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France is going to become a battleground.

The Empire is in its death throes. It will likely perish soon.

The Regency will face many problems...
 
I doubt a Regency will have much ability to continue this Scottish venture, but perhaps I am wrong.
Scotland isn't a personal project of the monarch, weakening the British monarchy, the most direct rival on the North Sea, is also in the interest of the Staten Generaal
France is going to become a battleground.

The Empire is in its death throes. It will likely perish soon.

The Regency will face many problems...
France is slowly reasserting itself and the Empire is losing cohesion, the current order will certainly not hold.
 
Johannes III, part I
The Reign of Johannes III “de Wetgever”, part I

As we follow the Roderlo’s throughout history, it becomes clear that regencies are not uncommon for this dynasty. Both before and after the Staten Generaal was founded, there had been regencies, but these had had some time to be prepared and had a propper figure to lead the regency. Often being a Duchess-Dowager, a other relative or a bishop. But, with the unexpected death of Grand Duke Floris, there came a massive problem in the fact that nobody had prepared any kind of regency. The old Duchess-Dowager, wife of Grand Duke Jan was long dead, outlived by much by her husband. The wife of Grand Duke Floris was also dead, dying because of complications with the birth of her second daughter. For a few days after the 11th of October, this meant that, whilst Johannes III was Grand Duke under the idea of “the Grand Duke is dead, long live the Grand Duke”, nobody held actual power.

The Staten Generaal quickly reacted. Whilst normally called together by the monarch, now, the Staten van Vlaanderen took the initiative. They sent out riders for the Staten Generaal to gather at once in Broenswiek. They would do so on the 17th, with about 2/3rds of the total amount of seated members being present for the first day of the session, many not being able to be there at such a short notice, with many of the other members not even having their usual entourage with them. The rest of the members would come in over the next days. The session moved fast, and despite not being fully filled, it was able to gain the majority needed to pass the motion to establish a regency to be staffed by people to be determined by the Staten Generaal. Only a few members voted against, mostly men who had been close confidentials of Floris and Jan, who saw it as a powergrab by the Staten Generaal, who had no right calling itself together. Among the men who voted for the move was Stadholder Adolf, who mainly saw the move as needed for two reasons. The first is obvious, if not this regency council appointed by the Staten Generaal, than who? Secondly was much more pragmatic. Yes, it was a massive, unlawfull powergrab, but, he was the most powerfull noble of the realm, a natural pick for such a council, and he would not throw away such a position to at least keep the powergrab in check by voting against it by blind idealism.

As the days went on, debate ensued over who should take place in this council, and who many men should even be on it. The second issue was resolved after two days, which was twelve. The first one was harder, as it should be representative of the whole apparatus of the state. First to be picked were the Bishop of Utrecht and the Bishop of Keulen as the ecclesiastical representatives. Second were some five important merchants of Amsterdam, Ghent, Brugge, Amsterdam and Breemn respectively. Next were three noblemen, two from Saxony and one from Gelre. Lastly, on the final day of the debates, it was decided that both a general and admiral should take seat on the council. The admiral was from Zeeland, which lead to the nobles forming a block behind the Stadholder. They were refusing to support anything if he was not put on the council, fearing domination by merchants of the Netherlands. Whilst Stadholder over there, he remained a noblemen with the strongest connections to the ruling house. Thus, not wishing to deadlock the Staten Generaal, and the entire nation, he was put on the council as the last member.

It is on the council that we find the last service of the Stadholder and the preservation of what in any other cae would have been the legacy of Grand Duke Floris. The MacGregors of Scotland had seen the kingdom in a long decline, ending with English invasion and Alan II of England declaring himself King of Great Britain and Ireland. The regency, pushed on by Adolf, would send a delegation to the Shetlands to work out a deal. It was obvious that it was only a matter of time before a English expedition would land on the islands. The negotiations were tough, despite the tough situation for the MacGregors. What the Saxons needed was a legitimate line for the Scottish throne to support. What the Scots needed was everything, absolutely everything. The main negotiations were around the future of the Scottish economy, the degree of political independence Scotland would have, Saxon sponsorship of the Scottish state, the future frontier with England and the future of Nova Scotia, Belgium and Newfoundland. In the end. Scottish trade would be dominated by Dutch and Frisian merchants, they would be allowed to invest freely in the Scottish economy, whilst Scotland would have her national defence bolstered by Saxon funds and Scotland would be allowed to maintain her colonies north of the Belgian frontier at the Spaarne river. Negotiations were completed on the 6th of November 1588, with a delegation traveling to Broenswiek to, on the 5th of December, bow before a slightly confused 7 year old Johannes as he was proclaimed as the new Protector of Scotland. Only 3 days later would Stadholder Adolf die. The position of Stadholder of Vlaanderen would be granted to the Stadholder of Doornik, but his son Willem-Frederik would succeed him in Holland, Zeeland and Utrecht, as well as in his position on the regency council.

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Despite the involvement of military men like the Van Oranje-Nassau’s, the regency council would not involve itself in warfare, also because warfare was a issue that was the prerogative of the monarch (with consent of parliament of course), but because the previous monarch had not officially delegated power to a regent, the “constitutional” (no codified constitution existed) consequences were thought of as too great. The council did heavily involve itself in the development of the national economy and preparation for war with England, the obvious goal of the Protectorate. The main focus of the Staten Generaal would be the continued reclamation of land in Holland and Zeeland. With the works in Zeeland would also come the fortifications at Vlissingen and Westkapelle and in the north of Flanders at Breskens and Cadzand, which would be fortifications aimed at controlling shipping up and down the Westerschelde to the port of Antwerp. Antwerp, meanwhile, had grown into a absolutely massive hub of global trade, as products from all over the world were heading to her as the stapleport of the whole of Europe. From this time, we already see some Middle Eastern and West African merchants making the trek all the way to the port to do business. The Staten Generaal would also massively increase the size of the navy in anticipation of the coming conflict with the English. The last victory over the English had only been possible because of the addition of the French navy in the Battle off the Tyne Mouth. It were the Dutch merchants who demanded that, to make sure that trade would continue on at least relatively uninterrupted, the navy would be able to best the English in a one on one fight. Lastly, the normally unwilling Holland and Flanders were both willing to fund an expansion of the standing army in expectation of the campaign in Scotland, England and Wales.

On the 1st of January 1597 Johannes III would reach seniority and at the session of parliament that followed the parliament would dismiss the regency council. Immediate issue’s were another French noble attempting to seize the French throne and the early death of Willem-Frederik in a explosion in a gunpowder storage whilst preparing for the campaign in Scotland. He would again be replaced by his son Diederik, who would become the primary commander of the campaign. And, whilst the Staten Generaal were discussing on matters of language within the city of Ryssel, the final preparations for the Highlands Campaign.

A ultimatum would be delivered on the 2nd of January, to the English authorities in Edinburgh, which would be denied and immediately followed by a declaration of war in the name of the Protector of Scotland. The Highlands Campaign would begin on the 9th as the Army of the Rhine would land on the Orkney’s under the command of Diederik von Arnim. First priority of the navy was the reinforcement of the army now in the far north of the Hasting’s realm. Whilst the main power of the navy was focussed on escorting the troops north as any loss might have been disastrous for both those men and the ones already in Scotland proper, elements of the navy on trade escort were caught off-guard by the full might of the English navy, suffering some losses before being able to retreat. Revenge would come at the hight of summer, as the Saxon navy was able to corner and best the English navy at the Moray Firth, ending any hope of the English maintaining control of the seas around Scotland, allowing the armies to move onto the highlands. That same summer, Saxon armies would do battle outside of the (slowly being reinforced) walls of Broenswiek, leading to another Saxon victory forcing the way open to the city of Mainz.

Meanwhile, back in Scotland, the army and navy, under command of Diederik van Oranje-Nassau, would take control over the Hebredines after a series of clashes with the English forces on the islands. But, as of yet, the armies were still stuck in the Highlands as Aberdeen, the old royal capital of Scotland, was still under English control. At the same time, back in the south, a massive revolt would break , partially lead by parliament, against Fulk II and his policies of centralisation and slow moves to take away many of the privileges of parliament, foreshadowing the English Civil War. The fall of Aberdeen had also removed the last obstacle for the Saxons to move on into Northern England, and on a visit to his generals, he would speak the words that would define the coming decades. “The spite against Prefidious Albion is nowhere more rooted in the national spirit than in the Netherlands, Saxony and Frisia. May God punish England.” These words would actually travel back to the Staten Generaal, where, once read, the whole house would join in with “God straffe Engeland!” Whilst moving south, the Saxon armies would assume a scorched earth policy. Over the coming months the army would move south until when, in February 1602, the army stood at the gates of London. Fulk, unwilling to let England fall to the torch, surrendered. Peace would be humiliating, England was indeed punished. The mainland holdings of Newfoundland would be lost to Belgium and the Highlands and old capital of Aberdeen would come back under royal Scottish control.

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Now that the English had had their first taste of real defeat, Saxon merchants ruled supreme. But, especially in the slowly blossoming trade with the far east, competition between the different Dutch merchants was starting to hurt the competitive position of the nation as a whole in comparison with the Spanish merchants trading in the Indian Ocean. And not only was the national competitive position at risk, these smaller companies also had a worse negotiating position with their far eastern partners. The merchants, especially the ones seated in the Staten Generaal were slowly becoming aware of this situation, the Grand Duke to was well aware of losing the competitive advantage that came with the fortresses the Saxons had established in South Africa and Southern Sumatra. It was the Grand Duke, like much in his reign, who would take the initiative. In the 1604 session of the Staten Generaal, Johannes would put before the house a bill that was meant to unify the companies and grant that newly created company a charter, a monopoly on all Saxon trade from Kaapstad to the east, meaning all of the Indian Ocean, the Indonesian Archipelago, China and whatever unknown lands there would be left to be discovered. This company, being an amalgamation of the efforts of multiple merchants, would be named the Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie.

The company was actually very innovative. Because of the large degree of investors involved (many companies sailing for India, Indonesia, Indochina and China had been doing so with just one ship), the Grand Duke came up with a rather innovative solution. Shared ownership based on the amount of invested in the company and a dividend pay-out based on how large of a part of the company one owns. But, not only would ownership be shared, one could also sell their part of the company on to someone else, and the company could also receive an influx of cash by selling new stocks. The VOC would be the first publicly traded company in the world.

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The roadblock the Saxons faced to the total domination of the coastline of the MacGregor Bay were colonies belonging to the Kingdom of Norway. Norway had found itself in much of the same situation as Scotland, perhaps because it had found itself in a union with Scotland for a while. Both Scotland and Norway had bankrupted themselves attempting to establish colonies in the New World, both on the northern part of Periosia, which was combined with foreign takeover at home leading to a utter collapse of the authority of the crown. In case of Norway, foreign invasion had been of the Dukes of Vastergötland (a curious bunch who had established themselves fully independent from the Kingdom of Sweden), the Kings of Finland and Kings of Denmark. Finland, the growing power of Scandinavia, had actually backed up the remnants of Norway much as Saxony had with Scotland. What this resulted in was a war spanning 3 years, in the freezing cold of winter at times, across Scandinavia as Saxony and Denmark fought to end the independent Kingdom of Norway and push Finland back into the woodlands of Lappland, resulting in the Norwegian crown passing on to Gorm II along with Vastergötlander possessions within Norway and the division of the Periosian colonies between Belgium and Nova Scotia.

Whilst the victory of Saxony and Denmark had caused the undisputed supremacy of the latter in Scandinavian affairs, there would develop a much bigger upset in the European balance of power in the Holy Roman Empire. The title of King of the Romans, King of the Germans and Holy Roman Emperor had been lost for the Kingdom of Bohemia in 1591 when the remaining electors, excluding Saxony, had voted to back the Duke of Savoy, Boniface II von Habsburg, for the Imperial throne. This choice continued to be supported in 1602 when his heir, Thomas II, was also elected to the Imperial throne. Bohemia, which had internally also had a elective monarchy, the situation caused a massive upset as the Imperial throne had been in the hands of the crown ever since 1439. Internally, Bohemia was growing restless, as the Reformation had taken a hold of the Germanic populations of the kingdom. Thus, when Václav V von Habsburg died, his cousin, Siegmund V would be elected. He was from the Styrian branch of the family, meaning that he was a Bauhamertist, yet he offered himself up as a compromise candidate to heal the wounds of the kingdom, gaining support from both Protestant and Catholic nobles alike. But, once on the throne he would quickly side with the Protestant nobles, declaring Bauhamertism the state religion, thus, ending the diarchy with Broenswiek. Whilst he would die in 1617, causing a short violent struggle over the throne which the Catholics would win by placing Waldemar VII, a Savoyard Habsburg, on the throne, there would be no rapprochement between the two old diarchs.

1617 would also be the year of the start of the Second Anglo-Saxon war. Whilst the war would result in the reconquest of the Lowlands and the annexation of Cumbria and Northumberland into the Scottish Crown, for what remained of the “Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland” it provided the definitive blow to royal power, as King Richard IV had tied his success (after the failures of his father against the Saxons and Scottish) to that of his army. But, now that that was destroyed, his dictatorial rule over the Parliament resulted in them demanding his abdication. He refused, beginning the English Civil War. Whilst important in the sense that the English would keep themselves occupied on their island for a while, the conflict between monarch and his parliament was also propping up in Saxony.

Johannes III was the beginning of the idea of absolutism within Saxony, and he was quite a extraordinary monarch for Saxon standards. Often taking initiative over the Staten Generaal in proposing legislation or even sidestepping them by going directly to the provinces themselves and taking on responsibilities that had been the responsibility of the Stadholder. He had also been able to have the merchants be indebted to him by funding a lot of the VOC from his personal fortune. Where, in the past, the Grand Duke and Staten Generaal had a much more balanced relation where both took active roles in the legislative process requiring both to actively consent to the laws, the political manoeuvring had the Staten Generaal vote itself (partially) out of the way on the 24th of February 1624, as it granted the right to levy taxation to the monarch in case of emergency. Taxation had been an issue that the provincial estates, and later the Staten Generaal had always had a say in. Johannes III, whilst he would still work with the unofficial consent of the Staten Generaal, would start to centralize power into his person, becoming an example for many other European monarchs as it hailed the age of absolutism.

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The English tide has turned, and Johannes ... well if his head keeps swelling they will need to invent new hat sizes :D
 
England lies crushed!

I fear that a war analogous to the Thirty Years’s War approaches...
 
The English tide has turned, and Johannes ... well if his head keeps swelling they will need to invent new hat sizes :D
England lies crushed!

I fear that a war analogous to the Thirty Years’s War approaches...
GottStrafeEngland.jpg

And yeah, whilst Jan did accomplish a lot, Johannes does currently hold the top spot if we're speaking about most capable monarch (having 6/5/5 compared to 4/5/5 kinda does that)
 
Intermission, the Reformation and the nation forming process
Intermission: the Reformation and the nation forming process

At the turn of the 17th century we find Europe, and especially the Holy Roman Empire, torn apart by conflicts that would come to define the future divisions of the continent.

The first obvious division that the Reformation is possible is the separation of Saxony from the rest of the Germanic nations. Through the embracing of the Reformation throughout all of the Holy Roman Empire except Bohemia and Savoy, it created a natural division. Not only was the Catholic-Protestant division at play, the internal Protestant division also began to play after the dissolution of the Evangelical League. The northeast, Thuringia, Brandenburg and Pommerania, had found itself as a stronghold of Hoeflerism, being quite opposed to Bauhamertism. Compare this to the much more religiously mixed Franconia, Swabia and Upper Rhine, where rulers often took a more conciliatory position towards the other main branch of Protestantism. This caused a degree of infighting between the strongly Hoeflerist northeast and the moderate Hoeflerist and Bauhamertists of the Central and Southern Holy Roman Empire.

If there is one event that singlehandedly split Saxony apart from the other Germanic nations, it’s the Burning of Düörmp. The whole of the Protestant camp in the Holy Roman Empire took it as a massive propaganda opportunity against the Saxons. Not only that, but it was quickly turned into policy by the surrounding states. The Lower Germanic Dialect Continuum, one that Saxon was a part of, continued onwards east across the Elbe. Meckelenburg, Pomerania, Brandenburg, all spoke Lower Germanic. The Lausitz had long had their powerbase in Southern Brandenburg, where the people actually spoke Meissner dialects, a part of the Central Germanic group. Whilst the center of power being in Meissner lands did bring about a shift towards the more Central Germanic way of speaking, it was the hostility towards Saxony that cause the Von Lausitz to standardize a language of court like had happened in Broenswiek. Whilst not completely rid of its Lower Germanic roots, it did take on much more of the dialects spoken in the lands conquered from the Thuringians than of that on the lands on the Pomeranian frontier or along the Elve.

Across the rest of the Germanic parts of the Holy Roman Empire, much of the same was happening. Bavaria began standardizing her dialects, much as in Swabia. The same was happening in Swabia, despite the territorial integrity of the duchy being rather compromised. Across the other parts of the empire, there were a little more issues. The lands between the tip of Bohemia and the French border continued to be a rather odd amalgamation of small states, making the creation of a standardized language a rather odd job. Than, ofcourse, there were the areas of the Empire that found themselves under foreign rulership. Pomerania, much like Norway would, would find a rather large amount of influence from Danish. The old Swiss cantons, conquered and integrated into the Duchy of Savoy, also had a difficulty of forming into a more cohesive mass, not to forget the remaining independent cantons tucked away far in the Alps. Lastly, Bohemia is also a rather odd mess of language. The conquest parts of Upper Hungary and Poland added in masses of Slavic speakers into the kingdom, when the core itself had been subject to a large degree of Germanisation, with Silesia, the Sudetendland and a decent amount of the urban population of the Kingdom. The dialects continued to have a rather large amount of Slavic influence, and with the Crown focussing more on their Slavic subjects also hindered the development of a Bohemian language in its own right.

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The state of the Reformation just after the death of Siegmund V and the return of Bohemia to Catholicism, putting the Reformation over her peak

Whilst in Europe we see the development of her future nations, overseas we’re also starting to see some interesting developments. In the Lieutenancy of Belgium, Brabantian colonist continued to come into the colony and to settle, yet, at the same time, expansion was still very much limited by native resistance, most effectively organized by the Iroquois Confederacy, by this point encompassing much more than the five nations that had come to establish her. Many of the firearms the Iroquois used had been given to them by the English who smuggled them in via the MacGregor River from Newfoundland. For the English colonists on the Periosian mainland it was quite a backlash. As the new settlers required land, they looked eagerly to the northern coasts, where the limited amount of English settlers would, over the course of the a couple of decades, they would quickly be outnumbered, and as land was getting somewhat sparce on the coast, the Belgian Lieutenant and the Viceduke decided to begin resettling the English settlers to the peninsula of Edwardia. To tuch upon the English colonies in Periosia for a bit, they differ quite a bit from the homeland. Much like in Scotland, it was Catholicism that helped to keep, or develop, a separate identity. Catholicism is what helped Scottish resistance to the Union alive, even if it became a minority in the Lowlands. Over in the colonies, many people who decided on making the trek overseas were either non-Church of England Protestants or Catholics, mainly Welsh Catholics. And whilst Newfoundland wasn’t ideal for settlement, mainly because of the climate, the British Crown would soon sponsor a new colonial venture on the southern Atlantic Coast of Periosia, founding a new colony at the peninsula at the southern tip of the mainland. Like the other colonial powers gripped by the Reformation and Counterreformation, the English would name their colony Georgia, named after Saint George. (The other colonies in the area were French Louisiana, named after Saint Louis IX, Spanish Dominica, named after Saint Dominic and the yet to be founded French Remigia, named after Saint Remigius. The region would be known as the Land of the Saints, with the gulf finally gaining a name that stuck, the Gulf of the Saints.) Georgia whilst there would also be state sponsored colonies who stuck to the state sponsored religion, the Welsh colonies would be able to keep themselves somewhat separate from central authority in the swampy region.

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Within New Saxony proper, we also begin to find a cultural shift taking place. Whilst disease would ravage the native population of the entire New World, within Southern Periosia the natives would remain an influential group in the demographics of the Viceduchy. The policy of devide and conquer meant that much of the old aristocracy would be integrated into the new power structure. At the same time, with colonists coming in Saxony, a new sort of informal power structure would develop, dividing society into different casts based on their descent. At the top would be the Saxons born back in the homeland, from where the Viceduke and his closest men were always from. Below them were the pure blooded Saxons born in the colony, descending from there would be Saxon-native mixes, natives and then blacks, whore were not very present in the colony. This digs into another topic regarding colonisation, the triangle trade and slavery. The Saxon colonies themselves were never in the prime location for a slave based economy to develop. New Saxony was abundant with cheap native and mixed labour and slaves were more of a luxary for the wealthiest within the colony, more of a way to flaunt their wealth. Southern Belgium would see slavery, but it was only a small part of the rather diverse economy of the colony. Zilverstroom was always lacking in any kind of economic activity that would require masses of cheap labour. The only places where it was ever really practised was the Saxon Caribbean, including Suriname, and the main colony on the continent of Africa, the Cape.

South Africa was also seeing interesting developments in the department of nationhood. Among the first colonists, there had only been men. Despite the piety the priests implored, many of the common men found the need for a form of “release.” Within the first years of the colony we already find a section of the colony, or of the lands around the colony, being inhabited by children born of a Dutch father and Capoïd mother. Whilst much of this would stop happening once the VOC started shipping in women whom the colonists could marry, the continued birth of mixed race children, both second and third generation as well as first generation would continue happening. Conflict, at this stage being rather small scale, would break out between the small colony and the natives living around the colony. The campaign being launched against the Khoisan would by combination of the local colonists, organized into the Kommando’s, and soldier hired by the VOC. Often times, these expetitions would continue to create new people of mixed descent. Whilst a bit after the timeframe we’re talking about, 1625, continued increase of the operations of the VOC in the East Indies and Indian Ocean trade, would also see them begin to import slaves from the Arab slaving operations and, “more domestically,” they would import some cheap labour from Malaya, which would all continue to add into the ethnic mess that would be the most mixed ethnicity in the world, the Afrikaners.

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Later painting of the Cape, 20th century
 
Surely it will soon be possible to eradicale this unhealthy heresies?
 
Surely it will soon be possible to eradicale this unhealthy heresies?
Everything has their own time, and for now, Protestantism has been contained
 
Johannes III, part II
The Reign of Johannes III “de Wetgever”, part II

The freedom of action that the Staten Generaal had granted to the monarch was even somewhat of a shock to the proactive Johannes III himself. The degree of influence he held over the Staten Generaal was much greater than expected through his control over a lot of the finances of the merchants of the Dutch provinces and the Saxon coastal cities. With this realisation, Johannes decided to push this new advantage a bit further in his next war. The target was the Free and Imperial City of Goslar, but, due to the obligation the emperor had to defend these cities and the desire, on the part of both Johannes III and the Staten Generaal, to raise arms against the “traitorous” Brandenburgers (resentment over their conversion to the Hoeflerist camp was still viewed as a stab in the back), allowed for a backdoor into the city of Goslar. Since the readoption of Catholicism in Bohemia in 1617 under King Waldemar VII in the fierce struggle for the throne, the militant Counterreformation had also taken a hold of Bohemia, which also, finally, made them abandon their longstanding alliance with the Von Rügens. (Of note is that Goslar had actually readopted Catholicism by itself under influence from the Counterreformation from the surrounding Saxon lands, which made the Emperor willing to defend the city.) But, perhaps most importantly, was that a declaration of war on Brandenburg also meant that Denmark would have the chance to retake the parts of Pommerania lost (the war for which had actually seen Saxony and Denmark on opposing sides). The war would be the death of the Von Rügens, and the hight of Danish ambitions in the region for the moment. All three sons of Gero II would find their death in the conflict, two whilst leading cavalry charges and the middle one in the Siege of Stettin, when disease was ravaging the city. When the peace was concluded, the second daughter of Gero was married off to the Danish heir Uffe. And, once the Von Rügens died out with Gero II, the throne passed on to his eldest daughter, who had been married to Lothaire von Hohenzollern of Nurnberg, who would become Lothaire III. Against him, Ùffe would press the claim of his daughter in law. A small coalition of states from the Empire would in the end triumph over the Danish invasion, forcing a return of some of the land gained in the War of Goslar. Hohenzollern rule of the margraviate would also be rather short, as a local noble would quickly gain the support of the other nobles of the realm and move against Lothaire, who was presented as a return of Southern Rule like there had been during the time of the Wittelsbachs. The independence (besides loyalty to the Emperor) of the margraviate was restored in 1627.

