USA: Was succession ever made formally illegal?

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crooktooth said:
Justice Chase then found that Virginia was no longer empowered as a sovereign state to deal with "foreign nations" by virtue of Virginia's acceptance of the Constitution. The Court ruled against Virginia's claims on British subjects..


Yes thats true, that power was vested in Congress, Does not support the point you enterd it to do though.


crooktooth said:
The question isn't Virginia's sovereign status in 1776. It's Virginia's sovereign status in 1861. And in 1861, Virginia wasn't sovereign.Except that the court found the whole character of the state had changed when it accepted the Constitution. The Court's language was all-embracing. Had it chosen to rule exclusively on the Interstate Commerce clause it could easily have done so. It did not; it deliberately chose broad, sweeping language in its description of the states' subordination to the US government...


Truse again in respect of interstate commerce Congress is paramount, again one of the specific enumarated powers delegated. Does not in any way shape or form rule Va having surrenderd any but those delgated powers to congress, your abuse of the English langauge is already legendary and you provide a further abuse here.

Please consult a book on the constituition, as its clear you cannot read and comprhend the written words you yourself have used, and i have pointed out.


crooktooth said:
Now you've left the realm of constitutionality (certainly the US Constitution doesn't apply to Taiwan),..

Constituitional practice/principle is the same, the USA posistion is that Taiwan can and has secceded from China and China cannot use force to readmit Taiwan to China control. In international law that is entirely correct, as illustarted in the UN legislation. China premier citied lincoln pov as being his pov though.

My point is to show just how narrowminded, not to mention just plain inacurate) you viewpoint is on what the principle involved actaully were and are.



crooktooth said:
and entered into basic concepts of human rights and intrinsic political freedom. It is possible that on such grounds one can claim the South had a moral right to secede, based on fundamental liberties that no legal system can rightly curtail. But any such moral argument founders on the basic motivation behind the South's secession; the preservation of slavery. The South left the Union in order to promote and preserve human bondage. It was intent not on extending liberty, but on oppressing it.

Wrong again, the South said they seccedded to maintain the States right to chose if and when they removed or retained slavery. the moral right of republican government rest on the inaliable right of the people to chose, adopt or abolish their frorm of government, to that end the created laws, ie the Constituition to enact that moral right. thats is the moral issue the South said is fought for, it also fought to maintain property rights as gaurentted under and in the Constituition.

As for the North moral posistion it did not enter into warfare to free the slaves, that was a mil consequence of the conflict, during the war years the war cuased the death of roughly 10% of all slaves, thats about 400,000 negros, it required the death of another 620,000 whites to arrive at the morally correct posistion of slaverys end, what is the moral justification that ends with such a loss of life?, well the Union was preserved and only by all the States could slavery be ended, in 62 the EP if acepted would have left all slaves still as slaves had the South acepted, just as would have been the case in 65 at another peace convention, and partial monetary recompense would be payed to end slavery. Since slavery from 1800 to 1860 produced 30,000 emancipations, which increaded in the war years as slves earnt their freedom at a faster rate, slavery would by natural action end without any war in about a century, this ending of slavery as an instituition would have been faster than in any other Empire in history, faster than in Rome and the British Empire.

HB
 
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Hannibal Barca said:
Yes thats true, that power was vested in Congress, Does not support the point you enterd it to do though.
Perhaps. But a declaration by the Court that Virginia was sovereign way back in 1776 doesn't support your point, either, now does it?
Hannibal Barca said:
Truse again in respect of interstate commerce Congress is paramount
Again, the Court found that the whole nature of the state changed, not just the state's ability to regulate commerce. I'll repeat; whole nature. For some reason you neglect to mention that.
Hannibal Barca said:
your abuse of the English langauge is already legendary and you provide a further abuse here.
Really? Legendary? Is there some legend about my English usage that I'm not aware of? Please elaborate. Elaborate, or withdraw the comment as a gratuitous personal insult.
Hannibal Barca said:
its clear you cannot read and comprhend the written word
Ah, more personal insults. Your usual response when you've been out-argued, HB
Hannibal Barca said:
My point is to show just how narrowminded, not to mention just plain inacurate) you viewpoint is on what the principle involved actaully were and are.
And yet more of the same garbage.
Hannibal Barca said:
Wrong again, the South said they seccedded to maintain the States right to chose if and when they removed or retained slavery.
What's your point? By your interpretation, the South seceded to protect the institution of slavery from what they considered Northern hostility. By your own words, you've conceded that the South's cause was not human liberty, but human bondage.
Hannibal Barca said:
the moral right of republican government rest on the inaliable right of the people to chose, adopt or abolish their frorm of government, to that end the created laws, ie the Constituition to enact that moral right. thats is the moral issue the South said is fought for, it also fought to maintain property rights as gaurentted under and in the Constituition.
My god, what hypocricy, HB! In one sentence you make two claims. First you say that "the people" (you mean white people, of course) of the South had an inalienable right to abolish their Government, including its Constitution. Second, you claim that Southerners were guaranteed their "property rights" (i.e. to hold the blacks in slavery) under the same Constitution! On the one hand you dismiss the Constitution when it infringes on the liberties of the Southern whites. On the other, you invoke the Constitution to dismiss the liberties of the Southern blacks.

Which holds greater weight? The rights of all people (presumably including blacks) to liberty, or the guarantees and obligations specified within the Constitution? It seems you pick one as more important when it suits you, but then switch to the other when in turn it becomes more convenient. You're repeatedly shifting principles to score cheap debating points.
Hannibal Barca said:
As for the North moral posistion it did not enter into warfare to free the slaves
Straw man argument. No one has made any mention of the "North's moral position", in this thread HB. You're the first to introduce it. I happen to agree with you that the North didn't go to war over slavery. I still insist that the South did. If you don't believe me, read the Secession declarations of Georgia, Mississippi, Texas and South Carolina at http://sunsite.utk.edu/civil-war/reasons.html. Georgia's declaration, for example, mentions slavery 35 times.
 

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Two quick points.

Texas v. White, 74 U.S. 700 (1868)

Lexis said:
PROCEDURAL POSTURE: During the Civil War, the rebel legislature of the State of Texas repealed an act requiring the governor's indorsement on United States bonds that were issued to the State. The rebel legislature then sold bonds to some of defendant holders in exchange for cotton cards and medicines. After the rebellion, complainant State of Texas filed an action to restrain the holders of the unendorsed bonds from receiving payment from the United States.

OVERVIEW: The Court first determined that the solicitors who filed the bill had authority to prosecute the suit on behalf of the State because the solicitors' action was ratified and confirmed by the governors and legislatures that were elected after the civil war. The Court determined that the State had a right to bring an action before the Court because Congress, through the Reconstruction Acts, had restored the State to its constitutional relations. The contract between the rebel legislature and defendants did not divest the State of its title to the bonds because any contract in aid of the rebellion was void. The Court found that the State had established that the purchasers of the unendorsed bonds had notice that the vendors selling the bonds did not have good title.

OUTCOME: The Court restrained defendants from asserting any claim to the bonds and decreed that the State was entitled to restitution of the bonds and proceeds in possession of defendants.

Justice Chase's opinion regarding the legality of secession was not an issue in the case. The issue was the redeembability of bonds. Since secession wasn't an issue laid before the court, any comments on it by Justices are dicta. Dicta is given absolutely no precedential authority. Its persuasive at best. Since the opinion regarding secession was dicta, it does not establishes a precedent.

(2) Even if you believe that the dicta is precedential, the ultimate decision in Texas v. White was overruled by the Supreme Court in Morgan v. United States, 113 U.S. 476 (1885). As such, the reasoning behind the decision in Texas v. White is, by definion, overruled as well.

Whatever way you look at it, the Supreme Court has no opinion on the legality of secession. It has never ruled either way on the issue. The Constitution itself is silent as to the issue. Legal aguments supporting the right of states ot secede or opposing the rights of states to secede are both compelling. Personally, I believe that the 'secession is legal' arguments are stronger both legally and morally. Unforetunately for everyone involved, nobody can prove this. It really is just a matter of opinion.
 
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Stonewall said:
(2) Even if you believe that the dicta is precedential, the ultimate decision in Texas v. White was overruled by the Supreme Court in Morgan v. United States, 113 U.S. 476 (1885). As such, the reasoning behind the decision in Texas v. White is, by definion, overruled as well.
You're the lawyer, Stonewall, so your opinion is more informed than mine. Still, Texas v. White was cited as recently as four years ago in a brief filed with the Supreme Court:

http://www.cjlf.org/briefs/GarrAsh3.htm

When the ink was barely dry on the Amendment's ratification, this Court declared, "The Constitution, in all its provisions, looks to an indestructible Union, composed of indestructible States." Texas v. White, 7 Wall. (74 U. S.) 700, 725 (1869), overruled on other grounds, Morgan v. United States, 113 U. S. 476, 496 (1885). Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment did not change that.

