The War Path
(1936-...)
Introduction: A historical overview (1710-1936)
6th Chapter: The age of Revolutions: The Gathering Storm (1920-1935)
Taken from “
From liberalism to fascism : the Fascist Revolution in France”, by
Kevin Passmore. Cambridge university press, 1999;“
The Collapse of France in the 1930s: Political Economy and Crisis”, by
David Holmes, Holmes & Meier Publishers, 2002; “
Voices of Revolution: Russia and the crisis of Czarism”, by
Mark Steinberg, Yale University Press, 2001.
In France the resentment against the monarchy and the feeble government kept rising since the breaking up of the Entente Cordiale but, as the feared German aggression did not come, everthying seemed to calm down again. Then, an article by Charles Maurras, the leader of Action Française, gave rise to an increase in the nationalist and traditionalist values along with the old feelings of revenge against Germany. Along the 1920s and 1930s Action Française had become one of the main political parties of France and one of the main supporters of the monarchy, under attack now by the left parties. Its power would increase after its union in 1925 with the
Croix-de-Feu far right league of Maurice d'Hartoy and the
Jeunesse Patriotes of Pierre Taittinger. Soon it grew bigger as new supporters added to its ranks, as many former soldiers, most of them veterans of the colonial war, as colonel François de la Rocque or major Jean Renaud, and some extremist figures as Georges Valois, Hubert Lagardelle, Marcel Bucard, Eugène Schueller and Eugène Deloncle.
Many of them were disappointed by the lack of action of the traditional parties and Maurras seemed to promise a new future, based on tradition and the well known values. It is unknwon if all of them really trusted Maurras or were just seeking to manipulate or replace him. The course of the events would tell itself about it.
The members of Action Française demonstrating in support of the king in 1929
The political situation of France from 1900-20 was quite tense. The government and the monarchy was under great pressure from both left and right-wing extremists, with many brawls and street-fights between the right and left organizations. For the next five years France's large cities suffered political violence between left-wing and right-wing groups, both of which committed violence and murder against innocent civilians and against each other, resulting in many deaths. The worst of the violence was between right-wing paramilitaries called the
Camelots du Roi and pro-Communist militias called the
Garde des Gauches, both of which admitted ex-soldiers into their ranks. The rise and fall of fiver governments between 1924 and 1927 due to internal rifts and banking scandals just woersened the situation.
After a heated Congress session on September 19th, 1925, Maurras blamed, as it was customary on him, the left parties for the widespread corruption and chaos and accused Blum, the leader of the main left parrt. to being enginerering the fall of the monarchy, a brawl ensued and he threatened to death Léon Blum, the “old semitic camel". However, it was not Blum who was shot that day, but Maurras himself, who was injured by an unknown gunman.
For a moment France was paralyzed, as in the worst days of the Neojacobin terror. A solution was needed. The Fascist newspaper
Je suis partout (1) called for a solution and claimed that France was going to be betrayed again, left to be spoiled by the Communists. After two weeks of violence in the streets of Paris, when both Right and Left-wing paramilitaries militias clashed as in the worst times of the Terror, Maurras, even if recovering from his injury, prepared to stage some kind of demonstration of Paris. On his part Lebrun prepared a coup of his own, too. However, before this plans could be implemented, general Robert Nivelle attempted a coup d’etat a few days later.
"Paris brûle-t-il?". The most repeated sentence by the French press during the weeks of violence which took place before Nivelle's coup.
He had been conspirating since late 1922 and now rushed to action. Nivelle overthrew the parliamentary government and established himself as dictator. He issued a Manifesto explaining the coup to the people. "
Our aim is to open a brief parenthesis in the constitutional life of France –he wrote-
and to re-establish it as soon as the country offers us men uncontaminated with the vices of political organization". Initially the public supported the coup, as the French population was tired of the turmoil and economic problems and hoped thst a strong leader, backed by the military, could put their country on the right track. Thus Nivelle tried to sweep away the mess created by the politicians and to use the state to modernize the economy and alleviate the problems of the working class. The dictatorship enjoyed several successes in the early years of his regime, as the suppression of the colonial troubles in Algeria and Morocco, and a huge increase in the industrial and commercial sectors.
