The Little Giant - A Kaiserreich Japan AAR

[unmerged(228389)]

Welcome to this ever-so-glorious Japan AAR!

I will be role-playing a little bit in this AAR, though more so in game-play choices than text, I hope. It should be VERY picture heavy. Hopefully someone will enjoy it! I will be seeking to portray an aggressive, generally anti-colonial, democratic Japan. And by anti-colonial, I mean anti-european. General settings:

KR 1.3
A.I. Aggressiveness: Furious (otherwise a potential late game is more boring - plus more randomness!)
Normal/Normal
Democratic countries can declare war: ON
Full IC in occupied: OFF
Tech Team Takeover: OFF

---------------------------

As the world slumbered in the sleepy 1930s, Japan looked uneasily towards the middle of the twentieth century. She had her moments of past glory. 1905 against the Russians. The capture of Tsingdao during the first Weltkrieg was still celebrated, despite its return to German control in the peace settlement after the German victory.

And the Empire had her moments of success since the end of the first Weltkrieg as well. Intervention in Russia during that country's civil war won Japan a client in Admiral Kolchak, ruler of Vladivostok. Support for General Zheng in the Fengtien Republic gained Japan a valuable trading ally. Yet the might of Germany weighed heavily on the minds of Japan's leading men. Not helping matters were the stagnating industrialization programs and unemployment problems.

Japan had the industrial resources to be a regional power - but nothing more. Minor metal and rare earth reserves in Korea and Manchuria helped bolster Japan's own moderate coal reserves in Hokkaido and Kyushu. Yet it had become obvious that further industrialization would require materials purchased on the world market - a market less and less fluid every year. And in a large part of Japan's 'national' territory, forced Japanese-language education and name change campaigns eroded support for the empire. Koreans resisted being turned into Japanese copies.

Political problems abounded in Japan. Constantly at odds stood Japan's military leaders and the nominally democratic Diet. To make matters worse, each branch of the military had political and tactical factions that could rarely agree on policy - and the Emperor played the role of the wild card, intervening in political affairs at seemingly random intervals. Nor were the Emperor's interventions always in the best interests of a smoothly functioning Empire.

As winter snows claimed 1935, one man stood above the rest of the Japanese political scene in terms of vision and focus: Inukai Tsuyoshi. A veteran of Japanese politics, he had now ruled for some years as Prime Minister of the Emperor's government. Inukai looked to continue to rule Japan for some time, and he intended changes to come to the nation. Too long Japan's factions lurched from one problem to the next opportunity, seeking victory over some rival rather than pursuit of a grand strategy. Inukai sought to change this lack of direction.

Inukai focused not on some minor goal, but on crafting a superior system of government & social co-operation. He could often be heard telling the emperor "Politics are paramount. Maintain political unity, and everything else will follow."

But good intentions do not always mean good results. The strains of supporting a large army in Manchuria and on the borders of Russia forced the Japanese government to bow to the demands of military officers on a regular basis. Whatever Inukai truly wished in terms of democratic government, Japan was becoming more autocratic, teetering on the brink of dictatorship.


(er, actually I clicked on the slider the other way, towards authoritarianism)


Our glorious leader, possessing a vision of a Japan that grows from her small islands to stand astride the world stage.


The wild-card. Politicians, Generals, and Admirals all have to bow to a direct order from the emperor. But he rarely gives them. And what happens when someone says no?

Within Japan's military, critical political divisions often mirrored splits between schools of tactical thought. Within the Imperial Japanese Navy officer core, there was wide agreement about the threats Japan faced: Germany, the United States, the Entente, and Germany.

Japan's navy was the third largest in the world, narrowly behind the naval forces of the isolationist United States of America. Any conflict with the United States could well prove disastrous, with the massive resource an industrial capacity advantage held by the U.S. of A. Add in the potential for naval defeat and Japan could overlook America's colony in the Phillipines. Davao island might be called "Little Japan," and, sure, Japanese residents of the Phillipines outnumbered Americans, but no one wanted to wake the sleeping giant.

As for the navy of the Entente, Canada possessed a capable force - and the officer core necessary to put it to use. But it was hard to imagine the Canadian fleet leaving Atlantic waters. Australasia posed a credible threat as well - but only to shipping lanes.

But what struck fear into the heart of Japanese sailors was the Hochsees Flotte. The might of the German navy. Intelligence estimates suggested Germany's Asian fleet consisted of a large number of capable - if outdated - warships. Not a match for the massed Japanese fleet. But Germany held the Suez, Sri Lanka, and Singapore. She could aways send the pride of the Hochsees Flotte to Asia if she wanted. And still keep a reserve fleet in the North Sea.

Yes, everyone agreed about the threats to Japan. What sparked tempers were the tactics used to meet those threats - and the ship-building contracts given to corporate allies of important admirals. Admirals Yamamoto and Nagano headed the Carrier faction - arguing that new carrier technology and attack aircraft would allow mobile airfields to sail away from enemy ships all the while pounding them with an aerial assault.

Admirals Kaga and Fujita headed the Battleship faction - arguing that even the new attack planes couldn't match the sheer offensive power of a modern battleship. They also pointed out that battleships provided superior support for ground assaults, and that new technology allowed for greater range and detection. With competent sailing, they confidently assured the emperor, battleships would close on and easily destroy enemy carriers.

The army scoffed at naval power in general. Men on the ground held territory and secured the resources necessary to fuel Japan's economy. To grab more colonies they would need men. Sometimes naval men, yes. That's why they backed Admiral Toyoda, who advocated training full-sized divisions of naval assault forces to take beacheads for the army.

Holding the balance of power during peacetime was Grand Admiral Taniguchi, who looked after those pesky little details of maintaining control over the sealanes vital for Japan's merchant marine. A useful man in peacetime to be sure, but surely in a major war the navy would have to decide: battleships or carriers?



The proper role of air power was also as-yet undetermined. Currently Admiral Yamamoto held considerable influence over the development of Japan's airforce. Although this had much to do with the proponents of a battleship navy keeping Yamamoto from real control of a more important branch of the military.



Of more interest to the Prime Minister was the proper man to maintain Japan's internal security. Japan currently followed the tried-and-true practice of ruling by terror, brutally crushing any opposition to her control. Yet other factions of Japan's domestic and overseas governments argued that other methods of control might be more useful. Would not an economic focus and loosening of police control lead an occupied populace to happily increase their population? A few charismatic figures argued for the equal worth of all men. These men of the people, though seen as dangerous by Suzuki Kinaburo, pointed to the Japanese diaspora in the Phillipines, America, Brazil, and Peru. Ordinary Japanese people flourished in these countries, often despite racial discrimination. Some even seemed more loyal to their new homeland than to Japan. Perhaps Japan as a state could achieve something similar? Well, not while Suzuki remained in contril.



Oddly enough, it was the assassination of Russia's strongman, Kerensky, that allowed Inukai to break the dam of Japan's politics and force his policies through the gauntlet of opposition in the military and the Diet. A weak leftist coalition won elections in Russia - creating a divided Senate and a state that distrusted military men that might look to take power. This allowed Inukai to successfully argue for a withdrawal of garrisons from the Fengtien Republic and Transamur. The weak and isolationist Russian government needed little convincing to avoid a war in Asia. And Japan well remembered its previous success against poorly supplied Russian armies struggling to maintain unit cohesion far in the east. Bring the troops home, argued Inukai. But what if General Zheng tries to free himself from our control? