Of the nations in the South American syndicalist alliance, Venezuela was by far the most aggressive. Despite its population's reluctance to enter a war so far to the south, Venezuela did not hesitate to support Brazil when La Plata attacked. With the collapse of the Entente, Venezuela threatened with the Caribbean Federation with war over western Guyana. Charles VIII, holding station with his massive fleet just off the coast of Venezuela, didn't take the threat seriously. Venezuela had superiority on the ground despite its forces fighting in Brazil, and declared war on the Caribbean Federation.
After the decimation years of war dealt to Japan's navy, the Admiralty called for additional warship production. Justifying the expense, Fujita Hisanori argued that a second transport fleet was necessary to retain operational flexibility with Japan's additional commitments in the Americas. Despite the considerable naval construction already taking place, Fujita pressed the point, pointing out the benefits Japan's army enjoyed during the war against Germany because of the navy's ability to rapidly land troops on any coast.
Pointing to the difficulty the Republican Navy faced forcing a landing against the threat of the Luftwaffe, Fujita advocated a heavy light carrier escort. Despite having decks too short for bombers, light carriers were preferred for the reduced fleet vulnerability they provided: the lost of one carrier wouldn't cripple the entire fleet's air defense. The planned transport fleet consisted of eight larger ships: five light carriers and three semi-modern heavy cruisers. Equipped with advanced fire control, a strong torpedo armament, and thicker armor than normal cruisers, the new Tone-B heavy cruisers discarded the ability to carry seaplanes for the extra armor and a better spread of torpedoes for strong surface combat capability. Japanese engineers swore they'd be the most dangerous heavy cruisers on the high seas. Which fit their role as escorts for a major transport fleet: to attack and destroy any surface threat smaller that a major enemy task force.
The transport fleet's escort vessels would consist of numerous destroyers equipped with anti-air armament. The destroyers would be hopefully be able to disrupt air attacks on the cruisers and the troop transports, neither of which carried significant anti-air armament. Ten destroyers, five light carriers, and three heavy cruisers would escort sufficient transports to carry twelve divisions. The new troop transport design was also significantly upgraded.
{Japan planned sufficient light ships for two transport fleets, with five extra destroyers and four extra transports to replace light ship losses. Her planners were uncertain whether nor not a second new transport fleet would ultimately be constructed.}
Nor did Fujita stop there. He also advocated construction of new "Open Seas" task forces. While acknowledging the heroic efforts of the Chinese navy in protecting Japan's convoys, Fujita argued that fleets suitable for controlling rear-area or low-priority seas would be necessary if Japan wanted to become a naval power truly capable of global influence. He planned on task forces consisting of three heavy cruisers for surface fighting capability, paired with five destroyers equipped with anti-submarine equipment to prevent submarine attacks on either the small fleets or convoys. This sort of small fleet would be perfect for securing areas like the seas around the Home Islands or the Indian Ocean, where large enemy surface fleets weren't present. Though the planned ships carried little anti-air armament, the task forces weren't expected to operate near enemy air fields or engage enemy carriers.
Unlike the escorts for the transport fleet, these heavy cruisers would follow the original Tone design. Carrying torpedoes as well as fire control to benefit their naval guns, they had the same offensive capabilities. But they kept to the original design to include sea planes to scout for enemy raiders and submarines alike, considered more important in a rear-area capacity than additional applique armor.
{The IJN Chikuma from the air.}
The winter proceeded peacefully in most of the Japanese Empire, though Japanese newspapers and indeed the public were skeptical of Japan's decision to occupy so much of North America. The government responded by pointing to the end of industrial shortages and the massive stockpiles of iron and oil the government was preparing on the Home Islands as a reaction to the shortages it had suffered in the war. The lack of another independent America on the Pacific coast wasn't popular in the major population centers, however: anti-Japanese sentiment rose in San Francisco, Los Angeles, Portland, Seattle, and Vancouver. Japan responded by increasing orders from factories in the "land of the setting sun" and investing heavily in reconstruction, particularly in Vancouver and San Diego, in the hopes that continued prosperity would ease transitional problems. The occupation government also made it clear to English-language newspapers that they expected front pages to carry at least as many ordinary news stories as news items about public protests by Americans.
While anti-occupation protests were a constant sight on city streets in the American west, even in Salt Lake City, the constant presence of occupation forces ensured these protests remained non-violent. Japan's tolerance for the traditional use of sidewalks and public walkways to protest undesirable policy seemed to encourage Americans to seek publicity through public visibility rather than acts of terror. And many Westerners seeking to restore their fortunes even sought to work with Japan, some veterans even offering to serve as residents of the Japanese Empire in the army (army-administered Japanese-language tests were notoriously easy to pass when residents applied for citizenship, a policy originally adopted when the army began to recruit Koreans). Many others used their new-found freedom of movement to find work in English-language friendly Burma, Guam, Hawaii, and the Princely Federation.
As Persian defenses crumbled in the face of Turkestan's large armies, Azerbaijan saw the writing on the wall and arranged a separate peace with Turkestan. The big question was whether that peace would hold once the "Caliphate's" armies secured the Iranian plateau and no longer worried about Azerbaijani forces stiffening Persia's defenses.
In Europe, German generals got their wish: a harsh winter froze action on the European battlefields.
A joint Venzeulan-Brazilian task force quickly occupied British Guyana. Edward VIII, realizing he had no desire to use precious fleet supplies defending irrelevant British Guyana, recognized syndicalist gains in exchange for a Brazilian pledge not to invade French Guyana and to respect the independence of Dutch Guyana (thus providing a buffer between French Guyana and Venezuela).
German elections scheduled for spring were canceled by Wilhelm III, citing the continued presence of French forces on the east bank of the Rhine. German diplomats had been busy over the winter. Wilhelm's generals offered tepid promises of gains in a spring offensive: tepid enough to make Wilhelm realize Germany desperately needed to convince more of Central Europe to help the empire stop the French and the British. Though a federal Austro-Hungarian Empire had no desire to suffer the inevitable conscription riots war would bring, the German diplomats hoped the threat of syndicalism - and even future German defeats - would make support of Germany seem necessary.
France, for its part, issued a declaration to Europe stating that any country which allowed soldiers allied to Germany to cross its territory would be considered an enemy of the Internationale. In the hopes the risky declaration wouldn't backfire and increase hostility to France, French diplomats pointedly did not include trade and material support as part of the trigger criteria in that threat.
Spring saw the German and French armies both leaving defensive positions to attack the enemy. But when the two armies re-engaged, it was the Germans that fell back. The French pushed forward along both banks of the Rhine, utilizing their dominant position in Frankfurt-am-Main. Upriver they took Karlsruhe. Downriver they took Neuwied. German diplomats pleaded in friendly capitals for help. In Vienna Emperor Otto had no wish to risk the stability of his own empire to save his German cousin's empire. The Bulgarians offered material support, but no men. Victorious in the Fourth Balkan War, Bulgaria now controlled Serbia and Romania as puppet states and it annexed all of Greece. But rebuilding ravaged Sofia and keeping its new conquests under control occupied the Bulgarian military. With Vienna deciding against aiding Germany, the Polish decision to avoid doing so was nearly inevitable. Only the Ottomans had faith in a German victory. Or perhaps a healthy fear of losing a patron and facing down syndicalism alone.
The Ottoman and Ukrainian fleets worked together with the remnants of the German Mediterranean fleet to slowly transport Ottoman forces across the Black sea to Odessa. Ukraine kept its own army on its eastern border, but it opened its rail network to the Ottomans. Poland and White Ruthenian borders remained closed. But trains carrying Ottoman forces moved through Galicia-Lodomeria. At least until the troop trains reached the Przemysl gate. Hungarian forces crossed the border and marched north into Przemysl, with orders to stop the trains. With guns leveled at Turkish forces watching tensely from the cars of the first trains attempting to cross through the city, the Hungarian troops ordered the trains' engineers to reverse course and head back to the Ukraine. Ottoman officers ordered the engineers to do no such thing. The stand-off lasted six hours. More trains arrived in Przemysl carrying Ottoman forces, some of whom started to disembark from the trains. But the arrival of three more Hungarian divisions allowed a show of force, with a dense mass of Hungarian soldiers surrounding the Przemysl rail depot. The Ottomans blinked, and told the engineers to turn their trains around.
Germany stood alone. And the Ottomans allowed themselves to be distracted by the arrival of Central Asian Turks on their borders rather than use power politics to try and open a land route to Germany. Turkestan, despite difficulties finishing the war in Persia, declared war on the Don-Kuban Union. Hoping to liberate Grozny and other Muslim lands north of the Caucasus, the "Caliphate" succeeded largely in notifying the world of its bloodthirsty leadership.
After winning his game of chicken with the exiled Edward VIII, Juan Bautista Fuenmayor (President of Venezuela) boldly predicted that one day the syndicalist alliance in America would eventually control all of South America and even extend the revolution out into the Caribbean. The speech proved popular in Caracas and Rio de Janeiro. It rallied the tired syndicalist forces struggling against La Plata in the south. And it gave warning to democratic governments like Cuba that they had enemies with deadly intentions.
With Germany's failure to find additional allies in Europe, attention turned to the imminent Russian elections. The miracle victory of a right-wing faction could give Germany a potential ally in exchange for major concessions in Eastern Europe - or even simply a government that would allow the passage of Ukrainian and Ottoman divisions. A Menshevik vicotry in the Duma or even a Menshevik-Bolshevik coalition might mean a Russia that declared war on Germany in support of the Internationale.
In the event, socialists won the elections in Russia. But the victors were the most moderate socialist faction: the Social Revolutionaires. With a platform focusing on internal development, few expected Vasily Malakov to prod Russia into a major military commitment.
With no help coming and more and more divisions redeployed to the north to what effectively became a static front, Germany steadily gave ground to the relentless French advance - particularly the feared French armored divisions. First Commune forces secured Cologne and an unbroken front all the way to the Dutch border. Next, Baden-Wurttemburg fell. The retreat had become a full-on rout. By May 6, German citizens living in Munich who looked out from the city's rooftops could see French troops preparing to take the city.
Just as Japan won the war in the Americas, her syndicalist allies stood poised to dominate Europe.