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At the same time, Goslar was proving to be trouble for the Grand Duke. The policies of absolutism and centralisation of power within the Grand Duchy proved to create a unstable situation in the city which had enjoyed the typical somewhat democratic government most Free and Imperial cities enjoyed, with most privileges this government enjoyed being stripped away and most control being transferred to the Lieutenant and Stadholder. Shortly after the annexation of the city, Emperor Thomas IV demanded the restoration of the Free and Imperial status of the city, leading to emboldened resistance within the city. From the 21st of January 1627, some one and a half years after the annexation of the city, the old government and the city militia mutinied, making the city lawless for about half a year, ending once the army marched back into the city on the 7th of July. This was however, 2 months after the death of Johannes III, who had died the 1st of May that year, following a stroke 3 days earlier.

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Johannes III “de Wetgever”, reigned from 1585 to 1627, sometimes considered first among the absolutists of his age and another example of greatness being a combination of capability and time
 
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As you may have noticed, the frequency with which I have been posting has gone down considerably, as with the end of summer a more regular schedule has come back for me compared to the corona one of being at home all the time. This chapter is also a bit shorter since I kinda miscalculated with how much time and stuff to write about I would have following the intermission, after this I'll be returning to longer chapters
 
Sounds like Goslar proving rather prickly, an unfortunate coda to a long and prosperous reign.
 
Sounds like Goslar proving rather prickly, an unfortunate coda to a long and prosperous reign.
just a preview of what is to come
 
Frederik-Hendrik II
The Reign of Frederik-Hendrik II “de Aasgier”

There is a widely known “fact” about the last moments of Johannes III. The old Grand Duke was well aware of his accomplishments. Bound to bed those last three days, he reflected on his life and noted what he saw as his greatest failures. He would have wanted to break Great Britain apart, he would wanted the move even further with the absolutism, but most of all, he would have wanted to spend more time on his only son. “His failures are mine.” He already saw that his son would be named in one breath with Karel I.

There is one place where Frederik-Hendrik II is remembered fondly though, despite the rest of his reign and reputation. Just after his ascention to the throne, news would arrive from Roderlostad. Ships from the viceroyalty had made contact with a new settlement of Spanish colonists a few hundred kilometers up the Pacific coastline, a colony which the Spanish had dubbed California. Worrying about the potential loss of claim to much of the Pacific coastline, the viceroy had already authorized further expeditions north to claim new land and to make sure a eventual settlement of the border would be much in favour of the Saxon state. What the viceduke requested was some man and gold to help settle the coast northwards, but the Grand Duke took it as a opportunity to immediately leave his imprint on the colonial empire. When he approached the Staten Generaal with his plans, they were rejected almost unanimously. Nobody was interested or saw the profitability in a new colony north of the one currently being settled by the Spanish. But, as this was very early in his reign (only a month or two following his coronation) he still had the rather large personal wealth his father had left him with. From here, he gathered whatever the willing members of the Staten Generaal were willing to give from their personal fortunes and headed off to Frisia, where he began recruiting from the local population, especially a lot from the poverty ridden Wadden Islands, whose only source of income was the raiding of British merchant shipping, which had collapsed following the devastation of two wars with the Saxon state and the ongoing English Civil War. Once his merry band was collected, they headed off and arrived in the spring of 1629, where the origins of the settlers quickly became an issue, as the pirates were not very good colonists. Once autumn arrived and the crops didn’t turn out the yield they needed, they turned back to their old ways and began raiding the local natives. In the end, disaster was averted when on Christmas Eve a ship arrived from the mainland of the Viceduchy which resupplied the colony. The colony of Gryn, as the Frisian settlers had decided to name it as the islands off the coast reminded them of the island/sandbank in the Waddensea, despite its rough start, would stand the test of time and still remember the monarch who sent them there relatively positively.

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We touched upon it before, but Frederik-Hendrik II is known as “de Aasgier” (“the Vulture” in English) for a simple reason, his tyrannical and cash-strapped rule. The origins of this rather unflattering nickname are not within the modern bounds of the Roderlo domain, but within that kingdom over which Frederik-Hendrik II was also monarch, France. (On a rather quick sidenote, the relationship between the new King and his subjects already began rather shaky, as during his coronation and the feast thereafter he, very much overly confident, tried to talk to his subjects in his very limited French, accidentally insulting many, many of the nobles and clergymen there, even if his aides tried fervently to stop him.) France had actually seen a rather large amount of internal development since the Roderlo’s first took charge. Since managing the sometimes “unwilling to cooperate” Staten Generaal was often already too much of a job for the monarch, France was simply left alone for the nobles to rule as long as they stayed loyal to the Crown, and this had actually paid of for her. The combined force of France and the Netherlands-Saxony had made sure France had been safe from foreign invasion since the beginning of the personal union. What the dominance of the Saxon navy also meant was that French merchants, although not nearly as wealthy or influential as their Dutch counterparts, had gained access to the New World which had also lead to the settlement of Louisiana and, by this time, the early beginnings of Remigia with the first outpost for trading with the local natives being established just around the time of the transfer of power from Johannes III to Frederik-Hendrik II. What the absenteeism of the Roderlo’s also meant was that the Kingdom was not heavily taxed in any way, and the ambitious monarch saw within France a way to pay for his extensive building projects and economic investements. Thus, when in 1630 he called together the Estates General and proposed the implementation of many new taxes, during a time of peace even, it isn’t strange that all of the three estates, the nobles, clergy and bourgious, completely vetoed any new taxes. At this point the king called in his personal guard, who were all of Saxon, Dutch and Frisian origin, and he “asked kindly to reconsider their position on the matter.” The estates, now fearfull for their lives, accepted the new taxes, but returned home to begin scheming to resist the new taxes. And, very quickly, it became clear to the Grand Duke that if he wanted anything from the French part of his domain, he would have to make sure himself that the taxes would arrive in Broenswiek. Thus, in 1631, he sent his army out to France on a campaign which was, on paper, to aid the royal tax collectors in their duty. It quickly turned into nothing but a campaign of plunder. One French chronicler recalls that “not since the time of the Germanic invasions have we seen such a thing, not strange considering it are the same barbarians that have returned after 10 centuries.” The small scheming would quickly turn into larger conspiracies as France was ready to break with Roderlo rule to preserve her wealth and the lives of her citizens.