Stonewall said:
Whatever way you look at it, the Supreme Court has no opinion on the legality of secession. It has never ruled either way on the issue. The Constitution itself is silent as to the issue. Legal aguments supporting the right of states ot secede or opposing the rights of states to secede are both compelling.
A related question: has the Supreme Court ever ruled on the status of sovereignity? HB's argument rests mainly on the principle that the states retained ultimate sovereignity when they adhered to the Constitution.
Stonewall said:
Personally, I believe that the 'secession is legal' arguments are stronger both legally and morally. Unforetunately for everyone involved, nobody can prove this. It really is just a matter of opinion.
I agree there is potential moral merit in 'secession is legal.' Self-determination is a widely accepted right today, as HB mentions in regards specificially to the former Soviet Union.

I, however, believe that any potential moral merit in the case of the South's secession in 1861 is wiped out by immorality of the cause over which the South seceded: slavery.
 

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crooktooth said:
Self-determination is a widely accepted right today, as HB mentions in regards specificially to the former Soviet Union.
Self determination is certainly not that widely accepted... it is depedent of the foreign policy of the countries advocating a certain countries self determination.....
 

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Kurdistani said:
Self determination is certainly not that widely accepted... it is depedent of the foreign policy of the countries advocating a certain countries self determination.....
Widely accepted, but not universally accepted. Is that a more accurate rendering?
 

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I would say it is the exception rather then the rule.
I mean self determination has tended to apply only to very specific situations a) situations in which a post colonial state has occupied another former colony... i.e East Timor and Eretria (even then that fact is not helping the Western Saharans)
b)SSR's of the Soviet Union (and that is not very helpful to former ASSRs)
 

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As a reminder, personal attacks and insults are prohibited by forum rules, and those who make them can be subject to warnings and further punishment. I suggest that anyone who feels they cannot participate in discussions on the topic of secession of US states without engaging in personal attacks and/or insults refrain from participating in such discussions.
 

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crooktooth said:
You're the lawyer, Stonewall, so your opinion is more informed than mine. Still, Texas v. White was cited as recently as four years ago in a brief filed with the Supreme Court:

http://www.cjlf.org/briefs/GarrAsh3.htm

Sure. People cite all kinds of cases in their briefs for all kinds of different reasons. Often times, decisions, even ones that have been overturned, have persuasive authority dur to the eloquence of the language, or even the stature of the judge who wrote the opinion. I have no idea why the brief you cited decided to use Texas v. White. All I can tell you is that the case was overturned by Morgan and that there has never been an explicit ruling from the Supreme Court on the legality or illegality it secession.

A related question: has the Supreme Court ever ruled on the status of sovereignity? HB's argument rests mainly on the principle that the states retained ultimate sovereignity when they adhered to the Constitution.I agree there is potential moral merit in 'secession is legal.' Self-determination is a widely accepted right today, as HB mentions in regards specificially to the former Soviet Union.

To be honest, I don't know. I've never researched the issue in depth. I found the Morgan case I cited above when I did a Lexis search for Texas v. White. When the case comes up, it also comes up with indicators of how courts have subsequently treated the case. In the case of Texas v. White, there was an indicator that the case, either in whole or in part, had been overturned.

I, however, believe that any potential moral merit in the case of the South's secession in 1861 is wiped out by immorality of the cause over which the South seceded: slavery.

I agree. I think I was vague in explaining what I meant about arguments for secession being morally superior. I'm not talking specifically about Southern secession in 1861. From a purely moral perspective, that secession was horrible immoral dur to the slavery issue. However, in general, and not addressing the legal questions, the right for a group of states to leave a union they voluntarily joined seems to be rooted in principles of justice and fairness. While the moral implications of secession in 1860 were the prolonging of the institution of slavery, I still believe that the states were morally correct in their belief that they should be able to leave that which they voluntarily joined. Perhaps 'moral' isn't the best descriptor here, but I think you get my point.
 

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crooktooth said:
Perhaps. But a declaration by the Court that Virginia was sovereign way back in 1776 doesn't support your point, either, now does it?


Actually it does support the grounds i enterd it, since Lincolns legal posistion on secession is that secession not exist as a right that a state had, and that what had happened was rebelion, to do this requires that sov does not reside in the states who secceded, (sov cannot rebel) lincolns posistion is that no state was sov outside the Union and that the Union is sov and gave sov to the states. I enterd it in another thread to show SCOTUS rulling showing that Sov resides in the state in respect of its ability to leave a vol enterd Union, had never delegated this right and SCOTUS had confirmed this in rullings showing states were sov before the DOI, after the DOI, before and after the AoC and adoption of the Consituition and the sov states created the Union and gave it sov where delegated.

I think ill ask when you think the states lost their sov rights to leave the Union. when and where did this occur if you please.

The Constituition does not grant all Sov to the Union at all in any clause, (KY and Va resolution amke this very clear) it deliantates where sov resides in enmarated articles of the constituition, sov is shared in totatality between state and where delgated to the gov, and where not, but each is paramout in the area delegated or retained to the states who created the Union. If all sov was delegated, their would be no need to list those which were and those which were not, and we know "all sov" was not delegated because that was a motion at the PA convention and didnt even get a second to move onto debate, and the Aoc and Constituition says sov not delgated resides with the states or people.

The essential guarantee that power will remain divided is that sovereignty is divided; this was the tacit agreement on which the federal compact was achieved. And sovereignty in turn gives the right to secede. Only the concentration of all sovereignty in the national government could negate that right. On the other hand, an easy certainty of the exercise of that right could have led to an early loss of all the goods of federal union. The Constitution was silent on this issue in part, in order to maintain the tension between federal and state power---a tension which could be broken only by shattering the federal union or by so concentrating power at the center that separation of powers was fundamentally undermined---and with it the genius of the Constitution in its defense of liberty. Now Madison uses acede in KY resolutions, theis acede is the oposite to seccede, but the chose of wording is an indication of what the mans thought process were.


The AoC under which the case says "Each state retains its sov, freedom and independence, and every power, jurisdiction and right which is not expressly delegated to the United states in congress assembled." Thats why the case went to SCOTUS because VA had not expressly delgated this power to Congress. In the Constituition you have the tenth amendment to the same effect.

crooktooth said:
Again, the Court found that the whole nature of the state changed, not just the state's ability to regulate commerce. I'll repeat; whole nature. For some reason you neglect to mention that.


This is one of those examples you want, and im happy to provide to clarify, in respect of interstate commerce, congress under the constituition is where sov rests, if you look at the constituitional clause it exempts nav waterways, hence the reason for the case comming to court, SCOTUS rules because it had authority to do so, under the judicaiary act, that the entire nature had changed is concerned to the constituition clause gave Congress this right to regulate. Thats all the langauge refers to, it does not addressee the nature of sov to mean absolute sov resides in congress, just the oposite, because it goes on to deall with this subject at length later as a seperate issue and afirms that sov resides in the states except where expressly delegated, just as you would expect since the constituition says that. It, the case, expansivly says that Congress is where sov rests in respect of nav waterways, just was you would expect concidering the clause in the Constituition of interstate commerce, but it was not explicity delegated in the Constituition and so the issue went to SCOTUS, its really quite simple really, and ive explained it so at some length already, and this is one example of confusion on your part that i take exception to and comment on. You cannot comprehend the written word, its really that simple.

Back to your inability to comprehend what the case says is revealled in your repeating that which the court says the oposite, despite my quite lengthy expalnation as to what the court is addressing and why.

How do we know the court says the oposiste without even reading the case?, because J Davis in his work lists the SCOTUS cases showing Sov in respect of states having never been delgated to congress or Scotus, lists this case amongst others, as does Bledsoe (Davis con lawyer who represents him) who enterd this and other cases as part of Davisis pre trial defence, its the list of such SCOTUS rulling along with other arguments that caused the administration to not bring the case to trial, in law you cannot show secession as unconstituitional, Bledsoes book "Was davis a traitor" list this as one such SCOTUS rulling, as does Stephens (Constituitional vies of the WBTS) also list this and others, Ware v Hylton which you say say sov no longer existed in the sates, as legal argument for secession.

