Chapter II: At Cambria’s Call (1938)
The flag of the Principality of Wales, 1938
The flag of the Principality of Wales, 1938
The fourth and final state established by the Treaty of Aberdeen, the unique circumstances of the Welsh meant that the Principality of Wales would be very different from her sister nations on the British isle. Even the Canadians objected only very weakly to the establishment of Wales as a sovereign country, knowing the difficulties which integrating it would pose. Already, prior to the British Revolution, Wales had been a bastion of leftism and trade unionism and the events at Tarenni Colliery -- the massacre of striking miners which set off the Revolution -- solidified its reputation now as ‘the birthplace of freedom’. Deeply proud of their role in the Revolution the Welsh participated enthusiastically in the work of the Trade Union Congress and the local councils, and this enthusiasm had been crucial in elevating Niclas y Glais to the national stage as opposed to remaining a regional potentate. Such an unsavoury ideological history required France to be more flexible than they had otherwise considered in Scotland, and indeed more flexible than either the Canadians or Germans would have contemplated, and would lead to a Trade Unionist and a Bolshevik both serving in His Highness’ Government in 1938. Designated as the Undersecretary for British Affairs, Pierre-Etienne Flandin was a conservative French politician tasked with the management of Wales and Scotland under French suzerainty and advocated to the Emperor that they maintain "un toucher doux, où les Gallois sont concernés” -- a soft touch, where the Welsh are concerned.
Wary of provoking an already resentful population (unlike Scotland or Canadian Britain, Wales had its fair share of partisan militants and the French weren’t interested in the German policy of simply burning ‘unreliable’ neighbourhoods to the ground) Flandin recommended a policy of reconciliation rather than strident desyndicalisation and a more limited constitutional role for the monarchy than had been envisioned. The monarchy itself was a controversial topic as well, pitting various forces against one another in the race to the crown. The French themselves had intended on offering the Welsh crown to the Napoleonic pretender Joachim, Prince Murat, in pretense Joachim VII of Naples. One of the most prominent noblemen of the Third Empire he was considered a prime choice for the position, balancing out the two monarchs from the House of FitzJames-Stuart and giving the French a ‘lock’ on the island. This plan was swiftly picked up on by the Abwehr and was stridently opposed by the Germans and their affection for the lovingly calibrated status-quo. While initially Algiers had little care for the objections of such ‘hommes idiots comme les Allemands’ their eye toward German cooperation in a Second Weltkrieg soon forced them to reconsider, urged on by a Germanophile contingent at court led by Napoleon VI’s own sister Marie Clotilde. Protracted negotiations would result in the nomination of a most unexpected candidate: His Majesty King Rupprecht of Bavaria.
King Rupprecht of Bavaria
Rupprecht’s nomination to the Welsh crown, and his later acceptance of the same, stands out in the annals of German history as a decisive moment in the process of centralising the Empire. Prior to 1938 the relations between the Kaiser and the various German monarchs who owed him fealty was closer to a primus inter pares understanding and the Kaiser himself did little to affect this balance. Although the powers of the various kingdoms, principalities, and duchies in relation to the Imperial government had always been inferior on the issue of the Royals themselves it was understood that Wilhelm was Emperor only insofar as he was King of Prussia, and that he had no power whatsoever to compel the other monarchs to his will. That changed with Rupprecht’s nomination. Widely considered the most able of royal commanders during the Weltkrieg and immensely popular with the Bavarian people Rupprecht was nevertheless on the outs with the Kaiser’s court in Berlin, and had been for some time. A ruthless critic of the inadequacies of his colleagues during the war as well as a fierce opponent to some of the Heer’s more… disciplinarian tendencies with the civilian populations Rupprecht quickly made himself unpopular with his peers and with the military government in Berlin and this was not forgotten even long after the war. With the creation of a newly-unclaimed crown the ageing Kaiser saw an opportunity to finally sideline the Bavarian monarch and have his revenge for being embarrassed by such criticism -- Wilhelm not being one to forget an insult.
