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SirNolan

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I've been a long time lurker and this is a excellent aar. HOI 2 was bit before my time but the aars for it and its mods and expansions always peek my interests. As a fan of Thomas Dewey, anyone taking on the Mob in the twenties deserves serious props, I'm glad he got his due in this timeline at least.

The prospect of a Goldwater presidency intrigues me as a liberal who thinks he gets misrepresented and bashed way too much. If he actually won, it would be interesting how the conservative movement develops as a result. While I'm not going to pretend to be an expert on him, I do know that he comes from the Western strain of conservatism that leans more libertarian, so it makes me wonder how strongly attached the 'Moral Majority' types would be to the conservative movement with him being a successful standard bearer.
 

Nathan Madien

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SirNolan: Ah. Welcome and thank you very much. :)

Ah yes. The Dewey years. A lot of what I wrote about him came from Richard Norton Smith's excellent biography. In fact, I own biographies on all the Presidents and their main challengers from 1924 to 1964. I do own some pre-1924 and post-1964 biographies but 1924-1964 represents my complete collection. Once I pick up a biography on Hubert Humphrey, I can raise the notch up to 1968.

I find the prospect of a Goldwater presidency intriguing too because it would be so different from Johnson's second term. It would just scream "alternate history".

By the way, yesterday was the 30th anniversary of Jackson's death. Here is his New York Times obituary to mark the occasion.
 

H.Appleby

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Get the Solberg bio, and also the Al Eisele bio (that's actually both Humphrey and McCarthy, SCORE!) and also check out "The Walls of Jericho" by Robert K. Mann, which is an amazing history of Civil Rights in the Senate, structured as three parallel bios of Dick Russel, Humphrey and Johnson. That is truly an amazing book and it is long overdue for a reprint.
 

Nathan Madien

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H.Appleby: Thanks for the advice. :)

On a side note, Sir David Frost died last Saturday. The reason I'm mentioning his passing is to point out that in TTL, we don't get his famous interviews with Richard Nixon. Thus no Frost/Nixon.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Military Infighting
On June 9th, 1961, one hundred million Americans gathered around television sets to watch astronaut John Glenn blast off into space and become the second man to orbit the Earth. The flight demonstrated the power of American technology to break free of the planet’s atmosphere and send a man around the world three times. It instantly made Glenn a national hero and enabled the President to declare days later that the United States would have a man walking on the surface of the Moon by the end of the decade. However, just as the sinking of the RMS Titanic in April 1912 had overshadowed Harriet Quimby’s historic first female flight across the English Channel, Glenn’s flight drew public attention away from another technological demonstration. On June 8th, Bell Laboratories gave the first public demonstration of their latest research and development project: the Bell Rocket Belt. A low-power rocket propulsion device, the BRB had been designed to allow individuals to safely travel across small distances. The Army, always interested in finding ways to improve the mobility of their soldiers, had provided the funding for the jet pack program in 1959. Two years later, the people at Bell Laboratories were confident enough in their BRB to give an open demonstration of what they had developed so far. They invited the Secretary of Defense, the Chief of Staff of the Army, and the top military officers to attend the demonstration at Fort Eustis, Virginia. Before a crowd of several hundred people, a test pilot activated the three-foot-tall hydrogen peroxide rocket belt and lifted himself off the ground. He reached an altitude of four feet and flew smoothly over a distance of one hundred feet before landing twenty seconds later. The demonstration that a man could achieve flight all by himself wowed the audience. Of course, as impressive as it had been, it was the space flight the very next day which turned the BRB into a technological Quimby - impressive but easily outdone.

For Maxwell Taylor, watching the rocket belt demonstration provided a nice distraction from all the drama back in Washington. As Chief of Staff of the Army, Taylor was a member of the Joint Chiefs of Staff which served as America’s top military brass. Theoretically, it was Taylor’s job to work hand-in-hand with his colleagues to ensure that the United States military was a cohesive force ready at any given moment to deal with any problem that threatened America’s strategic interests around the world. Unfortunately, the reality was quite different. Instead of being a cohesive force, the Joint Chiefs of Staff was a chaotic body of clashing military chiefs. Instead of working hand-in-hand, two of the three military services spent more time fighting each other than they did planning to fight the enemy. Chief of Naval Operations Hyman Rickover and Chief of Staff of the Air Force Curtis Lemay were constantly at each other’s throats, completely unable to get along and find common ground in which to cooperate. They were incompatible as partners because they were both strong-willed, driven by vision, and had nothing but outspoken contempt for anyone who disagreed with that vision. The inter-service feuding between the Navy and the Air Force was driven by their deeply-held beliefs that their respective services was more important than the other and that any attention that wasn’t paid exclusively to them was an immediate waste of resources and personnel. This bitter rivalry between Rickover and Lemay hamstrung coordination between their two services, giving the United States military an Achilles’ heel it could ill-afford in the midst of the Cold War. For his part, Taylor tried to steer clear of the war within the Joint Chiefs of Staff as much as possible and focused all his energy on running his little Army kingdom as best he could.

For Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Lyman Lemnitzer, it was a deeply frustrating time. As the highest-ranking military officer in the country, it was Lemnitzer’s job to coordinate the Army, Navy, and Air Force. Instead, he had his hands full trying to referee the constant feuding between Rickover and Lemay. In the summer of 1961, Lemnitzer even started complaining of headaches he was suffering from his highly stressful job. His wife was alarmed at the toll being Chairman was taking on him and became fearful that the job was actually killing him. Not helping his awful headaches was what he considered to be “indifference” on the part of the Commander-in-Chief. “Talking to the President about this is useless,” he complained privately. “No matter how many times I try to explain to him the dangerous situation this infighting poses to our ability to deal effectively with military problems, he refuses to take whatever I say into consideration.”
According to Lemnitzer, Jackson’s biggest weakness as President was his refusal to second-guess himself once he had made a decision. Having put Rickover and Lemay in charge of their respective services, Scoop proceeded to turn a blind eye towards their rivalry. He dismissed the Chairman’s pleas that he take the lead in bringing the Army, Navy, and Air Force together into being one cohesive force. His response was always to point out that inter-service disagreements were inevitable because “everyone thinks they can win the war all by themselves.”
Jackson told Lemnitzer that he was worrying too much and that he should simply just accept the natural tension as being part of the job. “I do hope we never find ourselves in a war with the Soviets and the Chinese, Mr. President,” the Chairman once retorted after yet another fruitless meeting on the subject. “What I’m afraid of is that if war should happen to break out, two of our services will use it as an excuse to lob bombs at each other instead of at our enemies.”

Taylor had little difficulty running the Army, his integrity and intelligence making him a highly-respected leader. Gruff and always chomping on a cigar, Lemay ran the Air Force with an iron fist. He made it very difficult for anyone to challenge him and live to tell about it. The Navy on the other hand was embroiled in a political civil war between Rickover and seemingly everyone else. Sharp-tongued and highly critical, Rickover made enemies everywhere he went and put in no effort at all to win people over to his side. Either you allowed him to do whatever he wanted or you got ran over by him if you dared to express opposition. When he wasn’t busy fighting Lemay over the appropriation of resources and personnel, Rickover was busy ignoring Secretary of the Navy John F. Kennedy (1917-1968). Theoretically, JFK was the highest ranking official within the Department of the Navy and Rickover was his deputy who had to answer to him. In reality, Kennedy often found himself completely frozen out of Rickover’s decision-making process. The Chief of Naval Operations had nothing but utter contempt for his civilian boss and found it insulting that “I should answer to that stupid playboy who has only gotten anywhere in life because of his father’s money.”
The facts that JFK was well-educated, had commanded a patrol torpedo boat in the Pacific during World War Two and had seen combat, and had won the Pulitzer Prize in 1957 for his book “Profiles in Courage” meant nothing to the dismissive Rickover. He deeply resented the idea that he had to answer to anybody aside from the President; having Jackson’s full confidence, the Chief of Naval Operations proceeded to cut Kennedy out of the loop as much as he could. This derisive treatment infuriated JFK, who considered it to be a blatant violation of the long-held principle of civilian control over the military. He also took it very personally:
“That S.O.B. thinks that anyone who doesn’t sail around in a submarine isn’t worth anything!”
Like Lemnitzer, Kennedy found that any complaints he took to the President about Rickover fell on deaf ears. Instead, he confided all his anger to his younger brother Robert (1925-2003). RFK was the Democratic Senator from Massachusetts, having been appointed to his brother’s seat after JFK had resigned to become Secretary of the Navy. A freshman member of the Senate Judiciary Committee (which was also home to a first-term Republican Senator from California named Richard Nixon), Robert had voted for Rickover’s nomination but now deeply-regretted having done so. It filled him with rage that his dear brother was being treated so horribly and that nothing was being done to rein Rickover in. When Senator Kennedy secured an appointment with the President, he didn’t mince words. “You’re a friend of Jack’s,” he forcefully reminded him. “How can you be okay with this terrible treatment he’s getting?”
Bobby went on to urge Scoop to make clear to Rickover that “my brother is in charge and that his views will govern. You need to make him know who is boss.”
The President conceded that Rickover was a very difficult person to get along with but defended his Chief of Naval Operations by stating that his brilliance and can-do attitude made up for his personal defects. When it became clear to Robert that Henry was standing firmly behind Hyman with no intention of reprimanding him, he left the meeting fuming. If there was one thing he couldn’t tolerate above all else, it was insults to his family. He therefore vowed to seek revenge against Jackson...an ominous vow considering he had played a key role in the Oppenheimer Scandal of 1954 which had hurt his own political party in the name of exposing weakness.