Between 1925 and 1926 foreign trade increased 300%. Unemployment largely disappeared. However, Nivelle failed. It was due to the fact that did not create a viable, legitimate political system to preserve and continue his reforms and was unable to restore legitimate government by dismissing the military Directory. As France grew tired of the dictatorship, the economic boom ended. Troubled by the regime's failure to legitimize itself or to solve the country's woes, the king also began to draw away, but too late. Once Nivelle saw that the king no longer backed him and that the country was against his regime, he had no option but to resign on January 26, 1927, just to die a few weeks later. This, however, was not the solution for France, which degenerated into more chaos and civil violence until the final abdication of Philippe VIII on April 14, 1927: the French Republic was born.
The following years of the Republic were plagued by even more political instability than in the previous years and the administrations of Millerand, Steeg and Flanding did not give any solution to the crisis. Actually, with the Moscow stock market crisis in 1929 it just worsened. Thus came the second dictatorship of France when, on March, 23 1930, general Phillip Petain, with some officers (generals Henri Giraud, Charles Huntziger and Maxime Weygand, admirals François Darlan and Pierre Laval and a tankist colonel, Charles de Gaulle) led the so called "
Révolution nationale", aimed at "
regenerating the Nation". Again the military were backed by ultra royalists and the right parties: de la Rocque (who had replaced Maurras), Renaud y Deloncle, plus Jacques Doriot and his
Parti Populaire Français. Jean d'Orléans, Duc de Guise, returned from his exile in Madrid and became the new king of France, Jean III. This was not going to be, however, a return to more democratic principles, as the new government banned the leftist parties and sent most of its members to prison. Thus, when Jean III died on July, 5 1935, his son, Henri d'Orléans, comte de Paris, became Henri VI. It did not look as if Henri was going to be more inclined to democracy than his father or his governments more democratic. The tide has changed completely for worse.
Meanwhile, Russia was not quiet, either. The death of the frail Tsarevich Alexei on July 17, 1921 almost broke the political balance in Russia. Once Nicholas II recovered from the grief of loosing his son and heir, he became obsessed by the idea of reversing Czar Paul's decree, thus allowing his daughter, the Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna, to succeed him. As the succession in Russia was governed by the Fundamental Law of the Empire, it was not something that even an autocrat could simply swept aside on a whim, it was something that caused a big wave of troubles, as Nicholas’s brother, Grand Duke Michael Aleksandrovich Romanov, did not accept this measure in a quite gracious mood. Anyway, as the tsar did not seem to be prone to die sooon, the question seemed to calm down and Russia kept on with his slow modernization process.
In 1923 the Two Days of March (8th-10th March, when the textile workers took to the streets of St Petersburg to demand better work conditions) proved the shaky nature of the Tsar’s power, as the Tsarist government could not rely on its own tools, as the units of the army sent to disperse the marchers had mutinied, joining the striking workers. Thus, even if he hated the idea of democracy with all his soul, Nicholas, faced with reform or revolution and with the advice of general Ruzsky, who put it blantly that the time for armed solutions was past gone, conceded more powers to the Duma. The new government which came out of the free elections of 1926 and leaded by Prince Lvov and Alexander Kerensky, would be the first real –to some extent, anyway- trully democratic government of Russia.-
Thus life kept on, clam and quiet, until 1928, when the Czar’s health entered into a step decline and the question of the succession began to poison the country again. While the bulk of the army and the Orthodox Church support the Defence Minister, Marshall Anton Ivanovich Denikin, who seemed to be backing Olga in order to bring back the days of the Autocratic regimen, a minor part of the Armed Forces, under general Piotr Nikolaievich Wrangel, rallied behind Michael. To make it worse, the left SRs and the Mensheviks were forming a formidable leftist coalition, demanding far reaching social reforms. They even talked about a Republic. The attempted murder of Count Vladimir Nikolayevich Kokovtsov, the Russian Prime Minister, on January, 5th, 1929, just heathened the tense situation a bit more. Then came the Moscow Stock Market Crash of 1929, when Russia was unable to repay a loan to France and panic just ensued in all the creditors of Russia –France, the United Kingdom and Germany-. On October 24th 1929 a widespread wave of panic and the creditors withdrew their money and with them the loans which were so essential to the Russian economy. Thus Denikin, with the help of most of the army, installed a military government after a brief coup, as "
the situation has grown out of control and Mother Russia calls to his loyal sons to defend it".
