Well in that case it would certainly be the sort of policy which the Labour party at least should look into supporting for the future - given our fraternal links to the broader cooperative movement.
You're welcome for the provision of yet another policy to make up for Labour's own lack of originality
I do recognise that"is a considerable concession, which is why i said that "Labour has made considerable concessions, just as the Liberals have." Nevertheless, Britain is yet to have a referendum of nationalisation but has had one on proportional representation for Westminster - I'm sure you know where I'm going with this. (I reiterate however that NI is a special case and that STV for Stormont makes perfect sense in light of the current social crisis in Northern Ireland and instances of unionist gerrymandering in the past.
Which is why I agree that we should not implement PR in this parliament - however, I expect some other constitutional reform concessions in its place. To me regional assemblies (or, ideally, assemblies based broadly on the boundaries of the city regions and the boundaries of the historic counties of England, or groups of said counties where individual counties would be too small) and STV for local elections would be a suitable compromise.
I understand your concerns on this issue, and I personally would happily endorse the denationalisation of an industry I felt never needed to be nationalised in the first place. Unfortunately I can only speak for myself and not for the party on this issue, and in light of the recent crisis in Scotland over the Ravenscraig Steelworks (a profitable business which was nevertheless forced to go to the wall by the Tories economic zealotry) I hope you understand that this is an emotive issue for many Labour voters, especially those in Scotland, and that blanket commitments to privatisation will make many of our supporters uneasy. Moving towards mutualisation of the Steel Industry, or outright cooperatives, would in my view be a far more acceptable policy to Labour voters.
Mutualisation or, in a pinch, cooperatives, would be a suitable alternative to privatisation - providing that the new mutuals and cooperatives are given genuine independence of action and that their creation happens in at least some industries. Still, I feel this is a crucial area where we seem to be in broad agreement.
Well as I say, the chances of acceptance would in my view be greater if it was backed by a popular mandate. If however we can agree the conditions of entry with the EEC without committing ourselves to entry before holding a referendum then we can probably save face diplomatically, and if we make it clear to the British people that we are seeking conditions only and not outright entry unless they themselves want it, then we can probably save face domestically as well.
If all this can be made abundantly clear before negotiations begin, then negotiations conducted under that basis would be acceptable.
That is reasonable enough. If this can't be made clear before negotiations begin then a referendum on seeking accession would also be acceptable.
Opposition to this however I must be adamant about. Just as many prominent liberals opposed the introduction of PR, all Labour MPs must be free to follow their own consciences in regards to any proposal put forth at a referendum. The Labour Party itself must remain neutral in any referendum to allow its members to express their own views on Europe without real or perceived repurcussion, as befitting any democratic party.
I don't object to Labour MPs being free to follow their own consciences but I do not want a situation where we get a referendum and Labour immediately joins its might with the Tories to defeat joining the EEC. Your leadership remaining neutral is one thing but if we're going to have parts of the Labour machine swung against joining the EEC then it's only fair that those in the Labour leadership in favour of joining the EEC publicise that fact. Because there is no point in Labour in giving us a referendum if they then guarantee that we lose instead of giving us a fair shot.
Look, there are many people within the Labour movement who will see LVT as a wealth tax plain and simple, and therefore support it out of principle - this is why I said that in normal circumstances such policies could be easily agreed upon. I however am sceptical as to whether the lost revenue from income tax would be fully compensated, and am not inclined to take such risks during a time of social crisis.
The point of an LVT, however, is that it is meant to replace existing taxes, not merely act as an addition to them. Therefore, I would propose a limited introduction of LVT to replace business rates collected by local councils with any surplus revenue raised after the first year being earmarked for income tax cuts. This should be coupled with a one year Royal Commission to produce proposals for practically implementing LVT in a tax neutral way. These proposals should then begin to be enacted over the remainder of the parliament.
I have taken if for granted that Labour will move towards acceptance of the Social Market Economy, sooner rather than later if some kind of agreement with the Liberals is reached. This is quite a big compromise if you judge from our current manifesto, even if one accepts as I do that it is one that the party should have ought to have made long ago.
If this is a concession you are prepared to put down in writing in a programme for government then that is excellent. Otherwise, you'll have to forgive me if I'm dubious about trusting in your individual prediction of the future of Labour policy positions.
I would honestly expect that people who campaign for referenda will abide by the result of said referenda once they are held.
Referenda are a very poor tool, as I have previously explained. Firstly, we live in a representative democracy where many other major constitutional changes have been implemented without referenda (such as the universal franchise) and therefore referenda are inappropriate mechanisms for deciding policy as all they are is a cop-out when politicians can't make a decision on their own. Secondly, the last referendum was many years ago and public opinion may have changed since then as well as the fact that there is now a sizeable portion of voters who were unable to vote in the referendum themselves.
Nonetheless, I've already made it clear that we're prepared to concede the issue of PR in this parliament - but millions of people have voted for our manifesto which calls for PR without a referendum and this is an undeniable fact. Therefore our concession should be respected in these negotiations. If I wanted to be awkward I could have demanded it as my starting point instead of conceding it from the outset.