(Massachusetts Senator Robert Francis Kennedy was merciless towards anyone who crossed him...even towards the President of the United States)
To say that Hyman George Rickover had enemies is putting it mildly. He was a walking controversy who possessed the Midas touch of turning people against him. As it turned out, he had one group of enemies even Jackson couldn’t ignore. The navy officers who had hunted down German submarines in the Atlantic and had destroyed the Imperial Japanese Navy in the Pacific during World War Two were now the Admirals in the United States Navy. Their experiences during the war formed their convictions that carriers and cruisers should form the heart of the world’s most powerful navy. They took a dim view of nuclear submarines, which they considered to be merely support vessels. Not surprisingly, the choice of Rickover as Chief of Naval Operations didn’t sit well with them. They saw him as an unbearable heretic with dangerous ideas. Equally unsurprising, Rickover didn’t like the Admirals either. He saw them as Old Guards who were dangerously out of touch with reality. “The days of ships blasting each other to pieces are over,” he would often say in his typical blunt manner. “There will never be another Trafalgar or Jutland. Never.”
Rickover understood that in the modern era of ICBMs and strategic bombers, simply having a big navy sailing around wasn’t going to cut it. In order for the United States Navy to fight effectively in the Cold War, it had to fight with a Cold War mindset. The Chief of Naval Operations saw nuclear submarines as representing the future of naval warfare: surgical strikes. Nuclear submarines gave countries the ability to conduct devastating hit-and-run strikes against their enemies right in their own waters. The advantages that nuclear submarines offered formed the basis of Rickover’s conviction that they should form the heart of the world’s most powerful navy instead.

Rickover believed that “good ideas are not adopted automatically. They must be driven into practice with courageous patience.”
In order to get his “good ideas” adopted by the Navy, he was driven to fight the Old Guard Admirals and force them to see things his way. His “courageous patience” and the Admirals’ unwillingness to give in to him generated tensions within the Navy that built up throughout 1961. Those tensions finally erupted on Monday, August 14th when Jackson had a meeting with a senior Admiral who was the leader of the unhappy gang of twelve. Going into that meeting with the sense that it would have something to do with Rickover, the President invited Secretary of Defense Paul Nitze over to the Oval Office “so you can see the continual griping I have to put up with in this job.”
The meeting started off predictably enough. The Admiral railed against Rickover, listing all the complaints about how he was absolutely the wrong man for the job. Jackson shot Nitze a bemused glance indicating that he wasn’t really hearing anything that he hadn’t heard before. That was when the Admiral uttered something so unexpected that it actually bolted the President straight out of his complacency:
“Mr. President, since you do not appreciate those who recognize the fallacy of having this unqualified man in charge of our proud service, you leave us with no other choice but to take what some may say is a drastic step.”
Scoop was silent as the leader of this gang of twelve issued him an ultimatum: either he recognizes his mistake and dismisses Rickover from his position or the Admirals would resign in protest and publically embarrass the President. He would have forty-eight hours to make his decision. The Secretary of Defense was flabbergasted at what he heard. This was a clear violation of the principle of civilian control over the military. The President was the Commander-in-Chief and therefore had ultimate authority over what the three services did and did not do. He would tell the Admirals what to do, not the other way around. Stunned beyond belief, Nitze looked squarely at Scoop and saw a stony expression on his face. Once the Admiral had departed the Oval Office, Jackson went off like a bomb:
“Who does that SOB think he is?! I’m the President of the United States! He can’t talk to me like that! He can’t tell me what to do!”
Nitze shared his boss’ fury at the spectacle which had just unfolded in front of them. “This is completely unacceptable behavior,” he declared while crossing his arms and leaning backwards against the couch he was sitting on. “Admiral Rickover serves at your pleasure, not theirs. They can hate him, but they can’t get rid of him like that. You’re the one who wants him there, Mr. President.”
The two men sat there and verbally discussed what the response to the Admiral’s ultimatum would be. Giving in to them was out of the question and having them resign in protest wasn’t going to be tolerated by the civilian leadership. “He was wrong about one thing,” Nitze said to Jackson, who smirked sarcastically in return. “He told you that you only have two options. In reality, there is a third option available to you.”
Since these Admirals were defiantly trying to exert their will over the will of the civilian leadership, that gave Jackson grounds to relieve the Admirals of their command and terminate them for trying to overrule his supreme authority. That's exactly what he proceeded to do.