As colonel De Gaulle did in Paris to support the monarchist coup, in St Petersburg colonel Tukhachevsky took his tanks to the city's streets to keep the Romanovs in power.
It would took ten years to Russia to recover partially from the crisis. Mewanhile, the Russian Empire almost collapsed. As the economy entered into crisis and to decline, the different nationalities that made the Empire decided to broke away from St Petersburg. The first ones to do it were the Poles on June 3, 1930, after a pro-independence rally on Warsaw which gathered around 250,000 people. The fever spread in fast fashion around the Empire. Hardly had Józef Piłsudski proclaimed in Warsaw the Polish Republic, identical proclamations of independence were issued in Lithuania (June 11, 1930), Estonia (June 20, 1930), Finland (June 30, 1930) and Latvia (July 1, 1930). Germany rushed to recognize the new countries, taking advantage of the confused situation in France, which could do nothing. London, that was not quite happy about this course of events, also joined Berlin in the recognition of the new states. Later that month in Georgia, 100,000 protesters at Tbilisi demonstrated in demand for the Georgian independence. This time it was not to be and the Russian army furiosly repressed them. The Russian reprisal ended with 140 unarmed civilians dead and several hundreds more injured. On August 4, a Moldovan Supreme Council declared Russian power in Moldova to have been illegal and declared themselves as an independent country.
Thus brought the fall from power of Denikin, who had been utterly unable to stop the disintegration of the Empire. Worse still, then came the Ten days of August in Moscow, when on August 19, a State Committee was formed and, while stating that the illness of the Tsar Nicholas no longer allowed him to rule, this comittee proclaimed Grand Duke Michael as Regent for the time being. Alàs, the coup failed to gather popular support for their actions, while most of the army remained quiet, but for the aging Lieutenant General Lavr Georgevich Kornilov, who threatened to use the army to supress the coup. Quietly, the revolutionaries when back home or, more precisely, to exile. When the crisis died away, however, Moldova had gone from the Empire to join Romania. Thus, when Olga would become the new Tsarina, she would inherited an Empire in turmoil.
Tsar Nicholas II, during his speech to let the world know that the Fundamental Laws were no longer applying to Russia.
In Austria-Hungary everything was calmer now. After the discovery of the failed plot against Franz Ferdinand in 1914 by the terrorist of the Black Hand the relations between the Empire and Serbia were colder than ever. After the the death of Emperor Franz Joseph in November 1916, a change began to take place. Franz Joseph’s heir, the Archdique Franz Ferdinand succeeded to the imperial throne. He favored a policy known as 'trialism,' under which the Hapsburg Empire's Slavic lands would be reorganized as a separate monarchy, transforming the so-called Dual Monarchy of Austria-Hungary into a triple one and making the Slavic lands a bulwark against Serbian expansionism. He labored diligently to put his favored policies into effect. By 1928, Franz Ferdinand's 'trialist' scheme became reality, with a newly established Kingdom of Slavonia, embracing the Hapsburg Empire's Slavic possessions, assuming its place as the third partner in the Emperor's Triple Monarch. Thus the opposition to Serbian ambitions, which had never abated, was restated. Once Franz Ferdinand died in 1929, Charles I of Austria, the Thrice King, tried to keep this path. However, Serbia did not helped in the transition.
Meanwhile, the world new the rise and fall of a new music start. A would- be-painter, Adolf Hitler, along with some friends -a former German pilot called Hermann Göring; a deabuched politician, Joseph Goebbels; a soldier who was going through a crisis of faith, Erwin Rommel; and a woman, Eva Braun (2)-, formed the Wagnerites, a jazz band. The utter failure of the project did not affect Hitler very much, and he swore that, some day, he would become a famous artist (3).
The Wagnerites in a commercial photo.
(1) It was not founded until 1930, but I’ve rushed things a bit.
(2) It is claimed that Eve Braun was Hitler's lover. However, according to Joachim Fest last biography of Eve, it is more possible that she was really in love, even in that time, with his future husband, Sigmund Freud.
(3) The world still remembers Hitler's only opera, A Bohemian Rhapsody, but not for good reasons. As general Luddendorff stated later "That Bohemian composer drove me mad. He even dared to sing! To sing! Who told him he could sing? To a firing squad with both of them!"