ferrara, which persisted in hostility against Venice. To comply was an act of open hostility to France, the ally of Ferrara; moreover, Ferrara could only be reached through Milanese territory. However, the influence of Schinner prevailed, and 10,000 men set out. The Diet still hesitated; French gold was at work; Chaumont d'Amboise was prepared to resist any attack on the Milanese; the Swiss, without artillery and scant of victual, did not venture to advance beyond the land which lies between Como and the Lago Maggiore. In all their movements they were closely followed by the French, and finally they were forced to retire without having effected anything (September). During the winter negotiations proceeded between the Pope and the Swiss, the latter pressing in vain for the pay of the troops supplied. Meanwhile the offers of the King of France were met by the determined opposition of the Forest Cantons, whose antagonism to the French was growing, increased by measures directed against their trade with Milan. Maximilian, on the other hand, succeeded in concluding (February, 1511) a defensive treaty with a majority of the Cantons in favour of his duchy of Austria and his county of Burgundy. Thus the greatest powers of Europe were treating as equals with the league of peasants and burghers.

Meanwhile in the war France had held her own. An attack by sea and land on Genoa failed ignominiously. The efforts directed by Julius against Ferrara led only to the capture of Modena. Nor did Louis despise ecclesiastical weapons. A synod of French clergy at Tours (September, 1510) declared the King justified in making war on the Pope in defence of his States and his allies, and called for the summons of a General Council. Embarking on this plan with the support of the Emperor, the King was able to attract five cardinals to his side, who not long after issued an invitation to a General Council to be held at Pisa in September, 1511. Pressing on at the same time in arms, Chaumont d'Amboise threatened Bologna, where the Pope lay ill. The danger was extreme; but the unconquerable vigour of the Pope and opportune assistance from Venice averted the worst. Having repulsed the French, the Pope urged forward his schemes against Ferrara; taking the field himself in the snows of winter, he occupied Concordia, and besieged and took Mirandola (January, 1511). There his successes stopped. Trivulzio, who assumed the command after the death of Chaumont (February, 1511), recovered Concordia and Mirandola, and in May Bologna was abandoned to him. The Pope retired to Ravenna. Misfortune brought with it dissension. The Pope's nephew and commander-in-chief (gonfalonier), Francesco Maria della Rovere, the duke of Urbino, was accused by the Pope's favourite, Cardinal Alidosi, legate of Bologna, with the blame for the loss of that city. However, many including Urbino put the blame in Alidosi who was seeing as a coward and a traitor. Unable to get support from his uncle, Urbino fell upon his accuser and slew him. The Pope's fortunes were at their lowest ebb, but his will was unshaken. Returning to Rome, he met the hostile summons to a General Council by summoning a Council of his own to meet at the Lateran in April, 1512. For material help he turned to Spain; but in the crisis of discussion fell sick almost to death. Baffling his enemies by a complete recovery, he fortified himself against them by concluding with Venice and Spain in October, 1511, the Holy League for the recovery of all papal territory. It was soon afterwards joined by Henry VIII.

 

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5. The French become the enemy. 1512-1513. The Holy League of Venice, The Pope, Spain and England against France

The Swiss also aided the papal plans, while making war for the first time on their own behalf. The failure of 1510 still rankled, and the commercial hostility of the Forest Cantons together with the hope of Milanese booty predisposed not only the soldiers of fortune, but also the governments, to warlike action. A grievance of Schwyz having been lightly treated by Louis, the Schwyzers took up arms (November, 1511) and summoned their allies. The call was obeyed, and towards the end of the month troops were collecting on the old marshalling ground between the lakes. Venetian aid was solicited and promised. But on that winter, a 23 years old nephew of Louis, Gaston de Foix, duke of Nemours, was put on command of the french army. Gaston de Foix, now Governor of Milan, was menaced at the same time on the side of Parma and Bologna. With the scanty forces at his disposal he could only impede, not prevent, the advance of the enemy towards Milan. But there the Swiss successes ended. They were unable to undertake the siege of Milan. No help came from Venice or the Pope; and the Swiss were obliged to retreat, which they did in great disorder.