(If Jackson had possessed the powers of Darth Vader, he could have handled Nitze’s termination advice like this)
Scoop never regretted his decision to fire the twelve Admirals after they had challenged his authority so directly. He felt that he had to make it clear that the ultimatum brazenly violated the principle of civilian control over the military and that it therefore warranted a strong response. It certainly made Rickover happy, for the firing decimated the Old Guard and enabled the rise of a new generation of Admirals who agreed with him that the United States Navy needed to operate in the 1960s using a 1960s mindset. They shared his opposition to the notion of fighting tomorrow’s battles using yesterday’s tactics. Some historians have praised Jackson’s response to the revolt, citing the need to firmly smack the military back into line. Others have been critical, using this episode as evidence in their arguments that Jackson was bad at judgment-making. They contend that the entire episode had been unnecessary and could have been avoided had the President been willing to show finesse. The most common complaint Jackson gets about his Presidency was that he was too decisive. Once he had made up his mind to do something, that was it. He would be committed to his decision and would rarely second-guess himself on the matter. In this case, once he had decided to appoint Rickover as Chief of Naval Operations, he stuck with it despite the problems that then ensued. Indeed, the firing of the Admirals did nothing to ease the tensions between Rickover and Lemnitzer/JFK. The stress between those two sides would continue to build until it too finally erupted in early 1962.
 
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H.Appleby

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Hmmm, sounds like a MacArthur-type situation. I think Scoop handled it well, although he also should have let Rickover know just how deep in it he was. Anyway, another excellent update and one about something I had absolutely no knowledge of. Thanks!
 

Kurt_Steiner

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So... the so-called Area 51 is trying to create a Darth Vader? :p
 

El Pip

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Not sure on that one I must admit. While the Admirals may well have been gone about things the wrong way, if they genuinely felt he was making mistakes and no-one was listening what else could they do?

Submarines are all well and good, but they are not the be all and end all of a fleet and Rickover is looking more than a little obsessed. He reminds me a bit too much of Fisher to be honest, did a necessary job for a while and pushed through some important changes, but then went too far and started doing more harm than good.
 

J.J.Jameson

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As much as I respect Rickover, he might be setting himself up for tragedy. Combined arms is a concept that should be pursued. Going for only one type of unit is asking for foul ups.
 

H.Appleby

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Just a quick question, Humphrey still gets to be whip, correct?

Actually, just to check, who are the top leaders in both houses of Congress? I know Ev, Mike Mansfeld and Jerry are all in their proper places, but who all else is monkeying with the Congress?

More to the point, how's the naval building coming along?
 
Last edited:

Nathan Madien

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H.Appleby: Thank you. Speaking of MacArthur, he's in the next update.

Kurt_Steiner: The "Star Wars" reference was originally unplanned. I was looking for pictures of something else and that scene from "The Empire Strikes Back" just happened to pop up in my search. Once I saw it, a light bulb clicked.

El Pip: Exactly. They had no choice but to play hardball in order to get anyone to listen to their concerns. Of course it completely backfired.

That's exactly why I put Rickover in charge of the Navy. He always rubbed people the wrong way, which makes for instant drama.

J.J.Jameson: Try telling that to Rickover.

H.Appleby: No.

Leadership of Congress in the summer of 1961:
-President of the Senate: Lyndon B. Johnson (D-Texas)
-President pro tempore of the Senate: Carl Hayden (D-Arizona)
-Senate Majority Leader: Hubert Humphrey (D-Minnesota)
-Senate Majority Whip: Russell Long (D-Louisiana)
-Senate Minority Leader: Everett Dirksen (R-Illinois)
-Senate Minority Whip: Frederick F. Houser (R-California)
-Speaker of the House: Charles Halleck (R-Indiana)
-House Majority Leader: Gerald Ford (R-Michigan)
-House Majority Whip: Leslie C. Arends (R-Illinois)
-House Minority Leader: Sam Rayburn (D-Texas)
-House Minority Whip: John William McCormack (D-Massachusetts)

As for the naval building, I have so far built one Adams-class Destroyer.
 

H.Appleby

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Oh hey cool! Did you know that Humphrey and Long went to LSU together?

And sorry to be a bother, I'm writing a paper on how Humphrey managed and passed the '64 Civil Rights Bill as Majority Whip.
 
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Nathan Madien

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H.Appleby: No. I didn't know that.

You don't need to apologize. That's an interesting thesis you have. Good luck on it. :)

Of course in this alternate universe, you'll be writing about Majority Leader Humphrey.
 
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H.Appleby

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Of course, when we get into Civil Rights, someone from my home state may well prove a major obstacle (well, if Jerry doesn't manage to hold onto the House in '64). But I do wonder if he'll get his Title VII amendment in TTL (that whole thing's a fascinating story).

Actually, the entire '64 Civil Rights Bill story is pretty interesting, especially the cloture vote.
 
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Nathan Madien

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Drawing the Line in Southeast Asia
When British Prime Minister Winston Churchill gave his famous "Iron Curtain Speech" at the University of Michigan (President Thomas E. Dewey's alma mater) in August 1947, he assumed that the Cold War would be primarily waged in Europe. After all, the Soviet Union wanted to expand Communism across war-torn Europe and the United States was determined to stop that from happening. What Churchill hadn't expected was the decision by Chiang Kai-shek to ditch his Western allies in favor of embracing the Soviets. Chiang wanted to transform equally war-torn China into a major power and felt that he would have better luck achieving that goal by working with the Soviets instead of working against them. Support from Moscow quickened the rebuilding of China, allowing her to stand on her own two feet by 1960. From that point on, the main theater of the Cold War shifted from Europe to Asia as China sought to build her own empire there and ultimately seek vengeance against her brutal former occupier Japan. Chiang unveiled this plan for his country just weeks after Jackson was inaugurated, meaning that the new President would preside over the continental shift of the Cold War. Southeast Asia, which had been of secondary concern during the 1950s, exploded into a major Cold War battleground in 1961. Part of the reason for that had to do with South Vietnam. President Ngo Dinh Diem, a devout Roman Catholic and an oppressive leader, had grown increasingly paranoid of the masses and did everything he could to quell opposition to his rule. For example, he had his government seize control of the press and used the state police to persecute all opponents real and imagined. To further expand his government’s control over a country that was largely Buddhist, Diem held district elections on July 10th. Given that previous elections in South Vietnam had been shams, opponents of Diem knew that this would simply be another power grab. North Vietnam, led by Communist Ho Chi Minh, viewed this latest use of fraud as an opportunity to stir up trouble in the South. North Vietnamese political advisors operating in the South were instructed to joint-organize with pro-Ho South Vietnamese supporters mass demonstrations against these elections.

(Saigon in July 1961)
The plan was to “spontaneously” create riots which would sow the seeds of chaos and create the impression of mass disapproval of the Diem regime. On the day of the district elections, the plan was put into action. In the Tra Bong district of the South Central Coast region, demonstrators seized control of fifteen villages and attacked the Diem authorities who were stationed there. There were similar takeovers in the Mekong Delta (located at the southern end of the country), where soldiers reportedly joined the uprisings. When Ho heard about this, he played it up as a public symbol of the resistance Diem was facing from his own people. Although it made for compelling propaganda, it wasn’t exactly what it appeared to be. In truth, these soldiers were actually North Vietnamese political advisors in disguise. Diem reacted to these riots with brute force, shedding blood in the name of restoring order. Killing the dissenters sent a loud message that the leader of South Vietnam wouldn’t tolerate opposition one bit. The failure of the riots to undermine his archenemy forced the leader of North Vietnam to go back to the drawing board. Since Diem was ruling with an iron fist, Ho decided to do likewise. To better organize resistance in South Vietnam, Hanoi moved to take better control of the anti-Diem resistance south of the Demilitarized Zone. The result was the formation of the National Liberation Front. Through the NLF, Hanoi was able to tighten discipline and better coordinate the anti-Diem resistance. The insurgent guerrilla fighters who kept Saigon on edge were formally rebranded by Ho’s government as the “People’s Liberation Armed Forces”. They would become better known as the “Vietcong”.

On July 20th, while North Vietnam was busy restructuring the opposition in South Vietnam, China invaded her southern neighbor Laos. Having supported the establishment of a new government in Korea which wanted to be on favorable terms with them, Nanjing turned her attention towards incorporating Laos into the sphere of influence. The country was in the middle of a civil war, which provided Chiang with an easy opening. Fighting for control of the country were two factions: the pro-Communist Pathet Lao which was aligned with Hanoi and the anti-Communist Royal Lao Army which was receiving support from the United States. Chiang took a good look at the two sides and didn’t like what he saw. The Royal Lao Army was unacceptable because of its ties to the US and the Pathet Lao was equally unacceptable because of its ties to North Vietnam. What he wanted was a government that would have ties exclusively to his country. In 1958, Chinese intelligence made contact with a highly-ambitious general within the Royal Lao Army who craved power and was willing to be a collaborator with the Chinese in order to achieve it. Greatly encouraged, China began to cultivate him as a potential Quisling who they could form a puppet government around.