Now the essential point here is your not aware of the legal arguments the secessionist themselves use to support their claim to be legally allowed to secceded, because if you were you would not make the claims you have, as the cases they enter are two of the same you say say the oposite, its not that you are unaware of SCOTUS cases, although you cited Ware and Ogden to show sov was no longer held by VA in 1861, they dont btw, its that you aparantly believe that SCOTUS rulling VA no longer sov in respect of nav waterways ment it was not sov in any other matter either, when reading either case shows your inability to comprehend what the court rulled on and actually said. Now im sorry you feel upset i point this out, and ill simply say, when somone says 2+2=5 and gets upset when someone else tells them its not, its 4., they being upset at having your ignorance pointed out is no different than anothers at you argueing that no it really is 5. Now back to SCOTUS, this is not a difference in what those cases mean by what they say, its much more basic, again like 2+2=4, if we look at ware v Hylton.


"In june, 1776, the convention of virginia formally decalred that Virginia was a free, Sov and independent state, and that on the 4 th July 1776, followed the Unirted states in Congress assembeled declared that the 13 United colinies were free and independednt states, as that as such they had the full power to levy war, conclude peace etc. I consider this declaration, not that the United staes jointly in a collective capacity were independednt statesetc, but that each of them was a sov and independednt state, that is that each of them had a right to govern itself by its own authority and its own law without any control from any power on earth."

I expalined that lincolns claim that Va had no sov at all except in the Union, and that the Union gave sov to the states, is false acording to SCOTUS, (let alone the historical record) it (all states) had it before DOI, it had it after DOI, it had it under the AOC and delgated some portions to congress, and retained all others to itself, this relationship did not change with the adoption of the constituition, at no time had or has any state delegated that right away, it simply is unable to do so. I further explained that SCOTUS cannot rule on the sov of a state, when you said that SCOTUS has this power delegated to it, this is another example you want btw, you said the following:-

"The Supreme Court CAN'T lose jurisdiction over any constitutional issue. The only constitutional way for another branch of government to amend a Supreme Court decision is to amend the laws the Court used to make the decision. In the case of constitutional matters, this can only be done by amending the Constitution. The Court has the same jurisdiction over secession today that it had in 1869."


"The standard legal case referred to on the matter is Texas vs. White, decided by the US Supreme Court in 1869. In it, the Court held "the Union to be indestructable and, thus, not dissoluble by any act of a state, the government, or the people."

"To this day, Texas vs. White remains the law of the land." "it doesn't stand as legal precedent for nearly 150 years, as this case has."

Now i expalined at length that SCOTUS under the judiacary act of 1789 does not posses the power to rule on a states sov, if it did there would be no need for constituition, because SCOTUS would simply overule it, tell a state what rights it did or did not have and change its mind depending on who was apointed by the pres to sit in SCOTUS. And the people who created these black robed demons would sit and wonder what rights they would come and tell them they had or had not, and think, gee i wish we hadnt given them all the power, its almost like our creation is now our master. Now there is no reason why you should be aware of the judiciary act and its provision, but since you argued and state the cleary the oposite of it, you get upset that i point out you do not comprehend my written word, my words are not good enough?, well maybee, but if you were aware of the subject matter you would not amke the argumemnts you do make, as they are 2+2=5 arguments. You have said repetadily "Realistically, if either Massachussets or Rhode Island tried to secede, their action would be ruled unconstitutional." to which i had already pointed out that SCOTUS under the judiciary act has no such authority to do and citied two case where it said so.

Only on BB do the ignorant use Texas/white to argue as you have done, yes this is another of those examples, you asked for.

Lets remind ourself what the FF said when they created SCOTUS, look at what Hamilton and Webster said, let alone the southern leaders, look at what each state said when considering the merits of mebership of the AoC of the Union, its clear they had no doubt that they created the Union and gave it some of their sov powers, retained all others not delagated, and could resume them at the will of the people.

Madison and Jefferson are very clear in the Ky resolutions;_

"Resolved, that the several states comprising the United States of America are not united on principle of unlimited submission to the general govermnet, but that, by compact, under the style and title of the Constituition of the USA and amendments therto, they constituited agovernment for special purposes, delgating to that government certain powers, resrving to each state to itself its residuary mass of of right to theirm own self government, and that, whensover the generaql government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthorative, void and of no force, that to this compact each state acceded as a state, and is a an integral party, that then government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of then powers delegated to itself, since that would have made its descretion and not the constituition, the measure of its powers, but that, as in cases of compact among powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right vto judge for itself, as well as infractions as of the mode of redress."

SCOTUS cant lose what has never had, the power to overule a states sov except in the spheres those states delgated that sov to do so, no state ever delegated to SCOTUS or congress powers except those expressly delegated. The right for SCOTUS to tell a state it no longer exist does not reside with SCOTUS because only limited ereas of remit were delegated for it to rule on, SCOTUS has said this and i have listed two cases already. Nor does SCOTUS have the authority to tell a state it cannot leave the Union, SCOTUS exists as a creation of the will of the people, and cannot tell them what rights they have, only rule in disputes between the people where SCOTUS has been delgated authority to do so.

crooktooth said:
Really? Legendary? Is there some legend about my English usage that I'm not aware of? Please elaborate. Elaborate, or withdraw the comment as a gratuitous personal insult.

Aswered in body of post.


crooktooth said:
Ah, more personal insults. Your usual response when you've been out-argued, HB
.

Out argued?, really you are to funny, you enter two cases that secesionist use to support the legal posistion for secession because they show sov still rested in the state, as evidence that sov no longer rested with the states, now you think its insulting for me to point that out and comment on it, but it says much more about your understanding of the written word than it does any arguement i could make. Its also revealling how you see the exchange though, as if i or you can convince another to change his opinion against his will by argument.

I took the time to expalin much more than was needed to you, none of which you took any notice of and continued to argue points, despite quite adequate replys, you ignore points and return later to argue the same point as though the answer had never been given. This to you is outargueing?.

You think SCOTUS can rule on a states right to leave the Union. I say look at what the judiacary act says SCOTUS can rule on.

You say texas v White is legal precedent, i say cite a case where its used as precedent.

you say "To this day, Texas vs. White remains the law of the land." to which i said only on BB do you see this nonsense posted, its hard to be more wrong.

You repeat with "Realistically, if either Massachussets or Rhode Island tried to secede, their action would be ruled unconstitutional." i say again, read what it can and cannot rule on.

You say "The US Constitution has precedence over state constitutions, after all." i say only where the constituition is granted specificly those powers.

you say "Really? Where in the Constitution is this "guarantee"? in asking where does equal rights exist in respect of the constituition to all states possesing a right only the people have, i say Article IV Section 2. The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States. yoe come back with "This guarantees equality of rights of Citizens. You claimed equality of rights of States. Your claim of equal rights between states remains unproven.", to which i say the right of secession exist with the people, not the state. you still dont get it and come back with "To flatly equate states with individuals is patently ridiculous; individuals are far more than just citizens of a state. In other words, you still haven't made your point." i repeat the right of secession exist with the people. just why dont you know where the right of secesion exists?, kind of important that dont you think?. No wonder you dont know what that clause pertains to, you didnt know where the right of secession exits with the people not the state, and certainly you did not know where in the Constituition before the 14th Amendement, individual rights for people were protected, sheesh could you exhibit any worse understanding of the subject matter?.


you say again "The Supreme Court CAN'T lose jurisdiction over any constitutional issue." i say only where the judiciary act says it can arbitrate can it do so, but nowhere else.

you say "The Court has the same jurisdiction over secession today that it had in 1869." i say it still does not have any jurisdiction.

you say "Texas vs. White), it doesn't stand as legal precedent for nearly 150 years, as this case has." i said nonsense and cite a case.

You say "The question isn't Virginia's sovereign status in 1776. It's Virginia's sovereign status in 1861. And in 1861, Virginia wasn't sovereign." i say in respect of the right of secession she and all sates was still sov along with all other non delgated sov powers not exprssely delegated.

now on may 24 1860 US Congress passed7 resolutions, the first of which says:
"resolved, that, in adoption of the fedral constituition, the states adopting the same acted severally as free independednt sov, delgating a portion of their powersw to be excercised by the federal government for the increased security of each aginst dangers , domestic and as well as forgien, and that any intermeddelling by any one of the states, or combination of their citizens, withthe domestic instituitions of the others, on any pretext whotsoever, politicaly , morally or religious, with a view to their subversion or disturbence, is in violation of the constituition, insilting to the state so interfered with, endagers their reace and tranquility--objects for which the constituition was formed--and, by necessary consequence, tends to weaken and destroy the union itself."

Passed by house and senate. It follows then that in 1860 congress agreed that all sates were free and sov, had delgated sov only where expicitly mentioned in the constituition, retained it in all other matters, and that the Union could be destroyed. how could it be destroyed?, well in the PA debates the FF said when only two states were left in the Union the union would still exist, kinda odd the FF thought states could leave untill only two remain, as lincoln said states could not. but since the FF made sure their was no constituitional power for the federal government to coerce a state by use of mil force, to make sure a state could seccede peacfully, its no wonder Buchannon and the countrys attorny general said there was no such power vested in the national government when the cotton states secceded to use force on them to prevent them.

And you think you have out argued me?. Its a comical thought which i thank you for sharing, now if you have the time obtain a good book on the constituition and have a read, and then re read what you have posted here. Try Forrest McDonald "states rights and the Union 1776 -1876". Or J R Graham "A constituitional history of Secession", of a Stephens "A Constituitional history of the WBTS" and you will find that what i have said is perfcectly correct, you on the other hand, well lets just say when your more familiar with the subject matter, you will see your posts in a whole new light, like when someone relises 2+2=4 not five, and why. BTW on another thread you asked if bob Hoskins in Enemy at the Gates etc, my advice is not to get your comprehension of history from Holywood, as it tends to make the point you dont know what your talking about, because they make works of fiction, not history.




crooktooth said:
What's your point? By your interpretation, the South seceded to protect the institution of slavery from what they considered Northern hostility. By your own words, you've conceded that the South's cause was not human liberty, but human bondage.


What i pointed out was that the North did not go to war to end slavery, that the cottons states left to preserve their constituitional rights, which include to decide the legal status of men in bondage, as the law said they could.


The cotton states indeed left to preserve the right, to determine for themselves the fate of slavery in their states, thats my intpretation because thats what they actually said the would and did do. My words echo their words.

You enterd Southern morality, post 20, i pointed out the north did not goto war on moral grounds, in reply it went on political and economic ones, youraparant intent was to claim the moral high ground for the North, ground that did not exist, one point is to remind you on what grounds the two sides said they went to war for and over.


crooktooth said:
My god, what hypocricy, HB! In one sentence you make two claims. First you say that "the people" (you mean white people, of course) of the South had an inalienable right to abolish their Government, including its Constitution. Second, you claim that Southerners were guaranteed their "property rights" (i.e. to hold the blacks in slavery) under the same Constitution! On the one hand you dismiss the Constitution when it infringes on the liberties of the Southern whites. On the other, you invoke the Constitution to dismiss the liberties of the Southern blacks.

Examples of inability to comprehend the written word coming upn as per your request.
crooktooth said:
In one sentence you make two claims. First you say that "the people" (you mean white people, of course) of the South had an inalienable right to abolish their Government, including its Constitution.


Already answerd this, but i will do so again since you changed the issue to include morality.

Free white people, as rulled by SCOTUS, thats who the FF ment, free white people.

Inalianble right to change or abolish the form of government, as claimed by the DOI as the central tenent of republican government, that any peoples institute governments on the consent of the people to be governed, the people are free white people, people of a state not in the agregate, because thats what the FF sayed they ment, as SCOTUS said thats who can alter or abolish the constituition.

What does this have to do with morality?, its a legal issue, you cannot legislate moraility, anyway the church teaches us that all wars are morally evil, but that some wars are less so. A war of self defense, acording to the church is morally aceptable, lawfull defense of property is a moral war, particulry when both sides posistion in law is that negros are property, and at the time the north made no claim to having gone to war to end slavery, instead Lincoln passed into law the original 13 amendment gaurenteing perpetualy slavery where it existed, saving the Union ment retaining and protecting slavery in 61.

He (lincoln) said when he had the chance to veto the 13th that gaurenteed in perpetuality slavery in the states where it existed, "To the effect that the federal government shall never interfere with the domestic instituition of the states, including that of persons held to service, i have no objection to its becoming express and irecrevacble." And then sent it to the States for ratification.

So what was the moral posistion of the abolishionsts?, a bunch so extreme as to make OBL look like a moderate.

Rev Sloane of NY wrote to the newspapers for publication of what he preached from the pulpit on hearing the EP.

"It is better that the 6 millions of white men, women and children in the south be slaughterd than that slavery should not be extinguished. I afirm that is is better, far better that every man women and child in every rebel state should perish in one widspread, bloody indiscrimante slaughter, better that the land should be a sahara, be it as when destroyed the cananites or overthrow Sodom and Gormorah, than that this rebelion should be succesful."

No wonder lincoln kept the abolishonist element at arms length, with fanatics like that on your side who needs enimies?, his friends were bad enough, in the original draft of the EP there is a para calling for the then now free negros "to take up arms and rise in insurection against their former masters". Licoln deleted it on the grounds that the attitude of forgien nations would "cause a problem" when he urged the now free slaves to take up arms.

The moral issue of the EP is to gift freedom to those blacks in the south, to do this as a war measure is required because under the law he had no legal power to do so, and the penalty for doing so under the existing law was death by hanging for insitment to servile insurection, just as JB was tried for.

If morality was a major concern he would have freed slaves where he had the legal authority to do so, he did not do so, he is quite clear on the *why* of the EP, to save the Union, freeing some, none or all was secondry to saving the Union, at the time he was only concerned with mil need, those slaves were what was keeping the Souith going, if insurrections broke out so much the better. That they did not is ample evidence that the condition of slavery was not as portrayed by the abolishinists, to be sure the short life of a cane harvestor was beyond description, but they were not representative of the system. N B Forrest after Chikamauga freed his slaves, he had a large number of them as teamsters and blacksmiths in his command, after freedom they all stayed on as teamsters and blacksmiths, at wars end they and he returned to his plantation and worked the land, or rather they worked and he payed them. M C Boykin diary of war tells us that despite the debt the family found itself in post war, they still provided for the plantations 17 free negros, despite no legal obligation to do so since they were then free, but had a moral obligation, to what she describes as her friends since chidhood, care was given untill death as under state law which no longer had legal weight.

Are these just exceptions to the rule?,

In the late 1930s, the Works Project Administration of the U.S. Government collected the testimonies of former slaves throughout the South which are preserved in the Slave Narratives in the National Archives of Washington, D.C. The vast majority of those interviewed had fond memories of their masters and mistresses on Southern plantations. For example, Tom Douglas, a former slave of Alabama, stated, "Slavery times wuz sho good times. We [/QUOTE]wuz fed an' clothed an' had nothin' to worry about." Simon Phillips of Alabama said, "People has the wrong idea of slave days. We was treated good. My massa never laid a hand on me the whole time I was wid him.... Sometime we loaned the massa money when he was hard pushed." Gus Brown of Richmond, Virginia remembered his former master back in Alabama with these words: "I cannot forget old massa. He was good and kind. He never believed in slavery, but his money was tied up in slaves and he didn't want to lose all he had. I knows I will see him in heaven and even though I have to walk ten miles for a bite of bread, I can still be happy to think about the good times we had then." Exhibiting a profound sadness about the results of the forced "emancipation" brought about by the North, Mary Rice, of Alabama said, "I was happy all de time in slavery days, but dere ain't much to git happy over now." James Gill of Arkansas likewise testified, "...[A]ll dem good times ceasted atter a while when de War come and de Yankees started all dere debbilment. Us was Confederates all de while."

Thats a sample of views, 70,000 views are recorded in the 13 volumes, statisticly speaking 65% of former slaves when asked in the 1930s said they were happier as slaves than free. Now thats the most authrative work i know on which to base a statistical opinion of the view of slaves, i accept its not all encompassing and ignores the views of 00s of 000s of others, but its the best stats i know of and is not an unrepresentaive measure of opinion statisticly speaking.

Lincoln's Secretary of War, Edwin Stanton, had this public statement after the EP, "The population of African descent that cultivate the lands and perform the labor of the rebels constitute a large share of their military strength, and enable the white masters to fill the rebel armies and wage a cruel and murderous war against the people of the Northern States. By reducing the laboring strength of the rebels their military power will be reduced." Consequently, the invading Northern army began to seize Southern slaves and conscript them into service to the United States, often against their will. From his headquarters at Hilton Head, South Carolina, Major-General David Hunter issued the following order:

"All able-bodied colored men between the ages of eighteen and fifty within the military lines of the Department of the South, who have had an opportunity to enlist voluntarily, and refused to do so, shall be drafted into the military service of the United States, to serve as non-commissioned officers and soldiers in the various regiments and batteries now being organized in the Department."