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Taxes were not only a issue in the Kingdom of France however. Untill 1630, the personal projects of “de Aasgier” had been running on his inheritance. Whilst the Staten Generaal was willing to plug the gap in 1630, this was only due to the to-be-expected influx of money from France, which arrived in 1631 and allowed for the Grand Duke to continue his spending spree. Hoping to make Gryn a massive success, he sent over a few extra groups of Frisian settlers between 1620 and 1635. Another massive sum went into the VOC, and this was the reason the Staten Generaal were willing to bridge the gap. However, whilst the VOC received a massive influx of money from the state, the money invested didn’t immediately turn a profit as it was invested more in the supporting infrastructure of the company rather than the immediate expansion of the company fleet or acquisition of new ports in the Far East. A lot of money actually went into the holdings in Africa, as the fortresses on the West African coast were expanded and contacts with the natives were increased. Over on the Cape, it was much the same issue as the VOC and Grand Duke continued to improve upon the defences of Kaapstad as they feared foreign seizure of the colony and thus the loss of control of the trade routes to the east. Further investment went into the company garrison to defend the colony and the farms stretching ever further where regular produce as supplies for the ships were farmed as well as a small but growing section reserved for the production of grapes meant to make wine. Another large, although much smaller, part of the money actually went into the improvement of the new colonies on the island known as New Holland, more specifically to expand the ports to improve contact with the other ports under control in the East Indies. The last, and smallest part of the French “taxes”, went into those direct means of profit discussed earlier, the expansion of the fleet and the increasing of the presence in the Spice Islands.

Indeed, that money from the looting campaign in France did run out very quickly, and it was reserved for purely the VOC. And those well-known with Frederik-Hendrik II know that within the homeland his expenditure was also very large. This is where his conflict with the Staten Generaal comes up. Already from the start, with the settlement of Gryn, the Staten Generaal was unwilling to cooperate with a monarch who they deemed was only out for personal glory. Once the French money had ran out, the most immediate source of money for the monarch was through the Staten Generaal. Over the course of 1633, and a rather long session of the Staten Generaal, Frederik-Hendrik tried to negotiate with the parliament over the new taxes for his projects, except, in the end, the conditions they demanded were deemed to go “against the Divine Right I have received and which this parliament has chosen to indeed confirm upon my father and all his rightful heirs.” At the end of the 1633 session of the Staten Generaal, the Grand Duke made an announcement. That “due to the unwillingness of this house to cooperate with my benevolent rule, I have decided that it is in the best interests of the nation that it shall no longer be gathered.” By refusing to call together the Staten Generaal in 1634, the Grand Duke had escalated the situation, and no less because he began to use the right to issue emergency taxation which his father had earned rather liberally. A lot of this money actually went into national development, as it flowed back into that other representative body, the Kamer der Waterschappen, which invested it into reclaiming land on the Waddenzee Coast and the Eems Estuary and taming the many rivers, repairing old canals and constructing new ones to improve the way from the hinterlands to the cities on and near the coast. Whilst he did invest the money into projects good for the public interest, the Grand Duke also invested in vanity projects. As Baroque was catching on throughout all of Catholic Europe, “de Aasgier” became one of her most famous and well known patrons, quickly commissioning new churches, cathedrals and palaces built throughout the realm to show the superiority of the Roderlo dynasty to her Protestant equivalents in the Holy Roman Empire. But back to the issue of the Staten Generaal. What followed in 1634 was not a gathering of the Staten Generaal, but the provinces were still allowed to gather in their provincial estates. Whilst Saxony, as the home of the Grand Dukes, remained calm, the situation to the west was less calm, as the oldest region to be intergrated in the parliament. In the end, the Staten van Gelre, Brabant and Henegouwen were disbanded by force of arms from the forces loyal to the Grand Duke. The year after, the Staten van Holland actually began discussing something called the “Plakkaat van Verlatinghe”, which would have declared the rights of Frederik-Hendrik II to the County of Holland null and void due to his “inability or unwillingness to defend the ancient rights of the people of the land” and would have empowered the Staten to elect a new Count from the Roderlo dynasty. In response, Frederik-Hendrik ordered the stadholder, Floris van Oranje-Nassau, to dissolve the assembly. For some reason, due to delaying actions, almost all of the Staten van Holland were able to escape capture and go into hiding. In the 1980’ies, correspondence between the Staten and the stadholder were found, which discussed the length of the delays that Floris would implement and which members would stay behind in Den Haag and voluntarily accept imprisonment as a way to publicly resist the actions of the monarch. This shows that in 1635 even the most loyal of the supporters of the Roderlo were unwilling to go through with the Grand Duke for much longer, and in the end they didn’t have to endure him for much longer.

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A later (1720) example of Saxon Baroque in the township of Zwilbrook

Whilst the origins of the conspiracy are not fully known, we know that by the summer of 1636 a group of mainly merchants, although there were some Dutch nobles present, would approach the highest military advisor of the Grand Duke, Gerulf von Supplingenburg. Gerulf was a “veteran” of the first plundering of the Kingdom of France. Since then, he had shown his prowess in handling the logistics of the Saxon, but more importantly, company armies, which had seen him rise to the highest office in the military. When approached during that day in autumn, he rejected, but he did not inform the monarch of the conspiracy, perhaps already having doubts about his reign. When, during the winter from 1636 to 1637 the Grand Duke decided to back up his finances with another campaign in France. Upon hearing this, Von Supplingenburg recontacted the group, citing “the horrors during his first tenure in France” as the reason for searching contact again. During the whole of 1637 they bided their time, until, in the final stages of preparation in late September of that year, Von Supplingenburg was finally given some time alone with the Grand Duke. As Frederik-Hendrik bowed over the maps of France in front of him, Von Supplingenburg planted a dagger in his back. He was left to bleed out over the course of half an hour, dying just past 3 o’clock on the 22nd of September, 1637.

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Frederik-Hendrik II “de Aasgier”, reigned from 1627 to 1637
 
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That is a rather direct way of dealing with an inconvenient monarch.
 
That is a rather direct way of dealing with an inconvenient monarch.
As someone who can be rather "direct" at times I assure you it's not. It would be more direct to hit him over the head with a blunt object
Do we know the last words of Frederik-Hendrik? With his death, perhaps he would be called "Zwijger"
Considering he studied at Leuven, he would have learned Dutch there so I think he would speak a lot more than the IRL man in that painting
 
Diederik II, part I
The reign of Diederik II, part I

The murder of the Grand Duke was a event that shook the whole nation, even the greatest enemies of the monarch. The reason of which was the situation over in England, where at the end of the English Civil in 1629 war the parliamentarians had elevated one of their own, Oliver Cromwell, to the position of King of England, Wales, Ireland and Scotland (at least nominally). The elevation of Oliver I also meant a death sentence for the last of the Hastings, James III. His cousin, the self-styled Alan III, was able to escape with his life from the final royalist stronghold in Manchester across the border into Scotland, where in return for accepting the protection of the court in Aberdeen and the Protector of Scotland in Broenswiek he would officially convert to Catholicism (the Hastings had been accused of being crypto-Catholics and attempting to reunify the Anglican Church with Rome) and renounce any rights to the Scottish throne. Whilst a rival, the sudden death of James III, the Terror of Parliament and the Anglican Church falling into the hands of puritans was a massive shock to the whole of Saxony, even if Protestant takeover was impossible. Quickly reminded of these events after the murder of Frederik-Hendrik II in 1637, and even freightened of a series of civil wars like had happened after the murder of Julius Ceasar, the whole of the state apparatus reinforced itself behind his heir, the two year old Diederik II, something which didn’t seem to be realized by the most radical of the conspirators. 11 days after the death of Frederik-Hendrik, they pushed forward a motion in an emergency session of the Staten Generaal to establish a regency council like had happened during the minority of Johannes III, a council to be filled with the conspirators who had by now styled themselves as The Liberators to make the Julius Ceasar comparison even more obvious. The less radical conspirators, even including Von Supplingenburg had by now completely ratted them out, disgusted by their actions. (Von Supplingenburg, for his part but also his confession and betrayal of the other conspirators, was eventually locked away for life but was released in the years to come for reasons that will become clear very soon.) In face of a threat to the monarchy itself, the state had rallied behind the only logical choice of regent and one of the great women of this history, the widow of the late monarch, Åse MacGregor. In the days following the death of her husband she was able to gather the forces loyal to her husband, and those loyal to the dynasty in general, behind her and, with an almost completely unanimous vote in the Staten Generaal, have herself be confirmed as sole regent.