While China worked covertly to undermine Laos, the impoverished Southeast Asian nation descended into civil war. The trigger was the overthrow of Prince Souvanna Phouma’s regime. As Prime Minister of Laos, Phouma had insisted on maintaining a neutral government which would steer clear of the Cold War. He saw the division of Vietnam as a dangerous situation which could suck his country into the conflict if he dared to choose one side over the other. He therefore chose neither side, which didn’t sit well with the right-wing. Naturally opposed to Communism, the Right wanted Laos to provide a counterbalance against North Vietnam. They therefore kicked Phouma out of power, which immediately created a problem. The Prime Minister had carefully mediated tensions between the Royal Lao Army and the Pathet Lao. It helped greatly that the leader of the latter, Prince Souphanouvong, was his half-brother whom he was on decent terms with. With Phouma removed from power, the political balancing act collapsed and violence quickly plagued the country. The Right seized control of Laos and arrested all the pro-Pathet Lao members who held government posts. When they then tried to disarm pro-Pathet Lao soldiers near the capital Vientiane, the Communist faction fought back.

(A group of Pathet Lao partisans)
By the summer of 1961, the Laotian Civil War had been raging for nearly three years. Souphanouvong, having broken out of jail shortly after his arrest back in 1958, personally led the Pathet Lao in several bloody jungle skirmishes against the Royal Lao Army. Closely following developments from Nanjing, Chiang decided that this was the right time to advance his country’s interests in the region. On July 20th, he gave the go-ahead for Chinese soldiers to start pouring across the border into war-torn Laos. They were ordered to first capture the major crossroads city of Luang Prabang and then march south into the capital. Once Vientiane was occupied, the Chinese would effectively gain control over the country. To justify the invasion of Laos to the world, China argued that it was really an “intervention” designed to settle “the Laos problem” once and for all. She was deeply concerned about the violence occurring on her southern border and had reached the conclusion that the only way to put an end to the civil war was to intervene and force the two sides to stop fighting. Only then could a new government be installed which would be faced with the task of healing Laos’ self-inflicted wounds. The new government of course could depend on China to help them rebuild and move forward. Nanjing made it a point in their defense of this move to readily remind people that Western nations – especially the United States of America – had done similar interventions in the past “whenever an internal conflict has arisen in which a peaceful settlement cannot be reached without the influence of a great power. Since the people of Laos cannot come to a peaceful agreement on the formation of a government which will fairly represent their best interests, we as a great power have chosen to fulfill our obligation to help them settle this matter in a way which will benefit both sides.”

(Chinese soldiers prepare for the Laos invasion, their helmets a relic of the Sino-German cooperation back in the 1930s)
The Chinese advance into Laos coincidentally took place on the seventeenth anniversary of the assassination of Adolf Hitler (which had led to Germany’s subsequent surrender to the Allies). Jackson was in that country preparing for his summit meeting with Khrushchev in the neutral Czech Republic when news reached him from Asia. For weeks, the CIA had been reporting to him that the Chinese were undertaking a military build-up near the Sino-Laos border which suggested that they were planning some kind of action in the area. He therefore wasn’t too surprised when America’s Asian archenemy did initiate action in the form of an invasion. China turned out to be a major topic of discussion between the two superpower leaders during their summit in Prague. Khrushchev was delighted by the news, seeing Laos as an effortless way (at least on the part of the Soviets) to tie down the Americans in Southeast Asia. Indeed, that was a major point of the Sino-Soviet relationship: to keep the USA on her toes by forcing her to divide her attention between several hotspots all at once. Any trouble Moscow and Nanjing could stir up for D.C. was trouble that would benefit them both in the pursuit of their geopolitical designs. “We have an ally that is more valuable than all your little allies combined,” Khrushchev proudly boasted to Jackson’s face. The President responded by firmly stating that his country wouldn’t allow China to dominate Asia. “You can kindly inform the Generalissimo,” Jackson retorted, “That in the interest of freedom and self-determination, we will not allow him to conquer his neighbors. Since he wants to meet us there, we will not only meet him there but we will stop him there.”

