Chapter XVII: When Gandhi met Churchill
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10th of January 1945 – 6th of December 1946
10th of January 1945, London, Greater United Kingdom.
Ever since 1941, restoration efforts in Britain coincided with large scale reforms of the GUK and the British Empire. Shortly after the end of the War of Homecoming, King Edward VIII and the Canadian government instated the British Reconstruction Authority with the goal of eliminating all traces of more than fifteen years of syndicalist rule. A short-lived civilian provisional government, led by Winston Churchill, oversaw the smooth return of the British aristocracy from Canada and called for General Elections in December 1941. Some politicians, particularly those on the far-right, advocated to ban any socialist party, even Labour, from running. Instead, the provisional government only banned candidates with official ties to the Union of Britain, allowing Labour to participate, yet as a somewhat amputated party. As a result, Winston Churchill and the Conservatives won a landslide victory, now controlling both the Canadian and the British government, with Churchill even being PM in both nations. On New Year’s Day of 1942, the Kingdom of Canada and the British Reconstruction Authority formally united under a federal Greater United Kingdom, allowing more funds to flow from Canada to Britain to help in the reconstruction effort. In the following years, Churchill worked hard to kickstart the British economy and simultaneously prevent syndicalist resistance. Especially small family businesses reaped the benefit from the sudden inflow of money. Churchill also attracted major Canadian and American corporations to invest in Britain’s destroyed infrastructure and industry. Within months, the heavily destroyed industry in North England was slowly being rebuilt. In the wake of the coming war with Germany, priority was given to the military industrial complex. Britain’s involvement in the war was fairly limited compared to Canadian, French and Belgian efforts and mainly focused on producing equipment for the soldiers on the front. In 1943, the British Reconstruction Authority was officially ended thanks to Churchill’s efforts, combined with regular anti-syndicalist broadcasts on the BBC and a slow economic revival. By 1945, several voices within the British Empire called for a new Imperial Conference with the prospect of strengthening and institutionalizing the ties between the dominions. But first, Churchill focused on finishing the war effort and on establishing a new international organisation. During the Tripartite War, prominent political leaders within NATO had advocated for the founding of an international peacekeeping organisation. Inspired by Woodrow Wilson’s political memoires, people like Winston Churchill and Quentin Roosevelt called for a “League of Nations” which united all nations in the world. As early as October 1943, during a conference in Moscow, the Greater UK, the US and Russia signed a declaration in preparation of the organisation. Eventually the new ideas made their way to India and Gandhi was excited for the idea. The years before the war were characterized by the total collapse of diplomatic relations between nations. Future historians would even call the early 20th century a second Thirty Years’ War. The world needed an international platform where diplomacy could prevail over war and violence. As it currently stood, Churchill, Roosevelt and Savinkov envisioned a United Nations where a council of the world’s most powerful countries would act as policemen. This ‘Security Council’ would consist of five permanent members, each with a right to veto, and ten non-permanent members. At the moment, Russia, the United States and the Greater United Kingdom would all hold a permanent seat. That left two spots up for discussion. Churchill had already made it clear that the Kingdom of France would also get a permanent seat. The US tried to get Brazil as a permanent member, but was opposed by Russia, who would much rather have France than Brazil, which was solidly in America’s sphere of influence. That left one spot open. Currently, both China and India could claim that position, as both had been invited on several occasions by the ‘Big Three’ to discuss the matter. Russia was leaning towards supporting China, as they were natural allies in the still ongoing war with Japan. But opposing ambitions of the two nations in East Asia could drive a wedge between Russia in China in the future. Gandhi expected that convincing Savinkov wouldn’t be that hard. Convincing Churchill on the other hand was a whole other matter. While on a state visit to the Greater United Kingdom, Gandhi would have the opportunity to talk to Churchill in person.
Gandhi was quite popular among the working classes in London. His socialist policies were seen as a good alternative to the banned syndicalist ideology in Britain.
Churchill was quite known for his opposition, some would even call it hatred, against Gandhi. Churchill famously opposed the Lucknow Summit. In his words, it “was alarming to see Mr. Gandhi, a seditious Middle Temple lawyer, now posing as a fakir of a type well known in the East, striding half-naked up the steps of the Viceregal Palace, while he is still organising and conducting a defiant campaign of civil disobedience as leader of the Bengalese Syndicalists, to parley on equal terms with the representative of the King-Emperor”. Luckily for the Indians, it was Edward VIII who gave his approval to the talks and allowed Jinnah’s government to negotiate a deal with the Commune. When the final deal was made public, Churchill said that he was “against this surrender to Gandhi. I am against these conversations and agreements between Mr. Jinnah and Mr. Gandhi. Gandhi stands for the expulsion of Britain from India. Gandhi stands for the permanent exclusion of British trade from India. Gandhi stands for the substitution of Brahmin domination for British rule in India. You will never be able to come to terms with Gandhi". In the end, Churchill was wrong. Not only, because trade with Britain/Canada continued, but also because Gandhi chose for cooperation instead of conflict and confrontation with the British Empire. Gandhi was aware of Churchill’s opinion about him, but still wanted to arrange a meeting between the two statesmen. In a letter, Gandhi wrote: “Dear Prime Minister, You are reported to have a desire to crush the simple 'naked fakir' as you are said to have described me. I have been long trying to be a fakir and that naked - a more difficult task. I, therefore, regard the expression as a compliment though unintended. I approach you then as such and ask you to trust and use me for the sake of your people and mine and through them those of the world.” With much reluctance, Churchill accepted Gandhi’s request and invited him to his residency in Downing Street 10. Gandhi went to the meeting with an open mind. He knew that the only way to get Churchill on board was to show that India and its people weren’t the enemy of Britain and the Greater United Kingdom.
“Prime Minister, it is a pleasure meeting you again”, Gandhi said, referring to their previous encounter in 1906 when Churchill was still undersecretary of state for the colonies and Gandhi was still a lawyer.
Churchill mumbled something between his lips, which were holding his signature cigar in place: “Pleasure to meet you, Mr. Gandhi. Never thought you would become a statesman.”
Gandhi smiled and said: “Neither did I, but fate called upon me to unite the people of India.”
Churchill laughed at that and said: “Leading a country is not just something that happens to you overnight. And excuse me for saying so, but the Indian nation does not exist. There is no such thing as a unified Indian people. I believe your elections results have made that quite clear.”
Gandhi did his best to not be offended by that and said: “Naturally I must disagree. From North to South and East to West, wherever you go, you find the yearning for freedom.”
“Yes, that yearning for freedom clearly showed itself when your government denied the right of Kashmir and Gujarat to secede and join the Deccan Federation”, Churchill replied.
Gandhi was becoming quite annoyed, a rare occurrence, and said: “Look Prime Minister, I have not come to argue.”
“Then why did you come?”, Churchill interjected.
“I came here to discuss with you the future of peace,” Gandhi said, “This world needs an international organization to stand guarantee for non-violence. Prime Minister, I want you to know that India is your best guarantee for peace in Asia.”
Churchill saw straight through Gandhi’s words and said: “You want India to have the fifth permanent seat in the Security Council, don’t you?”
Gandhi sighed and said: “This is not just about that position. If you grant China the seat, I fear that peace will not prevail in our part of the world. Their rivalry with Japan over control of the East and South China Seas will not disappear with the impending Japanese defeat. And their rivalry with Russia over Eastern China and Mongolia will only grow bigger once the war ends. India is friendly with all its neighbours and is the best guarantee for a stable Security Council.”
“Mr. Gandhi, I see your point, but once Japan is defeated, their quarrel with China will no longer be something that stands in the way of peace and stability. President Roosevelt and I agree on that”, Churchill said.
“If I may be honest, Prime Minister, I think the President would much rather have a neutral India in the Security Council than a China who leans towards Russia”, Gandhi said.
Churchill wasn’t convinced and replied: “Earlier, you just said that Russia and China had conflicting interests and now you say they’re in cahoots with each other. Mr. Gandhi, you need to make up your mind.”
“Look, Prime Minister, Chinese foreign policy is as unpredictable as their Emperor,” Gandhi said, clearly annoyed by Churchill’s paternalistic tone, “What I’ve learned from the past couple of years is that if China had to make a choice between Russia and the West, they’d prefer going with the power that guarantees the survival of their political system. As long as the Emperor holds on to his autocratic powers, he has no interest in aligning China with a West that calls for universal democracy and protection of human rights. Russia, on the other hand, for the past ten or so years, is firmly under the control of an autocratic ruler who has shown no remorse in dealing with democratic opposition.”
Churchill put out his cigar and looked at the Mahatma. “What guarantee do we have that India will be a reliable partner of the Greater United Kingdom going forward?”, the Prime Minister asked.
Gandhi, finally pleased that Churchill decided to drop his aggressive tone, smiled and asked: “Prime Minister, can you tell me who NATO’s biggest supplier of steel is?”
“I believe that must be India”, Churchill said kind of reluctantly.
Gandhi smiled and said: “Exactly. I think it has been proven already that India and its people are mature enough to take up their role on the international stage. It is my understanding that the British Empire is planning to hold another Imperial Conference.”
“Yes, that is correct”, Churchill said.
“The agreements made in Lucknow meant that India was no longer a Dominion and therefore no longer part of the British Empire. However that doesn’t mean that India can’t be an observer state and maintain friendly relations with the Empire”, Gandhi explained.