The Kingdom of France was however done with Roderlo rule. As the news of the second French Taxation Campaign had already spread to France in the spring of 1637, the whole of the Kingdom began a preparation to rise in revolt. Armouries were being raided, whole units of the Royal Army started defecting and some parts of the country were already separate from the Royal capital of Paris, all in anticipation for the Saxon invasion which was expected to begin late in the year, but it never arrived. What the threat of invasion had forced however was for all the different factions within the Kingdom to search for a singular uniting figure, which was found in the shape of Clotaire d’Escoubleau. Clotaire, despite his last name, was a full blooded, male line descendent of Hugh Capet, his most important forefather, and his second most important forefather being Louis Valois, a second cousin of Guichard de Valois, the last Capetin to rule over France before the Roderlo’s took over. His position as Count of Chartres also made him the lynchpin in any attempt at seizing Paris. The death of “le Vautour” had forced their hand, and caused him to march on Paris, where he was crowned 5 days after the death of Frederik-Hendrik II. In the end, Åse, with the full ascent of the Staten Generaal, decided to let the issue drop and recognize the end of the personal union, seeing France as more trouble than it would be worth.

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Clotair d’Escoubleau leaves for Paris

The context of both the regent and the Staten Generaal letting France elect her own monarch is often forgotten, but it was not lost on the actors of the time. Something was rotten in the state of Saxony, and it had not only been one bad egg of a monarch, if anything it had been a series of good monarch keeping the whole thing from collapsing and one bad monarch who had allowed the contradictions in the state to come to the surface. But as of yet, the state went on through the mud, pretending everything was fine.

Far to the east, the VOC found itself in her first major conflict with one of the local states, the stagnant Majapahit Empire. After her height in the 14th century, it had slowly slid away from her position as the power in the archipelago, after the middle of the 15th century it had however been able to recover somewhat, re-establishing total control over Java and establishing itself on Celebes. Her refusal to pay tribute to the Yuan Emperors had however cut her off from the Chinese markets, letting states like Malacca or Pasai further pass her after her low point in the 15th century. The VOC, on her part, the new and rising star in the region, was still looking for a port to base her operations from. For over 3 decades she had had a considerable degree of influence, especially on the states and islands of the spice islands, but the lack of a central capital was beginning to hold her back. Several options were considered back in Antwerp. Palembang was a city already under control, but deemed to not be fit. Malacca was considered as it was the prime city controlling the straits of the same name, controlling the routes to the Indian subcontinent, but it was the capital of the Malacca Sultanate, meaning that it would require a war that was probably not worth it. Some considered a capital on Borneo, but the influence of the company there was still too limited. Some even suggested a capital on the islands north of Borneo and attempting to break into the Chinese market, but this would have meant a war against the Yuan Dynasty or paying tribute, both very unprofitable. There also was a suggestion to establish a capital somewhere on the Spice Islands, but this was considered not central enough. Finally, the decision fell, the capital would be on Java. The company, authorized by the state (setting a president), would declare war on the 1st of December 1638. The main naval battle would take place in the Flores Sea as the Majapahit moved to reinforce Celebes against the already present VOC. Losses on both sides would be heavy, mainly due to the superior VOC numbers compared to the Majapahit navy but also due to the overconfident attitude of Otwin Schweltz who lead the VOC navy. But, as the Majapahit retreated back to port it meant that the army of the Company could land on the western end of the island, from where (after gathering a bunch of local mercenaries) began to systematically move eastwards, finally facing the Majapahit army in a pitched battle near Surabaja, ending in them retreating and attempting to escape to Bali. The Majapahit king was however captured in the attempted escape, leading to him surrendering multiple ports on the island. One of these, Sunda Kelapa, would be rechristened as Batavia, the new center of power of the VOC in the far east.

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Our detour to the far east does not distract from the main issues facing the state around this time. Aachen remained a possession of the monarch in person, as nobody was willing to rock the boat yet on the status quo and including a hostile city into the Staten Generaal was also considered to be too destabilizing. Thus, the city raised her flag in revolt in the first months of 1639, leading to what is sometimes called the “Second Burning”, as the blame for the massacre was placed on the monarch and his regent by the most radical of the members of parliament. The “Masacre” was however much reduced in scale with the vast tracts of the population of the city not feeling any consequences for it as they had been the ones to throw open the doors to the army again. Within the group of advisors the regentess kept there was also growing division. There were those who were willing to give concessions to the provinces and those who wished to put on the leash even tighter for refusing to support the old monarch and even causing his death. In the end, cardinal Van Laar and his supporters of centralization won out, which continued to keep the cities of Saxony out of provincial Staten and thus out of the Staten Generaal.

Between 1637 and 1644, tensions continued to grow after the regency had asserted itself in pretty much the same place of power as the old monarch had, even if not as blatant in her abuses. The discontent with the current situation for the representative bodies was clear, but this does not paint a complete picture. During this time, some of the provinces started protesting the lack of control over the lack of control they had over the units which they raised for the army, which was under control of the Staten Generaal and the monarch. We see protests from local bodies (especially those unthreatened by the water) about the taxes being raised to help fund the Kamer der Waterschappen. There was also the general split growing (which would later on start to define politics at the national level) between the landwards facing provinces wishing to fund the army (the loss of France and Bohemia and rising tensions with these two powers) and the seawards facing provinces (the rivalry with Great Britain and a feared comeback of the rivalry with Spain, not to forget the new colonial competition from France) which caused provinces to call upon their privileges to deny fund for the national level and instead fund their direct interest on their own or with neighbouring provinces who had the same interest. This was the prime conflict that had never been resolved ever since 1444 or even before as the provincial Staten had existed since before. Sovereignty.

Whilst remembered as a bad monarch in his time, this is the greatest failure of the reign of Frederik-Hendrik II. A proper monarch would have been able to resolve the issue of sovereignty in a more peaceful manner, whereas he forced them to become a great problem, to only be solved after a great degree of violence. On the 1st of June 1644, a motion was put forth in the Staten Generaal which would move the body back to its old home of Antwerp, a definite power grab by the Dutch, merchentile provinces. Whilst the motion failed to gain a majority, regents Åse vetoed the motion for good measure. In response, a representative of Brabant responded “It is not within the authority of the monarch, nor that of his regent, to regulate the business of this house or that of any of the houses of the provinces.” To this, the regentess would respond with “You are called here by the authority of the monarch, and nothing else, just like you are back over in Brussels.” What followed was a hours long, heated debate between the parliamentarian inclined members and the Roderlo loyalists. In the end, another vote would be held on the issue, proclaiming that it was the monarch who ruled at the good will of the provinces. Whilst the vote was sure to go down om failure, the regentess forbade a vote, causing the Brabantian delegation to storm out. In the end, they would return home, dismiss the Stadholder and take charge of the provincial army in “an effort to protect our ancient rights and privileges.” The Saxon Troubles had begun.

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Within the Anglophone world, there is this notion that the English Civil War and the Saxon Troubles are the same conflict, just applied to different countries. It may be obvious to say at this point, but if this was the case conflict would have long since broken out during the rule Frederik-Hendrik II. Yes, his abuse of power caused the escalation to this situation, but even when a province dared to make a move against his rule, none joined, nor did the army revolt. There also were no clear defined sides within the Saxon Troubles as there were in the English Civil War with her Parliamentarians and her Royalists. It was a complicated web of political rivalries, interests of money, influence by the clergy and loyalty to the 10 year old Diederik and his mother Åse, all way too complicated to tell in a history like this one. There never, truly, was a real civil war like in England, more so certain elements of the state turning against each other. Spanning a the whole rest of the regency, and even beyond, the state would be beset by rebellion on all sides as local authorities fought the provinces, the provinces fought the Staten Generaal and the Staten Generaal would come into conflict about the role of the monarch.