(Despite being 5,000 miles away, Laos cast a shadow over Prague that summer)
For all his talk about stopping the Chinese from taking over Laos, the truth was that there was little the United States could do to halt the momentum. Chinese soldiers, who were in a stronger position militarily than the warring Laotian factions combined, easily brushed aside the opposition and seized control of Luang Prabang. King Savang Vatthana, whose royal palace was located in the city, was captured and placed under house arrest. Once the Lao Royal Family had been rounded up and detained for “their safety”, the Chinese continued their advance southwards and marched into Vientiane. The fall of the capital effectively meant that China was now in control of the country. Insisting that this was an intervention aimed at restoring peace in Laos and not a full-on invasion and occupation, Nanjing ordered the commanding Chinese general to halt his advance and wait for further orders. The collaborationist Laotian general was then installed as the new President of Laos. His first order as the new leader of the country was to abolish the monarchy which had been in place for 608 years. The disposed King could remain in his palace, but his throne would be no more. In an effort to consolidate his power, the President formally invited the Chinese to remain in the country and help stabilize it. This was when Nanjing ordered the commanding general to switch from intervention to anti-partisan duty. Chinese soldiers spent the next six months inside Laos, mopping up the country of opposition forces while the President built a new army out of the remnants of the Royal Lao Army. The Laotian Quisling gave the leadership of the abolished army a stark choice: either pledge loyalty to him or be executed for treason. He also banned the Pathet Lao and gave the pro-communist leaders no choice: they were arrested and executed as being enemies of the state. After half-a-year of squashing the opposition in a bloody manner, Nanjing believed that Laos had been satisfactorily pacified and ordered her soldiers to begin a phased withdrawal from the country starting in April 1962. Although violence from pockets of anti-government resistance would continue for some time to come, Laos had effectively become a Chinese puppet state.

(The President of Laos accepts gifts of goodwill from a line of young girls, clearly enjoying his newfound power...which of course came from a much higher power)
The transformation of Laos from a state at war with itself into a military dictatorship made North Vietnam rather uneasy. They had supported the Pathet Lao, wanting them to win the civil war and turn the country into a Communist ally. Instead, they watched helplessly as China marched into Laos and installed a new regime which then began to purge the Pathet Lao. Furthermore, the new government in Vientiane informed Hanoi that their borders would be closed and that North Vietnamese influence in Laos would no longer be tolerated. Ho became concerned enough about the way things were going next door that he dispatched his foreign minister to Nanjing in November 1961 to consult with the Chinese government. What the foreign minister reported back contributed to the uneasiness that Ho was feeling. The foreign minister was told that the Chinese action in Laos had been necessary in order to end the civil war and restore peace in the country. Now that Laos was in the process of stabilizing, there was no longer any need to worry about it. What North Vietnam should be focused on now is their ongoing conflict with South Vietnam. Chiang was personally committed to helping Ho get rid of Diem and unify the two Vietnams into a single state that would be ruled from Hanoi. While the two leaders shared the same goal, they had completely different motives for why they wanted to achieve it. Ho wanted to get rid of Diem so he could make all of Vietnam a Communist state. Chiang wanted to get rid of Diem because he was being supported by the United States. In order to build a Chinese sphere of influence in Southeast Asia, the government in Saigon had to be destroyed. Ho didn’t know what Chiang planned to do once the Vietnam problem had been dealt with. Would the Chinese treat a Communist Vietnam as a partner as they were doing with Korea? Or would the Chinese, having gotten rid of Diem, turn around and try to do to Vietnam what they had done to Laos? There was no way of knowing the answer to that, which is why the North Vietnamese felt uneasy about their northern neighbor. They couldn’t be too sure about them.

(Tiananmen in 1961. That year would see Chiang acquire control over Beijing and spread his country’s influence into Korea and Laos)
In the United States, the Chinese takeover of Laos was seen as a major foreign policy setback. With Laos gone, the American position in Southeast Asia had been undermined and weakened. California Senator Richard Nixon and other Republicans jumped on this to blame the Democrats for “losing Laos”.
“Since the Generalissimo has made no secret of his desire to subjugate the people of Asia,” Nixon said in a speech attacking Jackson’s handling of said continent, “The fact that the Administration did not do more to adequately protect the Laotian people from conquest is a failure of the highest order. This domino did not and should not have fallen.”
Nixon of course was referring to the Domino Theory. Established by President Adlai Stevenson in 1953, the Domino Theory stated that if one country fell under the influence of Communism, the neighboring countries would follow suit. At the time, the general fear in D.C. was that the Communists would try to take over Southeast Asia. Eight years later the Americans amended the Domino Theory, replacing the fear of Communist encroachment with the fear of Chinese encroachment. J. William Fulbright of Arkansas, the Democratic Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, went to the White House and pressed the President on what he was going to do about Southeast Asia now that Laos had fallen. Jackson assured his former Senate colleague that his Administration was in the process of “drawing a line in the sand which we will then firmly tell the Chinese they cannot cross.”
That autumn, Jackson and his national security team worked hard on devising a strategy to stop the Chinese advance across the region. They ultimately decided to reinforce South Vietnam and bring Cambodia and Thailand into the US sphere of influence. They would also keep a close eye on Burma, watching for any sign of Chinese involvement there. The Americans assumed that Chiang wouldn’t target Burma until he had secured Thailand and the countries of former French Indochina first.