Gaston de Foix, nephew of King Louis, a young, brilliant and energetic general, was exactly what the French needed to turn the war in their favour. He was able to galvanize his men, that would follow their leader anywhere.
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In spite of this second rebuff, the opening months of 1512 saw once more the King of France and the other Powers competing for the favour of the Swiss. The King of France was unable to satisfy their inordinate demands. Yet his need of an ally was extreme. The English and the Spaniards were threatening an invasion of France. Brescia and Bergamo had been recovered by Venice (January, 1512). The forces of the Holy League were menacing Ferrara and Bologna. Maximilian was vacillating, and in April concluded a truce with the Pope and Venice. Momentary relief was brought by the brilliant and brief career of Gaston de Foix. Early in the year 1512, the young general repulsed a dangerous attack of the allied forces directed against Bologna, and, on hearing of the fall of Brescia, he at once withdrew from Bologna all the forces that could be spared, crossed the Mantuan lands without leave, met and defeated Giampaolo at Isola della Scala, and in nine days presented himself before Brescia, assaulted, captured, and sacked the city. But in view of Maximilian's change of front it was urgent to achieve some still more notable success, before the Germans serving in the French army might be withdrawn. Having in vain endeavoured to induce the Spanish viceroy, Ramon de Cardona, to give battle in the Romagna, Gaston marched against Ravenna, and assaulted the town.

In the battle of Ravenna, the Spanish-Italian league had achieved a superior position and was well fortified, but by first allowing Gaston to cross the Ronco river, and then by the direct fire of Alfonso d'Este's artillery on the league's infantry, their position became untenable.
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To save this important place the forces of the league approached, and entrenched themselves to the south of the Ronco. During the night of the 10th of April Gaston threw a bridge over the river, and on the following morning, Easter-day, he led his troops across and attacked the position of his enemies. They were strongly fortified. On the left they were protected by the river, while their front was covered by a line of armed waggons guarded by the infantry of Pedro Navarra. The engagement opened with an artillery duel, which lasted some time without conspicuous result, until Alfonso d'Este in the French side, seeing an opportunity, led round his excellent and mobile artillery and directed it against the enemy's flank. The fire proved so galling that the Italian men-at-arms left their breastworks to attack the French. After the hand-to-hand engagement had begun between the cavalry on both sides, the Germans attacked the Spanish infantry behind their waggon wall, and a desperate battle resulted in a French victory.

While trying to crush the already defeated enemy that was retiring in good order, Gaston pressed his luck when he leaded the charge and became separated from his main forces.
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The Italian men-at-arms were defeated and broken, and Fabrizio Colonna was captured; but the Spanish infantry withdrew in good order. The French commander, rashly charging with a few horsemen on a body of Spanish foot who were retreating along a causeway, was unhorsed and killed. Yves d'Allegre also perished in the encounter. Navarra was a prisoner. Ramon de Cardona escaped by flight. And so the nephew of the king of France died at the hands of the soldiers of his brother-in-law, as Gaston de Foix was the brother of Germaine de Foix, married to Fernando of Aragon. The complete victory, and the capture of Ravenna on the following day, were dearly bought by the loss of so vigorous a leader as Gaston de Foix. "God keep us from often gaining such victories" said Louis when he heard the news of the death of his nephew. The battle of Ravenna was a very bloody battle due to the use of artillery against infantry. The Holy League's army was made of 34,700 soldiers Spanish and Italian soldiers, while the French and the Germans were 27,400. It is said that between 5,000 and 8,000 resulted dead, about two thirds in the League's side.

The death of Gaston de Foix, represented in this picture by Ary Scheffer of 1824 at the Ermitage, and the withdrawal of the support of the emperor and his Landsknechte greately undermined the French position. Luis XII would die as Charles VIII without having achieved much, and the Italian problem would be inherited by his cousin and son-in-law Francis I.
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La Palice, who found himself by seniority in the chief command, was not qualified to make the most of a great victory, or to impose his authority on his motley army. The Pope amused the King with insincere negotiations, while pressing on the work of military reconstruction, and encouraging with Venetian help a fresh invasion of the Swiss. Unable to induce Venice to buy peace from the Emperor by the cession of Verona and Vicenza, Julius yet succeeded in procuring for her a truce. The Swiss, who began to move in May, were allowed free passage through Tyrol towards Verona. In May the adhesion of Maximilian to the League was proclaimed, though prematurely, by Julius, and in June the German infantry was ordered to leave the French army. The Council of Pisa had been a complete failure, and when removed to Milan fared no better. The Lateran Council, which met in May, 1512, though at first attended mainly by Italians, had far more of the appearance, and of the inner conviction, of authority. The pressure, which after Ravenna had appeared so urgent that there had been talk of bringing Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba, now in Spain fallen in the disfavor of his King, into the field as chief commander of the Holy League, was relaxing. The French were without a consistent policy. La Palice was first recalled to Milan, and then ordered into the Romagna to strike, if possible, a decisive blow. Part of his troops had been disbanded for financial reasons; others had been sent home. His enterprise in the Romagna could hardly have succeeded; but while yet on the way he was recalled for the defence of Milan.