“You want India to be represented in the Imperial Conference?”, Churchill asked.
The Mahatma nodded and said: “Yes, the Empire still has a lot to offer for India and India still has a lot to offer for the Empire. I think that there’s still plenty of deals to be made between our two nations.”
Churchill lit another cigar and looked at Gandhi, briefly thinking about offering the Indian a glass of whiskey and a cigar of his own. “Mr. Gandhi, I think President Roosevelt and I will be delighted to meet you again in San Francisco in a couple of months,” Churchill said, “Until then I will consider your proposal regarding the Security Council and discuss it with the US President. Enjoy your stay in London and if you need anything, don’t hesitate to give my secretary a call.”
And with that, Churchill said his goodbyes to the Mahatma. Gandhi left the Prime Minister’s residence with a smile on his face, while he was greeted by members of the British and Indian press, eager to know of what happened inside. If only they knew…
The Mahatma Gandhi at Downing Street 10 in London, just after his meeting with Prime Minister Winston Churchill.
24th of June 1945, San Francisco, United States of America.
The idea of a League of Nations became tangible as invitations were sent around the world to attend the United Nations Conference on International Organizations in San Francisco. Gandhi and many other world leaders would personally meet and discuss the path of peace, while Germany had already capitulated and fighting still went on in East Asia. On the opening day Winston Churchill held a most iconic speech about the United Nations: “[…] We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can someday be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon the rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two recent wars, I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.” Churchill was welcomed by the people of San Francisco as a true herald of peace. Even though the city had been subject of a Canadian siege no less than ten years ago, hundreds of people came out to see the former Canadian and current British Prime Minister.
Winston Churchill as he is being driven around San Francisco.
The other true herald of peace in San Francisco at the time was Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, the President of the Republic of India. The Mahatma had chosen to personally attend the Conference in the United States. For Gandhi it was the first time that he visited the US and for many Americans, it was the first time that they could see the leader of an Asian country. For Gandhi, the Conference would not only be an occasion to celebrate peace and international cooperation, but also an occasion to lead India onto the international stage. His meeting with Churchill a few months ago had been quite productive, as he had received word that President Roosevelt was considering to back India instead of China and wished to meet the Mahatma in person.
A huge crowd in San Francisco trying to get a glimpse of the Mahatma Gandhi.
Quentin Roosevelt was the youngest President in US history, only 21 on the day of his election. As a grandson of President Teddy Roosevelt, Quentin was assisted by a whole team of political experts. While Roosevelt officially identified as a Progressive Republican, his Administration consisted of both Republicans and Democrats, in an effort to unite the nation after the bloody 2nd American Civil War. As a result, Quentin’s Vice-President was a Democrat; Robert Wagner and would remain so until his death in 1953. Today, two days before the final draft would be signed by 35 or so governments, the identity of the fifth member of the Security Council was still kept a secret. Secretly, Roosevelt, Churchill and Savinkov had already made a deal in the last couple of months. Instead of China, India would become the fifth and final permanent member of the Security Council. In return, the US would drop its request of having Brazil as a permanent member and Russia would be allowed to establish a puppet state in Korea. Roosevelt had invited Gandhi to a meeting to break the news to him. “President Gandhi, it is an honour to meet you here on this glorious occasion. I hope the Californian sun hasn’t been too harsh for you”, Quentin Roosevelt said. “The honour is all mine, Mr. President. And don’t worry about the sun, I’m used to a lot more tropical weather than this”, Gandhi replied. The two Presidents continued with their small talk for a while until Roosevelt moved on to the subject of the United Nations Conference: “President Gandhi, I think you will be pleased to know that we have agreed on India as the 5th permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. I hope that your nation is fully on board of our concept of policemen guarding the international peace.” Gandhi smiled and said: “I am very pleased with this news, Mr. President. India and its people will take up their role as guarantor of peace with pleasure and proudness.” Both Presidents continued to talk about the upcoming ceremony where the United Nations would be officially founded and its members would sign its Charter.
The young President Quentin Roosevelt.
26th of June 1945, San Francisco, United States of America.
It was a momentous day for the international community. No less than 37 countries had sent representatives to San Francisco to sign the Charter of the United Nations. Never before in the history of mankind were so many people from so many different countries present in one room. If one were to take a group photo of this moment, one could spot the Presidents of India and America, the Prime Minister of Britain and delegations from East Africa, Arabia, China and many other non-Western nations. The ceremony, held in the Veterans’ War Memorial Building, took several hours, as delegations from all participating countries were each called to the front to sign the Charter. After everyone signed, US President Quentin Roosevelt closed the ceremony with a speech in which he addressed the world. The United Nations was officially founded and Gandhi’s India had a major role to play in it.