Securing support from Thailand proved to be the easy part. Jackson dispatched Rusk to the Thai capital Bangkok to negotiate a deal with the government headed by Prime Minister Sarit Thanarat. In exchange for Thailand becoming an open ally of the United States, Rusk told Sarit that his country would receive generous American aid in the form of arms shipments, the deployment of 500 U.S. Marines to the Thai-Lao border, and economic development assistance. Bangkok, not wanting to be absorbed into Nanjing’s sphere of influence, readily agreed to form an alliance with Washington. Cambodia on the other hand required a hard-line approach. Jackson was determined not to allow Cambodia to fall to the Chinese as well, since losing that country would completely isolate South Vietnam. He authorized CIA Director John McCone to orchestrate a coup against the government in Phnom Penh. Why, you ask? The answer is because the government there had rendered itself wholly unacceptable to the Americans. Cambodia at the time was ruled by Norodom Sihanouk, a monarch who also served as an on-and-off Prime Minister. Sihanouk had been for months sending signals to Nanjing that he was interested in integrating his country into their sphere of influence, believing that doing so would be beneficial to him in the long run. With Sihanouk wanting to make his country an ally of China, the CIA was ordered to get rid of him and replace him with a pro-US leader who would steer Cambodia away from Chiang. Codenamed Operation Matas, the Laos-triggered CIA coup succeeded in toppling Sihanouk from power and replacing him with a new regime which halted Phnom Penh's slide into the Chinese camp. Like in Laos, the monarchy in Cambodia was then abolished. However, the deposed leader refused to roll over and play dead in the wake of the coup against him. He was able to flee the country and went into exile in China, where he was received with open arms by Chiang himself. The Chinese proceeded to use him for propaganda purposes, portraying the former monarch as a rightful leader who was driven out of his country by American imperialists who were subjugating the Asian people and building a Western Empire in the Eastern World.

(Sihanouk at around the time of Operation Matas, the CIA-engineered coup which removed him from power)
While using the carrot-and-stick approach to secure post-Laos cooperation from Thailand and Cambodia, Jackson also moved to shore up the Diem regime in South Vietnam. Unlike his predecessor John Sparkman, the President wasn’t hesitant in supporting Diem. He regarded the fact that the South Vietnamese leader was "America’s guy" to be more important than the details of his autocratic anti-democratic rule. Sparkman had - with reservations - supplied South Vietnam with military weapons, financial aid, and six hundred military advisers who would help train that country’s military force. To deal with the mounting danger that the government in Saigon would collapse due to growing anti-Diem pressure, Scoop authorized the increasing of financial aid as well as taking the dramatic step of sending American forces into the country to bolster her defense. He ordered the Pentagon to have 8,000 troops on the ground in South Vietnam by the end of 1962, followed by a doubling to 16,000 troops by the end of 1963. By doing so, the United States would be sending a message to the Vietcong, North Vietnam, and China that she stood squarely behind her. American involvement in Vietnam, which had begun during Dewey's tenure, was about to be escalated by Jackson.

(As part of the US military build-up, the first army helicopters arrived in South Vietnam in the spring of 1962. They would become the main form of transportation there)
 
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J.J.Jameson

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It Begins. Also a Tricky Dick Presidency in 64' seems possible.
 

H.Appleby

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Awww? Abolishing the Cambodian monarchy? You truly have no heart.

In any event, what we need now is Vang Pao.
 

Kurt_Steiner

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Well, and thus the show begins...

It's a long way to Ia Drang, it's a long way to go...
 

AbeLincoln1865

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I already PM'ed Nate, but I decided to post this here as well. I was trying to download frvp’s The Vietnam War version 4.9 Mod. Anyhow I get this error message after installation when I clicked on single player: --- ERROR : (ScenarioInfo Unexpected field) 'U72 = {' Line = 17 file = scenario/vn.eug

frvp got banned so I decided to ask you guys for help. Any suggestions?
 

H.Appleby

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I already PM'ed Nate, but I decided to post this here as well. I was trying to download frvp’s The Vietnam War version 4.9 Mod. Anyhow I get this error message after installation when I clicked on single player: --- ERROR : (ScenarioInfo Unexpected field) 'U72 = {' Line = 17 file = scenario/vn.eug

frvp got banned so I decided to ask you guys for help. Any suggestions?

Be careful about reading this AAR, look what happened to me!

As to the actual question, I have no clue.