The Swiss Diet had in April determined to act in concert with the League. The effort which followed was national and imposing. The Swiss army, not less than 20,000 strong, was mustered at Chur, and thence made its way by different paths to Trent, where Venetian emissaries welcomed them. The Spanish and papal army was advancing to occupy Rimini, Cesena, Ravenna, and threatening Bologna. The Venetian forces joined the Swiss at Villafranca in the Veronese, after Schinner had with difficulty dispelled the suspicions and satisfied the demands of these dangerous allies. La Palice had garrisoned the most important places, and lay in the neighbourhood ready to repeat the defensive strategy which had proved so useful in 1510 and 1511. But his forces were insufficient, and, on his retiring to Cremona, they were still further diminished by the loss of 4,000 Landsknechte, withdrawn by the Emperor's command. Thence la Palice fell back to Pizzighetone, and again to Pavia, whence, a few days after the arrival of the enemy on the 14th of June, he again retreated, not without difficulty. Hereupon the French, abandoning all further resistance, made for the Alps. Meanwhile Trivulzio had evacuated Milan. Only the castles of Milan, Cremona, and Brescia, and the Lanterna of Genoa were still in French hands.

It remained to dispose of the conquered territory. Julius recovered without difficulty Ravenna, Bologna, and the rest of the Romagna. His commander, the Duke of Urbino, easily occupied Reggio and Modena, though Alfonso d'Este refused any settlement that would deprive him of Ferrara. The congress of allies which met at Mantua in August made over to the Pope Parma and Piacenza, to which he had at best a shadowy claim. The Emperor and Fernando would have been glad to give Milan to their grandson, Charles; but the Swiss were in possession and, supported by the Pope, made their will good. The duchy was given to Massimiliano Sforza, son of Ludovico, who in return ceded Locarno, Lugano, and Domo d'Ossola to his Swiss protectors. The Venetian claims were left unsettled. Brescia still held out. The Swiss claimed Cremona and the Ghiara d'Adda for the duchy. The Emperor demanded Vicenza and Verona. Florence, who in 1509 had ended her long war by the recovery of Pisa, was punished for her support of France by the restoration of the Medici, effected by the arms of Ramon de Cardona, and with the consent of the Pope. Julius' policy had reached a point of triumph. Much had been done for Rome, and something for Italy; but much yet remained to do, before the barbarians could be expelled.

 

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6. Shifting alliances again. 1513-1516. Venice and France against the Pope, the Emperor and Spain.

The complicated problems had not been solved, and, before Julius' death in February, 1513, new difficulties had arisen. In order to secure the recognition of his Lateran Council by Maximilian, Julius had to make at least a show of sacrificing Venice, who obstinately refused to give up Vicenza and Verona. So for the third time in his short reign, Julius reversed his policy. On November 19, 1512, he made a treaty with Maximilian against Venice, his late ally. The emperor was to support the council, and to hand over Modena to the pope, while Julius was to join in compelling Venice to give up the fiefs which the emperor claimed, and to use on behalf of his new ally spiritual weapons too. On the other hand, the question of Ferrara was not decided, and imperial rights conflicted with papal pretensions in Parma and Piacenza, Modena and Reggio. This treaty was made public on November 25. Its effect, of course, was to drive Venice to seek help from France, and in March 1513 a new alliance was negotiated between them and a new war began. Upon this treaty, Bartolomeo d'Alviano, prisoner since Agnadello was released. The advance of the Spanish army into Lombardy, and its occupation of Brescia, threatened Italian freedom in every direction. The Swiss had been called into Milan as deliverers; they remained as masters. These problems were bequeathed by Julius to his successor, Giovanni de Medici (Leo X).