L. S. St. Laurent, Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada, signing the UN Charter.
The UN at the moment of its founding: founding members in light blue, protectorates and territories of the founding members in dark blue. Permanent members of the Security Council have the UN logo on the map (USA, GUK, France, Russia and India).
3rd of September 1945, Delhi, India.
Gandhi had just read the report from his delegation at the Imperial Conference in London. It looked like London and Ottawa had extended their influence across their former Empire. The old British Empire became officially known as the Imperial Commonwealth, with the Greater United Kingdom (and its African colonies), the Caribbean Federation, the South African Federation and the Australasian Confederation all being founding members, while India remains on the side line as an observer member. With the formation of this Imperial Commonwealth also came the creation of several supranational governing bodies. One of those was the Imperial Marketing Board, tasked with coordinating the overall economy and trade within the Commonwealth. One of its first policies was working towards a monetary union. The founding members of the Commonwealth all agreed on having a common currency by 1960. This monetary union would become known as the Sterling Area and would later serve as an inspiration and an example for the Eurozone. India chose to remain out of the Sterling Area, for obvious reasons. Having control over their own monetary policy was a powerful tool for the Indian government, one they wouldn’t want to give to bureaucrats in London or Ottawa. In the Final Declaration of the Imperial Conference, the GUK, Australasia, the Caribbean Federation and South Africa all agreed to the so called system of Imperial Preference; prioritizing internal Commonwealth trade over external trade. Due to India’s observer state, however, an exception was made towards the Asian country, to insure the survival of the already quite extensive trade networks between India and the Commonwealth.
Supranational organisations founded in the 1940s. In red: Imperial Commonwealth (observer states in pink and colonies in greyish red), in blue: European Organization for Peace and Reconstruction (°1946) which would later become the Western European Union (°1955) (colonies in greyish blue).
6th of December 1946, Saigon, Deutsch Ostasien.
The first real challenge for the young United Nations Organization came from South-East Asia, where a remnant of the German Empire still remained untouched. Deutsch Ostasien was a curious case in history. After the French defeat in the First Weltkrieg, French Indochina was handed over to Germany and was combined with the German Pacific colonies into Deutsch Ostasien. During the 1920s, a violent uprising led by Ho Chi Minh tried to throw out the Germans, but without any success and resulting only in the death of Ho Chi Minh. Civil unrest, however, didn’t stop there and in several places, a guerrilla warfare continued. This constant unrest resulted to the fact that Deutsch Ostasien never officially joined the war against NATO or China. However, Siam and (Belgo-Dutch) Indonesia did seize some territory during the war, when another violent revolution broke out against German rule. With the war now fully over, the various factions in Indochina have organized themselves and are looking for foreign support. While the southern part of Indochina remains firmly under control of the German Imperial remnant, the northern part has declared itself independent as the Democratic Republic of Indochina, in reality a syndicalist state. Both sides are relatively isolated, with the Germans hoping to get Russian support for a German/Prussian led puppet state in the region. The DRI on the other hand is looking towards India for support and volunteers. In the meantime, China has proposed a resolution to the UN, asking for an intervention in Indochina which would allow the Chinese to set up their own puppet government. Gandhi was quite annoyed with the whole situation. There was no real incentive on both sides of the conflict to negotiate over a peace deal. Besides, NATO would much rather see the Germans entirely gone from the region. But NATO also didn’t want another syndicalist government coming to power, fearing the consequences for their own rule in Africa. The current situation in the UN looked as following: the US, GUK and France would all support an intervention in Indochina, but only on the condition that a NATO-led invasion would be initiated from the south, to prevent the syndicalists from gaining territory in the region. Meanwhile, the Chinese would be allowed to invade from the north to get rid of the syndicalists. Russia, however, did not want Indochina to fall in either China’s or NATO’s sphere of influence and decided to veto the resolution. As a result, the UN stood by powerless while the US Congress and the Imperial Council of the Commonwealth agreed to provide equipment to non-syndicalist rebels in Indochina. Gandhi, already quite old and tired at this point, allowed official Indian support to the DRI by approving the transport of equipment to Hanoi through Burma.
The Indochinese War would last from 1945 to 1973, when German diplomat Heinz Kissinger and Indochinese President Thich Nhat Hanh signed the Berlin Agreement, where the Federal Republic of Germany would repatriate soldiers who fought for the Imperial remnant, but allowed Indochina to trial leaders and generals who led the remnant during the war.
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And with this chapter, we have come at the end of this AAR, unfortunately. But do not fear, I still have an epilogue for you guys and some 'Post-Credit Scenes' hinting at future events for this timeline. I will also release a short-story set in this universe this week or the next one. Hope you will all enjoy it!