Now what is the moral ground being taken in reality at the time?, as property they were siezed under law by the north, as it was an insurection the property was withheld from the owners, what the EP is also saying, continue to defy the government and all such property wiill be so removed from you should the government prevail, this is not a moral act, it is a political and economic measure, as lincoln and stanton said it was. In the film Glory there is a scene where they get paid manual labor wages instead or reg army pay, and riot, in real life the sarge who led this was tried and executed for mutiney, freedom can be danger to those not used to it.

Now as to hypocricy, i dont see im guilty as claimed, i really dont. can you expain why you believe it to be so?.


crooktooth said:
Which holds greater weight? The rights of all people (presumably including blacks) to liberty, or the guarantees and obligations specified within the Constitution? It seems you pick one as more important when it suits you, but then switch to the other when in turn it becomes more convenient. You're repeatedly shifting principles to score cheap debating points.


I have provided an answer to either a legal or moral question when asked, you moved it from legal to moral and now im addressing moral and legal issues.

Slavery in the bible is sanctioned by God, he gave it to Moses in the mosiaic laws, wherin it was regulated and aproved, in 25 leviticus slavery is sanctioned when slaves are taken from forgien nations, and can be inherited from one generaqtion to another, but in the year of Jubilee all slaves would be free, debts forgiven an mortgeged land returned to its rightful owner. It prohibited racial predugicies and intolarance,Moses took a black Nubian to wife and when Aron and Miriam objected at this, because it made her free as well, God himself spoke to them in rebuke, its hard to argue moraly that the word of God sanctioning slavery does not provide moral support for the instituition of slavery. mosiac law also says slavery is a transitionary state of afairs, st Paul speaks of slavery in Epistle to the Ephensians, where he tells master and servant to love and honour each other,, he does so again in 3 and 4 Epistloe to the Coloossians, he tells that its is better to suffer as a slave some injustice (he is not talking about being a slave in the firts place, but it could be a harsh condition due to the work of a slave), and that it was better to suffer as aslave than to be free to starve or be taken as an escapped slave and punished by cruxification. His "money is the root of all evill" maxim is in reference to slavery, the rich aquire greater wealth by owning more slaves than they need, the slave to earn his freedom steals to aquire money to buy his freedom, is what the rest of the speech talks. Jesus himself rewarded the centurian who had a sick slave, he cured the sick slave because the centurian loved and cared for him, a centurion asked for thesake of love of the master for his slave, for Jesus to help, Jesus praised the master who loved his slave, and that was why he said he cured him, for a master love for his slave.

Ive been consistant in what i have said, if you think otherwise provide examples where you are still under this impression and ill expalin further. Blacks never had the same legal right as whites btw, SCOTUS said so, as did lincoln when he said that by making them free did not make them morally or socially the equal of a white man.

You dont read me right at all. I dont attempt to score points in debate, there is no point. Try not to judge me by your own standards.


crooktooth said:
Straw man argument. No one has made any mention of the "North's moral position", in this thread HB.

I remind you of your comment in post 20 "But any such moral argument founders on the basic motivation behind the South's secession; the preservation of slavery. The South left the Union in order to promote and preserve human bondage. It was intent not on extending liberty, but on oppressing it.." to which i made the reply, this an example of which you requested, where your abuse of english comprehension is exibited.

And point out my "As for the North moral posistion it did not enter into warfare to free the slaves" is in post 21 in response to yours that called into question souther morailty. another example you asked for btw.
 
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crooktooth said:
You're the first to introduce it. I happen to agree with you that the North didn't go to war over slavery. I still insist that the South did. If you don't believe me, read the Secession declarations of Georgia, Mississippi, Texas and South Carolina at http://sunsite.utk.edu/civil-war/reasons.html. Georgia's declaration, for example, mentions slavery 35 times.

I know the declaration of secesion, and the declarations of causes of secession and the states debates on both, yes slavery was the most often citied reason but not the only reason, those legal debates require legal issues to seccede on, it was the only reason suffiecently able to encompass a wide enough argument to effect secession thrfough a wide enough public support, Calhoun and others had tried on the traiff issue already, the NE states had done the same, you could not sell the tariff to a wide enough state level to make secession a political and economic reality, to few states and the right of secession would be a right not worth excercissing. Slavery in law was about a safe as it ever had been in the USA history, but it was not going to spread, that ment southern influence would not be represented in the future, it was already not able to swallow the ecomomic reality of paying the existing traif of 87% of federal income, and was not about to let the Republicans increase it still further. So while slavery is a reason for secession, it was not that imminent slavery was threatened, far from it, it was rather that slavery extensions was denied, that ment political death for the Southern states, and servile insurections because slavery could not be exported, along with agitation from the Northern sates, the only question was when, this is what they mean when they talk about slavery, the influential would no longer be, the common man would be forced to compete with free negros, because the northern states did not allow negros to live in them, and they could not be taken to new states, it was not a new thing for the southern politicians, the rate of emancipation in the south was large, but it was so because of the laws making slaves entry into new states and living there a year, able to be emancipated that made it large, no new states was a deal breaker on southern emncipation. Yes the cotton states went south over slavery, yet they did so to protect their right to do about it whatever they decided, but both were protected in law to do so, its not as simple as they went south to keep men as slaves, they did so because they wanted no part of the Union in which a party like the Republicans represented the majoirty of opinion and could legally inflict laws determintal to them.



In the UK and most of europe, its taught that economics were the cause of the conflict, not slavery, heres one of our teaching texts.

"It is startiling to relize that lincoln did not believe in the principle of self determination of the peoples, lincoln fought against them with more determination than any prime Minister fought against ireland. perhaps Gladstones sympathy for the South is more understandable if this aspect of the case is considered.to those who associate the principle of self determination with the US it comes as a shock to find Abraham lincoln, associated in ones mind so firmly with liberty and democracy, should argue so strongly against it. yet the facts are unavoidable."

Now Georgia mentions slavery, it also mentions goverment 20 odd times, you have to read the context of what they apply to. they are concerned with the spread of slavery and economics. not a threat to end slavery.