Word of the rebellion of Brabant would spread rather quickly, with likeminded authorities, mainly cities (Ossenbrugge, Meideborg and Roermond) throughout the realm, joining the province along with her stated goal. The rebellion would be quickly suppressed in the dispersed cities, but Brabant would remain in a state of rebellion long into 1647. Within the army, there quickly grew some discontent about the swift suppression of such a rebellion which some saw as rightful. The regency moved to purge the disloyal elements from the officer corps, once again with the help of Von Supplingenburg, who again provided many names of potentially disloyal officers. Many of the Dutch provinces feared that the suppression of Brabant would lead to Saxon domination and the further erosion of their privileges in favour of the monarch. This would remain until Brabant was joined in rebellion by the southern Dutch provinces. The growing aggressiveness of the language policy of the state, caused by and combined with the breakup of the personal union with France had caused a growing level of distress with the partially francophone south, refusing to pay taxes until they would receive assurances about their autonomy in matters of language. (Whilst it is not obvious today, at the greatest extent the French language, or dialect very similar to it were used as far north as the southern border of Brabant and Flanders, and in the latter case the city of Ryssel was even Francophone throughout most of the Medieval Era, the County of Flanders only adopting and enforcing a unilingual policy in 1597 with approval of the Staten Generaal. The Dutch provinces, now fearing French intervention, allowed for a complete crackdown on the rebellion, ending in the early summer of 1647 as the hoped for French intervention never came.

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Area’s in state of rebellion during the winter of 1645-1646, showing Brabant (with ‘s Hertogenbosch recaptured by the regency) and the Union of Atrecht

As soon as the rebellion in the Netherlands was supressed, did trouble pick up in the oddball of the whole union, Friesland. Unlike the other provinces, Friesland had always remained as her Opstaltree self, a confederation. Whilst the whole confederation was still technically a voluntary union which owed her loyalty to the monarch. The loyalty of Friesland to the monarch was never in question during the 1648 rebellion. The main issue was the structure of the Opstaltree made governance of Frisia rather hard (the fact that pirates continued to control the islands nominally under its control showcases this, especially when those pirates attacked Saxon ships during the English Civil War). At a gathering of the Opstaltree in 1648, a number of delegates, led by the city of Groningen, would attempt to move towards the abolition of many old local privileges and cracking down on piracy. In response, the areas dependent on piracy for their economy would form their own, rivalling confederation based from the city of Harlingen, and the combined navy of the pirates began blockading the whole Frisian coast, hurting the merchentile backers of the Groninger government. Both proclaimed loyalty to Broenswiek and both asked for aid, but seeing as the Groninger faction was the one wishing to centralize the confederation, it was clear who the regentess would support. Holland and Vlaanderen would quickly send out their navies te relieve the blockade, and troops under the leadership of Stadholder Floris would move to occupy West Frisia which had chosen to side with the Harlingers. If it had been the whole of Frisia that had chosen to revolt, perhaps it would have lasted longer, but as troops from Oversticht and Gelre moved to quash the rebels Frisia was pacified again. Even the islands were quickly put under control by the Stadholder of Holland and his (relatively) new marine soldiers. The pirates, the ones who had been the largest spark for the revolt, left for England and the protection of King Oliver, where he sponsored them to conduct raids against Dutch and Saxon merchants shipping, quickly become a major threat to the economic life of the nation and of the income of the state and her regentess.

The pirates would strike particularly hard at the economy of one of the provinces, Flanders. Her textiles industry had always been dependent on imports from England, and she had been hit by the rivalry with her when the United Kingdom had been at her greatest extent. The opening up of the Scottish market had saved her by opening a new supply of wool. But, as the trade routes went along the English coasts, the Frisian pirates were now cutting her off from her supply again. The Staten of Flanders were however not going to accept the destruction of her economy laying down. Fed up with the focus of the Staten Generaal and the regentess on continental and internal affairs, she withheld any taxes owed to the Staten Generaal in 1649, citing ancient privileges and the wish to protect the common good of the whole nation as she would use the funds to increase the size of her navy to protect against the new threat. Whilst the first signs of this were very much positive and a boost to her public image, she was also moving behind the scenes. Whilst the Staten of Brabant and of the southern provinces had not been allowed to gather since her revolt during the 1644-1647 period. The cities here had however been allowed to reconvene their councils, and the prospect of renewed revolt but with Flemish backing had grown very enticing. At the same time, the regentess had been attempting to move a act through the Staten Generaal to force Flanders to deliver her taxes to the treasury in Broenswiek. This was however quickly stopped when Flanders (behind closed doors) approached the monarch and made the backing she had from the many Brabantian and (at the moment still) Francophone cities. She presented Åse with a choice, face a revolt that could threaten to rip everything south of the Rhine from the union or leave the issue of Flanders be. To sweeten the deal, Flanders (which was actually staunchly anti-Francophone) would deliver lists of the supporters of the new rebellion to Broenswiek (excluding the Brabantian cities) so that they may be dealt with. The regentess accepted, letting Flanders be for the moment and ordering the army once again south.

It was thus then, when the cities of the south once again fell under military control in the first days of the summer of 1649, at the height of the Saxon Troubles, that Diederik II would turn 15 years of age, and his mother would step aside.
 
Diederik II, part II
The reign of Diederik II, part II

Åse MacGregor was, when her husband was still alive, a moderating influence on the monarch. But, as she had seen the events unfolding south of her native kingdom, and the allegiances of the Anglicans of Scotland started to increase public dissent, followed by the assassination of her husband had turned her from that moderate voice into a firebrand. One of her great displeasures, when we read her personal writings, is that she started to lose a grip on the education of the heir due to the need to actually administer the nation, especially considering that the Staten Generaal was not there anymore to really assist the monarch. Most of the responsibility of the raising of the young monarch eventually fell into the hands of Adalbert van Dael, a clergyman from Kleef. Where a lot of the clergy had found themselves within the more radical camp of the regentess, Van Dael had found himself within the more moderate camp of the clergy. This isn’t to say he was in any way connected to the sentiment often shared by those within the regionalist, provincial or Staten Generaal camps. Like his brothers, he was a firm believer in the Divine Right to Rule, the monarch being appointed by God himself. Where he differed was more in the practical application. To be a good monarch, one had to know of the troubles and concerns of his subjects. To make the lands prosper, both had to work in harmony. The conflict that had been brought on by the late Frederik-Hendrik II had only caused death and suffering to befall upon the Saxons, Dutch and Frisians. Whilst Van Dael had died a year before Diederik’s full ascention to the throne (of old age, he was 79 years old) and the Dowager had been able to press for more absolutist educators, the old Van Dael had left his impression on the young monarch.

What immediately became clear was the clear break that Diederik II would make from the policy of his father and mother, but only if one watches carefully, as the young Grand Duke was also careful not to alienate his most ardent supporters (those being the absolutists of his mother). His first move was reaccommodating with Flanders as the monarch and the province still held knifes at each other’s throats. By this point, the pirates operating from England had become a real drain even on the treasury of the monarch, which would allow for a greater degree of intervention. The burghers of the Flemish cities were approached to now indeed pay the taxes they owed, in return for seats on the naval commission handling the hunting of the Frisian pirates and an act of the monarch which would confirm the national obligation to defend her commerce. The Flemish had gotten their “taxation with representation.”