When news of his nomination by Berlin hit the papers it was the first he had heard of the news, and he was apoplectic. Furious telegram after telegram flowed into the Stadtschloss protesting to the Kaiser, pontificating on the self-evident lunacy of a Welsh-Bavarian personal union, and repeatedly rejecting the nomination as was his right. The Kaiser for his part took this in stride and gazetted a proclamation that he had on, on the advice of his oathed vassal, accepted the offer of the Welsh crown extended by Algiers and furthermore directed the Bavarian Senate to promulgate his abdication. This dropped a bomb on the German political scene and provoked outrage amongst the princes of Germany many of whom (not the least of which was Rupprecht himself) threatening to secede from the Empire. Eventually the Imperial Government was forced to deploy the Reichsarmee to Munich, Dresden, and Stuttgart to head off the threat of rebellion and Rupprecht was forced to accept his abdication and take up the Welsh crown; his young daughter Irmingard becoming Queen of Bavaria under the aegis of a regency council. The princes were also summoned to Berlin and made to swear a new oath of loyalty to the Kaiser as much of the country remained under military rule.
Members of the German Reichsarmee marching down a Bavarian street, having been deployed domestically for 'peacekeeping' purposes
Rupprecht for his part glumly departed to Cardiff. Reigning as Sovereign Prince Rupert of Wales he decided in the tense climate to forego a coronation in favour of a low-key ‘investiture’ at St John the Baptist Church, which was all for the better as he spoke very little English (and naturally no Welsh) and was able to avoid the human interaction a larger ceremony would have required. Though deeply displeased with his new role the Prince was made of a stern constitution and a firm German sense of duty and duly took to his affairs with as much enthusiasm as he could bear to muster. As they had with Scotland, upon entering Wales the French had taken care to ingratiate themselves with the existing nationalist movement, but found it in a much different state. Welsh nationalism at the time of the Revolution, though heavily influenced by leftist thought, was also firmly bound up in the Nonconformist Christian tradition in Wales and had strong conservative elements -- indeed, many simply wished for home-rule under the banner of the United Kingdom instead of independence. The main nationalist organisation at the time of the Revolution was the newly-formed Plaid Genedlaethol Cymru (National Party of Wales, often known as just Plaid Cymru), a hodgepoge of various movements such as the Home-Rule Army and the Welsh Movement; and was led by a triumvirate of Huw Robert Jones, a radical nationalist without leftist ties, Lewis Valentine, a left-leaning Baptist pastor, and Saunders Lewis, an aristocratic reactionary and self-described ‘strong monarchist’. This combination was deeply unamenable to the new order in the Union of Britain and Plaid Cymru was proscribed as ‘an enemy element against the Proletariat’ soon after the three men were arrested on false charges.
It was only in 1932 that the ‘Cymru Three’ were released from prison due to the rising influence of Niclas y Glais and even afterward their organisation remained banned as they sank into peaceful obscurity. The arrival of the French however turned things on their head and the traditionalist Saunders Lewis immediately made himself indispensable to the occupying forces, broadcasting entreaties in flawless Welsh that the French be cooperated with. Whether these broadcasts actually worked or not they assured Lewis of a position in the new regime and Prince Rupert duly appointed him as the first Prime Minister of Wales upon his arrival in the country. The hopes of Valentine and Jones were dashed however. In order to quiet dissent it was announced that, conditional upon their taking an oath to ‘preserve and defend the good order and governance of the Principality of Wales’ leftists would be appointed to the government and the French policy of purges would be rescinded through a general amnesty for all who took the oath. The Provisional Government of 1938 stood then with Saunders Lewis as Prime Minister, noted Bolshevik Idris Cox as Foreign Secretary, and famed trade unionist Harry Pollitt as Home Secretary. This unstable working trio managed to calm the situation to a degree as Cox and Pollitt’s presence served to legitimise the credentials of the new government but a pervasive sense of insecurity persisted. In the dry prediction of the Prime Minister in his diary ‘life in Wales will henceforth be very interesting’.
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