Georgia

The people of Georgia having dissolved their political connection with the Government of the United States of America, present to their confederates and the world the causes which have led to the separation. For the last ten years we have had numerous and serious causes of complaint against our non-slave-holding confederate States with reference to the subject of African slavery. They have endeavored to weaken our security, to disturb our domestic peace and tranquility, and persistently refused to comply with their express constitutional obligations to us in reference to that property, and by the use of their power in the Federal Government have striven to deprive us of an equal enjoyment of the common Territories of the Republic. This hostile policy of our confederates has been pursued with every circumstance of aggravation which could arouse the passions and excite the hatred of our people, and has placed the two sections of the Union for many years past in the condition of virtual civil war. Our people, still attached to the Union from habit and national traditions, and averse to change, hoped that time, reason, and argument would bring, if not redress, at least exemption from further insults, injuries, and dangers. Recent events have fully dissipated all such hopes and demonstrated the necessity of separation. Our Northern confederates, after a full and calm hearing of all the facts, after a fair warning of our purpose not to submit to the rule of the authors of all these wrongs and injuries, have by a large majority committed the Government of the United States into their hands. The people of Georgia, after an equally full and fair and deliberate hearing of the case, have declared with equal firmness that they shall not rule over them. A brief history of the rise, progress, and policy of anti-slavery and the political organization into whose hands the administration of the Federal Government has been committed will fully justify the pronounced verdict of the people of Georgia.
The party of Lincoln, called the Republican party, under its present name and organization, is of recent origin. It is admitted to be an anti-slavery party. While it attracts to itself by its creed the scattered advocates of exploded political heresies, of condemned theories in political economy, the advocates of commercial restrictions, of protection, of special privileges, of waste and corruption in the administration of Government, anti-slavery is its mission and its purpose. By anti-slavery it is made a power in the state. The question of slavery was the great difficulty in the way of the formation of the Constitution. While the subordination and the political and social inequality of the African race was fully conceded by all, it was plainly apparent that slavery would soon disappear from what are now the non-slave-holding States of the original thirteen. The opposition to slavery was then, as now, general in those States and the Constitution was made with direct reference to that fact. But a distinct abolition party was not formed in the United States for more than half a century after the Government went into operation. The main reason was that the North, even if united, could not control both branches of the Legislature during any portion of that time. Therefore such an organization must have resulted either in utter failure or in the total overthrow of the Government. The material prosperity of the North was greatly dependent on the Federal Government; that of the South not at all. In the first years of the Republic the navigating, commercial, and manufacturing interests of the North began to seek profit and aggrandizement at the expense of the agricultural interests. Even the owners of fishing smacks sought and obtained bounties for pursuing their own business (which yet continue), and $500,000 is now paid them annually out of the Treasury. The navigating interests begged for protection against foreign shipbuilders and against competition in the coasting trade. Congress granted both requests, and by prohibitory acts gave an absolute monopoly of this business to each of their interests, which they enjoy without diminution to this day. Not content with these great and unjust advantages, they have sought to throw the legitimate burden of their business as much as possible upon the public; they have succeeded in throwing the cost of light-houses, buoys, and the maintenance of their seamen upon the Treasury, and the Government now pays above $2,000,000 annually for the support of these objects. These interests, in connection with the commercial and manufacturing classes, have also succeeded, by means of subventions to mail steamers and the reduction in postage, in relieving their business from the payment of about $7,000,000 annually, throwing it upon the public Treasury under the name of postal deficiency. The manufacturing interests entered into the same struggle early, and have clamored steadily for Government bounties and special favors. This interest was confined mainly to the Eastern and Middle non-slave-holding States. Wielding these great States it held great power and influence, and its demands were in full proportion to its power. The manufacturers and miners wisely based their demands upon special facts and reasons rather than upon general principles, and thereby mollified much of the opposition of the opposing interest. They pleaded in their favor the infancy of their business in this country, the scarcity of labor and capital, the hostile legislation of other countries toward them, the great necessity of their fabrics in the time of war, and the necessity of high duties to pay the debt incurred in our war for independence. These reasons prevailed, and they received for many years enormous bounties by the general acquiescence of the whole country.
But when these reasons ceased they were no less clamorous for Government protection, but their clamors were less heeded -- the country had put the principle of protection upon trial and condemned it. After having enjoyed protection to the extent of from 15 to 200 per cent. upon their entire business for above thirty years, the act of 1846 was passed. It avoided sudden change, but the principle was settled, and free trade, low duties, and economy in public expenditures was the verdict of the American people. The South and the Northwestern States sustained this policy. There was but small hope of its reversal; upon the direct issue, none at all.
All these classes saw this and felt it and cast about for new allies. The anti-slavery sentiment of the North offered the best chance for success. An anti-slavery party must necessarily look to the North alone for support, but a united North was now strong enough to control the Government in all of its departments, and a sectional party was therefore determined upon. Time and issues upon slavery were necessary to its completion and final triumph. The feeling of anti-slavery, which it was well known was very general among the people of the North, had been long dormant or passive; it needed only a question to arouse it into aggressive activity. This question was before us. We had acquired a large territory by successful war with Mexico; Congress had to govern it; how, in relation to slavery, was the question then demanding solution. This state of facts gave form and shape to the anti-slavery sentiment throughout the North and the conflict began. Northern anti-slavery men of all parties asserted the right to exclude slavery from the territory by Congressional legislation and demanded the prompt and efficient exercise of this power to that end. This insulting and unconstitutional demand was met with great moderation and firmness by the South. We had shed our blood and paid our money for its acquisition; we demanded a division of it on the line of the Missouri restriction or an equal participation in the whole of it. These propositions were refused, the agitation became general, and the public danger was great. The case of the South was impregnable. The price of the acquisition was the blood and treasure of both sections -- of all, and, therefore, it belonged to all upon the principles of equity and justice.
The Constitution delegated no power to Congress to exclude either party from its free enjoyment; therefore our right was good under the Constitution. Our rights were further fortified by the practice of the Government from the beginning. Slavery was forbidden in the country northwest of the Ohio River by what is called the ordinance of 1787. That ordinance was adopted under the old confederation and by the assent of Virginia, who owned and ceded the country, and therefore this case must stand on its own special circumstances. The Government of the United States claimed territory by virtue of the treaty of 1783 with Great Britain, acquired territory by cession from Georgia and North Carolina, by treaty from France, and by treaty from Spain. These acquisitions largely exceeded the original limits of the Republic. In all of these acquisitions the policy of the Government was uniform. It opened them to the settlement of all the citizens of all the States of the Union. They emigrated thither with their property of every kind (including slaves). All were equally protected by public authority in their persons and property until the inhabitants became sufficiently numerous and otherwise capable of bearing the burdens and performing the duties of self-government, when they were admitted into the Union upon equal terms with the other States, with whatever republican constitution they might adopt for themselves.
Under this equally just and beneficent policy law and order, stability and progress, peace and prosperity marked every step of the progress of these new communities until they entered as great and prosperous commonwealths into the sisterhood of American States. In 1820 the North endeavored to overturn this wise and successful policy and demanded that the State of Missouri should not be admitted into the Union unless she first prohibited slavery within her limits by her constitution. After a bitter and protracted struggle the North was defeated in her special object, but her policy and position led to the adoption of a section in the law for the admission of Missouri, prohibiting slavery in all that portion of the territory acquired from France lying North of 36 [degrees] 30 [minutes] north latitude and outside of Missouri. The venerable Madison at the time of its adoption declared it unconstitutional. Mr. Jefferson condemned the restriction and foresaw its consequences and predicted that it would result in the dissolution of the Union. His prediction is now history. The North demanded the application of the principle of prohibition of slavery to all of the territory acquired from Mexico and all other parts of the public domain then and in all future time. It was the announcement of her purpose to appropriate to herself all the public domain then owned and thereafter to be acquired by the United States. The claim itself was less arrogant and insulting than the reason with which she supported it. That reason was her fixed purpose to limit, restrain, and finally abolish slavery in the States where it exists. The South with great unanimity declared her purpose to resist the principle of prohibition to the last extremity. This particular question, in connection with a series of questions affecting the same subject, was finally disposed of by the defeat of prohibitory legislation.
The Presidential election of 1852 resulted in the total overthrow of the advocates of restriction and their party friends. Immediately after this result the anti-slavery portion of the defeated party resolved to unite all the elements in the North opposed to slavery and to stake their future political fortunes upon their hostility to slavery everywhere. This is the party to whom the people of the North have committed the Government. They raised their standard in 1856 and were barely defeated. They entered the Presidential contest again in 1860 and succeeded.
The prohibition of slavery in the Territories, hostility to it everywhere, the equality of the black and white races, disregard of all constitutional guarantees in its favor, were boldly proclaimed by its leaders and applauded by its followers.
With these principles on their banners and these utterances on their lips the majority of the people of the North demand that we shall receive them as our rulers.
The prohibition of slavery in the Territories is the cardinal principle of this organization.
For forty years this question has been considered and debated in the halls of Congress, before the people, by the press, and before the tribunals of justice. The majority of the people of the North in 1860 decided it in their own favor. We refuse to submit to that judgment, and in vindication of our refusal we offer the Constitution of our country and point to the total absence of any express power to exclude us. We offer the practice of our Government for the first thirty years of its existence in complete refutation of the position that any such power is either necessary or proper to the execution of any other power in relation to the Territories. We offer the judgment of a large minority of the people of the North, amounting to more than one-third, who united with the unanimous voice of the South against this usurpation; and, finally, we offer the judgment of the Supreme Court of the United States, the highest judicial tribunal of our country, in our favor. This evidence ought to be conclusive that we have never surrendered this right. The conduct of our adversaries admonishes us that if we had surrendered it, it is time to resume it.
The faithless conduct of our adversaries is not confined to such acts as might aggrandize themselves or their section of the Union. They are content if they can only injure us. The Constitution declares that persons charged with crimes in one State and fleeing to another shall be delivered up on the demand of the executive authority of the State from which they may flee, to be tried in the jurisdiction where the crime was committed. It would appear difficult to employ language freer from ambiguity, yet for above twenty years the non-slave-holding States generally have wholly refused to deliver up to us persons charged with crimes affecting slave property. Our confederates, with punic faith, shield and give sanctuary to all criminals who seek to deprive us of this property or who use it to destroy us. This clause of the Constitution has no other sanction than their good faith; that is withheld from us; we are remediless in the Union; out of it we are remitted to the laws of nations.
A similar provision of the Constitution requires them to surrender fugitives from labor. This provision and the one last referred to were our main inducements for confederating with the Northern States. Without them it is historically true that we would have rejected the Constitution. In the fourth year of the Republic Congress passed a law to give full vigor and efficiency to this important provision. This act depended to a considerable degree upon the local magistrates in the several States for its efficiency. The non-slave-holding States generally repealed all laws intended to aid the execution of that act, and imposed penalties upon those citizens whose loyalty to the Constitution and their oaths might induce them to discharge their duty. Congress then passed the act of 1850, providing for the complete execution of this duty by Federal officers. This law, which their own bad faith rendered absolutely indispensible for the protection of constitutional rights, was instantly met with ferocious revilings and all conceivable modes of hostility. The Supreme Court unanimously, and their own local courts with equal unanimity (with the single and temporary exception of the supreme court of Wisconsin), sustained its constitutionality in all of its provisions. Yet it stands to-day a dead letter for all practicable purposes in every non-slave-holding State in the Union. We have their covenants, we have their oaths to keep and observe it, but the unfortunate claimant, even accompanied by a Federal officer with the mandate of the highest judicial authority in his hands, is everywhere met with fraud, with force, and with legislative enactments to elude, to resist, and defeat him. Claimants are murdered with impunity; officers of the law are beaten by frantic mobs instigated by inflammatory appeals from persons holding the highest public employment in these States, and supported by legislation in conflict with the clearest provisions of the Constitution, and even the ordinary principles of humanity. In several of our confederate States a citizen cannot travel the highway with his servant who may voluntarily accompany him, without being declared by law a felon and being subjected to infamous punishments. It is difficult to perceive how we could suffer more by the hostility than by the fraternity of such brethren.
The public law of civilized nations requires every State to restrain its citizens or subjects from committing acts injurious to the peace and security of any other State and from attempting to excite insurrection, or to lessen the security, or to disturb the tranquillity of their neighbors, and our Constitution wisely gives Congress the power to punish all offenses against the laws of nations.
These are sound and just principles which have received the approbation of just men in all countries and all centuries; but they are wholly disregarded by the people of the Northern States, and the Federal Government is impotent to maintain them. For twenty years past the abolitionists and their allies in the Northern States have been engaged in constant efforts to subvert our institutions and to excite insurrection and servile war among us. They have sent emissaries among us for the accomplishment of these purposes. Some of these efforts have received the public sanction of a majority of the leading men of the Republican party in the national councils, the same men who are now proposed as our rulers. These efforts have in one instance led to the actual invasion of one of the slave-holding States, and those of the murderers and incendiaries who escaped public justice by flight have found fraternal protection among our Northern confederates.
These are the same men who say the Union shall be preserved.
Such are the opinions and such are the practices of the Republican party, who have been called by their own votes to administer the Federal Government under the Constitution of the United States. We know their treachery; we know the shallow pretenses under which they daily disregard its plainest obligations. If we submit to them it will be our fault and not theirs. The people of Georgia have ever been willing to stand by this bargain, this contract; they have never sought to evade any of its obligations; they have never hitherto sought to establish any new government; they have struggled to maintain the ancient right of themselves and the human race through and by that Constitution. But they know the value of parchment rights in treacherous hands, and therefore they refuse to commit their own to the rulers whom the North offers us. Why? Because by their declared principles and policy they have outlawed $3,000,000,000 of our property in the common territories of the Union; put it under the ban of the Republic in the States where it exists and out of the protection of Federal law everywhere; because they give sanctuary to thieves and incendiaries who assail it to the whole extent of their power, in spite of their most solemn obligations and covenants; because their avowed purpose is to subvert our society and subject us not only to the loss of our property but the destruction of ourselves, our wives, and our children, and the desolation of our homes, our altars, and our firesides. To avoid these evils we resume the powers which our fathers delegated to the Government of the United States, and henceforth will seek new safeguards for our liberty, equality, security, and tranquility.


"Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union":

We maintain that in every compact between two or more parties, the obligation is mutual; that the failure of one of the contracting parties to perform a material part of the agreement, entirely releases the obligation of the other; and that where no arbiter is provided, each party is remitted to his own judgment to determine the fact of failure, with all its consequences....
We affirm that these ends for which this Government was instituted have been defeated, and the Government itself has been made destructive of them by the action of the non-slaveholding States. Those States have assumed the right of deciding upon the propriety of our domestic institutions; and have denied the rights of property established in fifteen of the States and recognized by the Constitution; they have denounced as sinful the institution of slavery; they have permitted open establishment among them of societies, whose avowed object is to disturb the peace and to eloign the property of the citizens of other States. They have encouraged and assisted thousands of our slaves to leave their homes; and those who remain, have been incited by emissaries, books and pictures to servile insurrection.
For twenty-five years this agitation has been steadily increasing, until it has now secured to its aid the power of the common Government. Observing the forms of the Constitution, a sectional party has found within that Article establishing the Executive Department, the means of subverting the Constitution itself. A geographical line has been drawn across the Union, and all the States north of that line have united in the election of a man to the high office of President of the United States, whose opinions and purposes are hostile to slavery. He is to be entrusted with the administration of the common Government, because he has declared that that "Government cannot endure permanently half slave, half free," and that the public mind must rest in the belief that slavery is in the course of ultimate extinction....
On the 4th day of March next, this party will take possession of the Government. It has announced that the South shall be excluded from the common territory, that the judicial tribunals shall be made sectional, and that a war must be waged against slavery until it shall cease throughout the United States.
The guaranties of the Constitution will then no longer exist; the equal rights of the States will be lost. The slaveholding States will no longer have the power of self-government, or self-protection, and the Federal Government will have become their enemy.
Sectional interest and animosity will deepen the irritation, and all hope of remedy is rendered vain, by the fact that public opinion at the North has invested a great political error with the sanction of more erroneous religious belief.
We, therefore, the People of South Carolina, by our delegates in Convention assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, have solemnly declared that the Union heretofore existing between this State and the other States of North America, is dissolved, and that the State of South Carolina has resumed her position among the nations of the world, as a separate and independent State; with full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do
 

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crooktooth said:
A related question: has the Supreme Court ever ruled on the status of sovereignity? HB's argument rests mainly on the principle that the states retained ultimate sovereignity when they adhered to the Constitution.I agree there is potential moral merit in 'secession is legal.' Self-determination is a widely accepted right today, as HB mentions in regards specificially to the former Soviet Union.

The Constituition (tenth) and the AoC are explicite on this, each and every state retains sov in all non excpicitly delgated areas, sov is not aminiable to implicit delegation, We thepeople are where all power exists, thats how the constituition/AoC start, we the people etc.



This is another example of which you have asked, Patterson says only the poeople can change the constituition, because that is where sov exists, it cannot be delgated away, that is what Republican forms of government are, consent of the will of the people.

Van hornes Lessev Dorrance 1795 Dallas. case on what was a Republican form of Government.

Justice Patterson rulled:-

"What is the Constituition?, is the form of Governmenyt delienated by the hand of the people, in which it comntains firts priciples of fundamental law are established. The Constituition is certain and fixed, it contains the permamnet will of the people and is the supreme law of the land., it is the paramount will of the legislature, and can be revoked or altered onl;y by the authority that made it. the life giving principle and the death dealling blow must procede from the same hand. What are the legislatures?, creatures of the constituition,, theu owe their existance to constituition and derive their powers from the constituition. It is there commision, and therfore all there acts must be comftable to it, or else theuy are void.The Constituition is the work of the people themselves, in their original sov and unlimited capacity. Law is the work of the legislature in their deravitive ands subordinate capacity. the one is the work of the creator and the other of the creature."

Justice Pendelton said:-

"We the people, possessing all power form a government, such as we think to secure our hapiness. And in supposing in adopting this plan we find we are mistaken in the end. Where is the cause for alarm?. In the same plan we point out an easy and peacfull mthod of reforming what may be amiss. No but say you gentelmen, we have put the introduction of that system into hands of our sevents , who will interupt it for motives of self intrest. What then?, we will resist did my friend say convying the use of force? Who shall resist the people?, No we will reasemble in convention wholey recall our delgated powers, reform them to prevent such abuse and puish those servents who have perverted powers designed for our hapiness to their own emoulment."

Cohen v Virginia1821

Marshal

"The people made this constituition and the people can unmake it. it is the creature of their own will, and lives only by their will.

In the Pa debates it was expressed that the federal government would use the national army to coerce a state back into the Union, the result was that there would be small standing national army and a large militia to prevent such possible future usurption, all agreed to coerce a state was unwarrented in a vol Union, this also strengthens the secession by will, because the 2nd and the militain act gives a large and well orderd armed state militia.To opose what tyranny is that needed?, the national army is the logical answer, acting to coerce a state, despite the point that the use of force by the national government was debatted and found unwarrented by the FF and not entered into the Constituition. the reason the US had a militia without a national conscripted army was that was how rome went from a epublic to an empire, and so had the Uk, that was exactly not the mechanism the FF wanted in the Constituition, gov of the people was only safe when the people had the means to resist, that ment the rigfht to bear varms, and a state militia as the basis for the national armed forces.

When in 1812 the pres wanted to call out the militia, to invade Canada the gov of Ma said no, under the militia act thats not the purpose of the act, got SCOTUS to issue an advisory that said so, and refused to provide the milita. see anything simlar in 1861?. did lincoln get SCOTUS to rule the posse comitas was inoperative, nope he decided what was lawfull, who needs SCOTUS when you have war measures.