The much more dangerous case of rapprochement would come later in 1650. Whilst the coastlines of Periosia were slowly filling up with European settlements, the inlands also began to experience increased European influence through their fortresses and contacts with the natives for beaver hunting. Conflict would arise along the Saeffel river, where the influence of New Antwerp and Santo Domingo met. To the northeast, the Hoodenoosjoone (known to the English as Iroquis) had found themselves in an ever ascending position in the beaver fur trade since both Scottish and Saxon traders had made contact with them. In their search for new hunting grounds, they would expand southwards and come into conflict with the Shones. The Shones were much the same like the Hoodenoosjoone, they had come into contact with a European power who attempted to expand their influence in Periosia and establish greater influence in the beaver fur trade. In the case of the Shones, it were the Spanish who would develop into their European partner of choice, through their influence radiating up the rivers. The Shones, in much the same way as the Hoodenoosjoone, they sought to expand their hunting grounds, and both tribes came into conflict south of the Great Lakes of Periosia. Throughout the late 1640’ies, conflict would slowly escalate, and without too little outside intervention, the Shones would triumph in the first fase of the conflict, leading to lost profits for the Antwerpish merchants trading with the Hoodenoosjoone. This forced the Antwerpish merchants and the Lieutenant of Belgium to act, gathering local settler militias, European mercenaries and native auxillairies and sending them out west, with the mercenaries paid out of the pocket of the young monarch. All in all, this cobbled together armed force would stand ready in New Antwerp at the beginning of summer 1650, and moved to make contact with their native allies that summer. From there, during the late summer and fall, a couple of skirmishes would take place whilst this combined army would move back south over the lands the Shones had taken control of, until it would meet a unified Shones army at the bank of the Saeffel, crushing it in the muddy banks. Afterwards, it would even move south, where it would come across a party of Spanish merhcants, and, in the following disagreement, only their native pathfinder would come out alive, fleeing back to the nearest Spanish fort to tell the of the encounter. Within the Saxon army, it had also quickly become obvious what had happened, and the army quickly retreated north again and sent a rider out the notify the Lieutenant of the colony to notify him of what had happened, and he quickly set sail to Santo Domingo to work out the potential developing crisis. The Spanish Viceroy, whilst interested in the area, knew it was far away, hard to really reinforce and also had to deal with the developing French colonies in Louisiana and Remegia and the English colony in Georgia as far as the frontiers went. In the end, both powers came to a agreement that the Seaffel River would form the boundary between their two spheres of influence, and the Shones would retreat to the Spanish side of the river. (The Shones would, in turn, become a important ally against the French aligned Cherokee.) More importantly, with the reinforcements that had been sent out by Diederik II, he had finally been able to placate Brabant somewhat, and combined with a royal amount of bribes, had been able to calm the province down enough so that in 1651 the Staten of Brabant could once again gather in Brussels, for the first time in five years.

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Rough extent of the influence and presence of New Antwerp throughout Eastern Periosia around the time of the victory over the Shones and the treaty with the Spanish crown

At the same time of the first gathering of the Staten in Brabant in five years, the monarch faced another revolt in the very heart of the country. Whereas most of the revolts of the Troubles had their roots in the issues of centralisation, ancient privileges and the limits of royal power, this one was a simple one over taxes. At the heart of the nation laid the oldest Roderlo holding, Gelre, and as such the royal hold on power had always been most powerfull around here. The years and years of rebellions had slowly increased the burden of taxation on this quiet region of the country. The gathered Staten of Gelre, Staten of Zutphen and Staten of Oversticht would offer a petition to the monarch. All members would underline their loyalty to the monarch and requested the unfair yoke be lifted from their shoulders. In response, the monarch wrote them a letter explaining how the situation had forced him to raise taxes and how for the foreseeable future he could not lower them. The next year, in 1652, he would even use the raised revenue to send mercenaries out to far away Java, as a lack of support during the past years of crisis had allowed for local lords who wished to break away from the rule of the company. When the king asked for another round of emergency taxes that year to increase the garrisons in the Southern Netherlands, it forced the earlier mentioned staten to act. Within their official Act of Rebellion, all pledged their absolute loyalty to the monarch, but felt forced to protect their own interest as the increasing taxes had forced a lot of the local functions of the government to grind to a halt, increasing banditry and preventing the effective rebuilding of Oldenzaal after the great fire that had broken out on Christmas Eve of 1651. Hearing of the rebellion, the Grand Duke reluctivity rallied the armies of the Grand Duchy itself, beginning the Tranenrebellie, “the Rebellion of Tears”. Both armies would meet outside of Venlo as the rebels attempted to swade the Staten of Kleef to join them in their rebellion as they had been feeling many of the same pressures as the provinces already in rebellion had. Before the battle, the leaders of both armies met at what was to be the middle of the battlefield. Much of the conversation between the rebel leader Joris van den Bergh and the monarch is unknown, but we do know how it finished. Van den Bergh presented his demands in a simple way: “We just ask of you that the burden of taxation be lifted” to which the monarch responded “If I were to do that now, it would be a sign of weakness and it would only embolden other rebellions, and I would again be forced to place that yolk your shoulders.” Both parties understood the situation they had manoeuvred themselves into. The two men parted ways, but not before both had committed to pray for the soul of the other. With tears in his eyes, Diederik gave the order to attack. The battle would see a third of the rebel force dead, among who Van den Bergh, with the rest captured, ending the rebellion that very day. As soon as the Grand Duke had returned to his capital, he would posthumously pardon all rebels.

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The Tranenrebellie would prove to be the final mayor clash of the Saxon Troubles. It proved royal power stood uncontested, as most of the realm had gone up in rebellion at least once and had lost. But, more importantly, it had shown that even the most ardent supporters of the monarch had found themselves forced to rebel out of loyalty to their country and people, who could no longer bear the burden the constant conflicts had placed upon them. The sadness Diederik felt in ordering the destruction of the army of some of his most loyal subjects is also explained in how close he was coming to finally solving the issues the country had been facing. 1653 passed in calm, with the exception of a few riots endorsed by local city governments throughout Holland which were put down after a few days when the provincial troops took charge of the situation. Thus, we arrive at the gathering of the Staten Generaal of 1654. It was the first proper gathering since the rebellion of Brabant 10 years back, and since then there had always been one or more of the provinces refused to let gather and thus who were unrepresented at the national level. 1653 would see no Staten Generaal gathered as the monarch wished to see how stable the country would be with all of the provinces gathering their local legislatures for the first time in 10 years again. When Diederik called for the Staten Generaal to gather again in 1654, it immediately became clear what would be at the core, peace. A lasting peace. Whilst the monarch stood triumphant, he needed to work with his subjects, and thus he needed to compromise. It was already made much easier as he was not as staunch of a absolutist as his parents and his grandfather had been. The session of 1654 is filled with fine bits of rhetoric and negotiation, but for the sake of this history we will stick to her conclusion. The main issue of sovereignty would be a triumph of the monarch, as he would be recognized as the sovereign, who ruled through the grace of God. However, it was also recognized that, if a monarch wished to reign as a proper Catholic monarch, he would require knowledge that was granted to him through representative bodies. Thus, the monarch would partially grant his sovereignty to the Staten Generaal, who ruled together with the monarch. Most important to note on this solution is that there was no mention of the local provinces. Yes, many of their rights and privileges would be recognized and most of all standardized so to say under this massive act of the Staten Generaal, but what it did was from, what had always been a confederation into a federation, with at her head a monarch that held all titles in perpetual personal union as had been confirmed in 1526. For the rest, the act would be a confirmation of the status quo on the powers that the monarch held already, the secularisation of the worldy holdings of the remaining Prince Bishoprics, the centralisation of Frisia under one parliament (the Opstaltree) and her elected head of state (the Potesta, who would always be the Grand Duke of Saxony), combined with a pardon for the pirates operating from England, further decreasing the independence and the size of the armies raised by the provinces themselves and the obligation to the monarch to call together the Staten Generaal at least once every 4 years. On the final day of the 1654 session, the 1st of June 1654, the Staten would vote on the Akte des Landsvrede, “Country Peace Act”, of 1654. Whilst many were upset about the loss of local autonomy, they knew that Diederik had given them as much as he could. The right to remain involved in the decision making process was a lot. With the exception of the Southern Dutch provinces, all voted to pass the act. The Saxon Troubles were over.

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On a final note, there is something which seems awfully absent which was present during the earlier massive state reforms of 1444 and 1526. The Emperor. During those earlier reforms, the monarch had always acted with expressed permission of the Emperor. If this proved anything, it was that the Holy Roman Empire had become an empty institution. Wenzel IV of Bohemia had only recently gained the Imperial throne after it had, for a few decades, been in the hands of the Savoyard Habsburgs. Bohemia, dealing with threats on her eastern border, was far from ready to deal with any kind of incursion on the very structure of the Empire itself. But, once the threats from the Tartars and Russians were dealt with, he would begin the reassertion of Imperial authority through the restoration of Catholicism to her princes and establishing new electors, which would in the end set the stage for a clash of giants decades long after his death.
 
The Troubles are over. Hopefully Belgium does better in the future...