During the period of the Swiss conquest of Milan, Louis had been in great straits. The English had landed at Guipuzcoa to join with the Spaniards in invading France, and although the only result was the conquest of Navarra, the danger had been serious. The retirement of the English, and a truce with Fernando on the Pyrenean frontier relieved the French King, and the Venetian alliance gave him strength. With the Swiss it was impossible to come to terms. But the dissatisfaction of the Milanese with the costly, oppressive, and disorderly rule of the Swiss, complicated as if was by the collateral authority of the Emperor's commissioners and of the Spanish viceroy, made the King hopeful of support in the duchy. In April the army of France, strengthened by a powerful force of Landsknechte, recruited in the Emperor's despite, was ready to cross the Alps, under Louis de la Tremouille and Trivulzio. The Guelf party rose to receive them. In May the Venetian army under Alviano, now at length released, began to advance and occupied the country to Cremona. The French party was set up in Genoa by the aid of a French fleet. Cardona remained inactive at Piacenza. At the end of the month only Novara and Como remained faithful to Sforza. On the third of June the French army lay before Novara, which was held by the Swiss. After a fruitless attack on the town, the French withdrew to Trecate, a place in the neighbourhood. Meanwhile Swiss reinforcements had reached Novara, and on the 6th of June the whole force swarmed out to attack the French. Advancing under cover of a wood they surprised the French outposts. When serious business began, the Swiss foot, unsupported by horse and artillery, carried the day by sheer force and fury. It is said that 8,000 fell on the side of the French, although the pursuit was ineffective for lack of horse. All the artillery and stores fell into the hands of the Swiss. Thus Milan was once more lost and won. The French retreated hastily by Vercelli, Susa, and the Mont Cenis. The power of Massimiliano, or rather of the Swiss, was easily restored throughout the duchy. The Venetians fell back, and their recent conquests were re-occupied by Cardona, and the imperial troops, who inflicted on them a serious defeat. But no combination of disasters could bend the Signoria to accept the Emperor's terms.

Bartolomeo d'Albiano had a crucial role at the first battle of the Venetian war of Cambrai, Agnadello, and another crucial role at the last one, the battle of Marignano. In the middle he enjoyed the famous French hospitality.
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French prestige was low in 1513. Henry VIII routed the famous French cavalry at Guinegaste and captured Terouanne. The Swiss invaded Burgundy with imperial aid, and la Tremouille was forced to ransom the province and its capital, by the promise to surrender Milan and pay 400,000 crowns. The refusal of Louis to ratify this bargain hardly improved the situation. But towards the end of the year he recovered the papal friendship by recognising the Lateran Council, and abandoning the schismatic cardinals. The remainder of his reign, until his death in January, 1515, was spent in preparations, military and diplomatic, for the recovery of his lost position in Europe. Various marriage arrangements were mooted, of which only one came into effect, the third marriage of Louis, with Mary the sister of Henry VIII. The alliance with Venice was maintained; with the rest of the European powers a relation ensued of precarious hostility, tempered by more or less insincere offers of friendship.

Thus the accession of Francis of Angouleme found France prepared for war, and secured at least on the side of England. The gallant young King was eager for the paths of glory. His enemies made ready to receive him, Fernando, the Swiss, and Maximilian with unequivocal hostility, the Pope prepared to accept a profitable compromise. But Francis could not pay Leo's price, which was nothing less than Naples for Giuliano de Medici. Thus of the Italian powers Venice alone stood on his side.

The lack of Swiss foot-soldiers was supplied partly by German levies, partly by recruits raised by Pedro Navarra, who had entered French service, because Fernando failed to ransom him. The ordonnances were raised to 4,000 lances. Genoa was ready to join the French, and the Swiss, alarmed by rumours, sent a considerable reinforcement into Milan, which was employed to occupy Susa and the Alpine passes. In June and July a further and larger contingent entered the Milanese. Lack of pay and provision soon made itself felt, to the damage of discipline and goodwill. However the promise of papal and Florentine help eased the situation.

At length in August the French army, more powerful than any that had been hitherto raised in these wars, was ready to move. To avoid the passes held by the Swiss, Trivulzio led the bulk of the army by an unknown road over the Col d'Argentiere, while another force advanced by the Maritime Alps towards Genoa. The French vanguard surprised by their unexpected arrival a body of Italian horse under Prospero Colonna, whom they defeated and captured at Villafranca near Saluzzo. The Swiss, surprised and disconcerted, short of pay and provisions, mistrustful of their allies, determined to retreat by Ivrea to Vercelli and wait for reinforcements.