Gov Morris enterd a motion that all sov be granted to the national government, it was not seconded and sov rests in different spheres in the constituition.

Oh and the Constituition gaurentedd freedom of relgion even if it included slavery btw.

HB
 

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Stonewall said:
To be honest, I don't know. I've never researched the issue in depth. I found the Morgan case I cited above when I did a Lexis search for Texas v. White. When the case comes up, it also comes up with indicators of how courts have subsequently treated the case. In the case of Texas v. White, there was an indicator that the case, either in whole or in part, had been overturned.


.
Try "A constituitional history of secession" J R Graham, constituitiional trial lawywer who won quebec the right to bring suit on secession in canadian law, or A stephens "A constituitional history of the WBTS" for the most authrative list of such cases upto the end of the war, both are authrative and extensive.
 

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Stonewall said:
(2) Even if you believe that the dicta is precedential, the ultimate decision in Texas v. White was overruled by the Supreme Court in Morgan v. United States, 113 U.S. 476 (1885). As such, the reasoning behind the decision in Texas v. White is, by definion, overruled as well.
.

This ties in with tinfoilos question,"Assuming they were willing to review the case, wouldn't a successive SCOTUS at least maintain the jurisdiction to review the constitutionality of THEIR OWN rulings?"


Sec 22 of the judiciary act1789 There are specific exemptions to appelete jurisdiction of SCOTUSas allowed by Art III, sec 2 of the Constituition. one of these exceptions was that there could be no reversal on writ of error for any descion on any plea of abatement other than a plea to the jurisdictionn of the court. It was thus impossible under sec 22 to challenge the rulling, except by writ of error, now stonewall has citied where/when this occured, it was overturned because it had no jurisdiction to rule on the matter, the only way on legal grounds on which it can be overturned,which confirms what i said at length in respect of its legal status, ie it had no jurisdiction.

I had to flick through Dred Scott to find that, do you know how boring that case is?. Sheesh. Still now i know more about the why.

HB
 

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Kurdistani said:
Self determination is certainly not that widely accepted... it is depedent of the foreign policy of the countries advocating a certain countries self determination.....


Un resolution requires member countys in principle to acept self determination for all nation states, there a lot of yes to secession in UN resolutions.

HB
 

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Stonewall said:
Whatever way you look at it, the Supreme Court has no opinion on the legality of secession. It has never ruled either way on the issue..

It cant because it was never delegated that authority, and as we agree has never don so in law.


Stonewall said:
The Constitution itself is silent as to the issue. Legal aguments supporting the right of states ot secede or opposing the rights of states to secede are both compelling. Personally, I believe that the 'secession is legal' arguments are stronger both legally and morally. Unforetunately for everyone involved, nobody can prove this. It really is just a matter of opinion.

Since its a point of law, and historical record,it can be proved/disproved. what would it take to conivince you?.

liberty lies in the hearts of men and women, when it dies there, no constituition, no law no court, can save it. L Hand 1944, is how one philospher worded it and i agree with.

How free do you feel today?.

HB
 

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I guess I should have known that my questions would lead to a lengthy discussion between two particular posters!

I am going to summarize what I have interpreted from you folks so far:

There has been no explicit action taken to ensure that the 'right of succession' by individual states is specifically illegal. If (and thats a BIG if) states had this right in 1861, they theoretically retain it today. Congress has not enacted any constitutional amendment to 'slam the door' on succession. No state has ratified it. It appears that the Supreme Court does not have true jurisdiction to even consider the issue.

This is interesting, because they've had about 140 years to do this if someone really thought that there would be an ongoing issue. I am surprised that none of the 'pro-union' congresses of the late 1860's and 1870s nailed this one down. I guess they were content to let the results of the ACW speak for themselves, and were perhaps not interested in firing up fresh resentment in the south. Is it possible that they were wating for enough new 'free' (by sentiment) states to enter the union to guarantee ratification, and then never quite got around to it?

Please note that this is NOT a commentary on the moral or political issues arising from my question, merely the 'legal'.
 

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Hannibal Barca said:
This ties in with tinfoilos question,"Assuming they were willing to review the case, wouldn't a successive SCOTUS at least maintain the jurisdiction to review the constitutionality of THEIR OWN rulings?"

I'm not sure the court reversed White because it found it lacked jurisdiction to decide the issue.

Lexis said:
PROCEDURAL POSTURE: On consolidated appeals, appellants and United States challenged judgments from the Court of Claims that found for appellee in suits arising from appellants' unsuccessful attempts to redeem certain U.S. treasury bonds, ruled that appellee held title to the bonds, and dismissed appellants' petitions. Appellants contended that the failure to demand payment of interest when due did not obviate their rights to payment of the bonds' principal.

OVERVIEW: Appellants, in consolidated appeals, challenged judgments that ruled that appellee's title to certain U.S. treasury bonds was superior to appellants' titles, and thereby dismissed appellants' petitions seeking to recover the face value of the bonds. The bonds in dispute had on their face a date on which U.S. could render them redeemable and date for ultimate payment, were stolen from appellee, and were later purchased by appellants, in the usual course of business and without knowledge of how the bearer came into possession of them, after U.S. had rendered them redeemable. The Court rejected appellee's contention, as accepted by the Court of Claims, appellee's title in the bonds was superior to appellants' title because the bonds became matured after U.S. rendered them redeemable, and because appellants failed to so redeem them. Rather, the Court ruled, in accord with the rules of the law merchant regulating negotiable securities, the bonds were not, in the hands of appellants, overdue until the date of ultimate payment, when the bonds became unconditionally due, passed. Consequently, as bona fide purchasers for value, appellants' title in bonds was superior to appellee's title.

OUTCOME: The Court reversed the judgments that found that appellee's title to treasury bonds was superior to appellees' because, in accord with the law of negotiable instruments, appellees' as bona fide purchasers for value of the bonds could enforce the bonds up to the date that ultimate payment of the bonds was unconditionally due. Thus, that appellees failed to collect interest when payable did not defeat their title in the bonds.

The reversal wasn't based on a lack of jurisdiction, but rather on a theory of who had better title. Secondarily, the issue of secession and the legitimacy of the Confederate state governments is skirted. One can argue that the Court, in addressing the actions of the Confederate government with respect to the bonds, is implicitly giving those governments legal status, thus recognizing the right of those governmetns to exist. Gratned, this kind of argument is a stretch, but stretches are the things briefs are made of. :)

I had to flick through Dred Scott to find that, do you know how boring that case is?. Sheesh. Still now i know more about the why.

HB

Yeah. Dred Scott is a real humdinger of a read. Incredibly boring and one of the most horrible examples of Constitutional interpretation ever to grace the Supreme Court Reporters.
 

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Hannibal Barca said:
Since its a point of law, and historical record,it can be proved/disproved. what would it take to conivince you?.

Honestly, it would take a Constitutional Amendment or a Supreme Court Ruling to persuade me either way. I don;t look at the pro-seccession arguments as being points of law. They are legal theories that haven't been proven, just asserted. The same can be said of the "secession was illegal" crowd. Since there is no explicit law on the subject and the SCOTUS has remained largely silent on the issue, its an undecided issue of law.

I agree that the arguments in favor of allowing secession are compelling. I find them much more compelling than the arguments that secession was illegal. The actions of the federal government during the Civil War and Reconstruction give rise to a belief in it the legitimacy of the right to secede.

The secession of West Virginia from Virginia, which was recognized by the federal government is in and of itself evidence that the feds have accepted that secession is legal in certain circumstances. The denial of the right to vote to unreconstrcuted southern states and a mandate to accept constitutional amendments to be readmitted into the union leads to the logical conclusion that in order to be admitted into something you can't already be a part of it. So, which was it? Were the rebellious states sovereign entities that had to be re-incorporated into the United States? If so, then you have to go one step further and admit that they left the Union. How could they leave the Union if the Union was indivisible? If they never left the Union, then the federal government is guilty of some of the most egregious examples of coercion and authoritarianism in the history of the Republic. The reconstruction arguments make no logical or legal sense.

Then we have the 10th Amendment. The catch-all of the Constitution that has been neglected and overlooked for centuries. All powers and rights not granted to the Federal Government are reserved to the states and the people. The right to add to the Union is clearly within the scope of federal power. The Constitution is silent as to the right to leave. Logically, then, this right is reserved to the states and the people. I find this to be one of the more compelling arguments.

So, yes, I find the secession is legal arguments much more persuasive than the other side, but for me, the issue hasn't been settled enough for me to conclude secession is legal with a high degree of certainty.