Here disunion and divergent counsels led to further undecided and unconcerted movements and left the way open to the French, who only at Novara met some slight resistance. But reinforcements came across the Alps; and at the beginning of September considerable bodies of Swiss lay at Domo d'Ossola, Varese, and Monza, unable to agree on any plan for joint action or even for concentration. Meanwhile negotiations were in progress at Gallerate, the French showing themselves ready to make considerable money grants, and offering Sforza compensation in France. On the 9th of September an agreement was actually sealed. Foremost among the peace party were the towns of Bern, Freiburg, and Solothurn. But the army, now at length partly concentrated at Monza, was ill-satisfied with the terms, and especially the men of Uri, Schwyzt and Glarus. These determined to reject the treaty and move on Milan, where the party favourable to France had recently been overthrown.

At this moment the distribution of the various forces was as follows. The French lay at Binasco, the Swiss at Monza; Alviano near Cremona ; Cardona with the Spanish, and Lorenzo de Medici with the papal army, near Piacenza. Cardona and Lorenzo with good reason mistrusted each other, and were mistrusted by the Swiss. But the latter were at length determined by the influence of Schinner to reject all overtures for peace, and advance against the enemy. On the 10th of September the Swiss army was in Milan. Meanwhile the French army had moved to a position S.S.E. of Milan near Marignano, in order to be in easier touch with Alviano, who had occupied Lodi.

Matthaus Schinner, Cardinal of Sion, incites the Swiss troops to fight at Marignano. This confrontation was known as the battle of the Giants, and marks the decline of the Swiss infantry.
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The Swiss were still undecided and discordant. Schinner and the enemies of peace built their hopes on the effects of a casual encounter, which actually took place on September 13 and precipitated a general engagement. The Forest Cantons led the way to the attack, the others followed, not altogether willing. The French lay encamped along the road from Milan to Marignano. The front lay near San Donato, the rear-guard between San Giuliano and Marignano. The camp was strongly fortified, and the land on each side of the road made difficult by irrigation canals. The attack began late in the day. The French vanguard, in spite of the damage caused by their artillery, was thrown into some confusion, and the Landsknechte were broken. Then the centre received the assault, but withstood it. Night fell upon the combatants, and the struggle was renewed with earliest dawn. Order had been in some measure restored. It was indeed a battle of the giants. The Swiss held their own before the repeated charges of the heavy-armed French horse, and had developed a formidable flank attack on the French rear-guard. Secure of victory they had sent a detachment to break down a bridge in the enemy's rear, when Alviano came up with a part of the Venetian horse, and, as much by the moral as by the material effect of his arrival, restored the tottering fortunes of the French. Towards mid-day the defeated army withdrew in good order with its wounded towards Milan. The pursuit was not vigorous, for the victors were exhausted, and their losses, if not so heavy as those of the Swiss, were serious. Two days after the fight the Swiss started for home, since no money was forthcoming for their needs. They made their retreat by Como, harassed by Venetian Stradiots.

The victory of Francis and Alviano at Marignano was an increadible strike of luck for Venice, that was able to recover almost all her former territories, and then had the good sense of abandoning the French before they were finally expelled from Italy.
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The success of Francis was complete. Cardona withdrew to Naples. The Pope began to treat. The Swiss, though the Forest Cantons were opposed to peace, were sick of a league which had left all the hard work to them and did not even supply the sinews of war. Sforza surrendered the castles of Milan and Cremona and became a pensioner of France. In December the Pope and King met in Bologna, and conditions were arranged which restored peace between the Holy See and the Most Christian King. But the claims of Venice still presented difficulties, and Maximilian could not acquiesce in the occupation of Milan. The Swiss League was seriously divided. Eight cantons were ready for a peace, even for a league with France, but five were eager to renew the struggle. With the aid of these latter Maximilian invaded Milan in March, 1516; but the Swiss were unwilling to fight against their countrymen in French service, and finally the imperial host broke up. In November the whole Swiss League concluded an everlasting peace with Francis. Early in the same year Fernando had died, and his successor, Charles, was not for the present ready to take up his heritage of hostility to France. So at Noyon it was arranged between Charles and Francis to dispose of Naples by way of marriage (August, 1516); and at length, in December, the Emperor made terms at Brussels, which closed the war of Cambray by a precarious truce. Soon after Verona was restored to Venice, who had in the interval conquered Brescia.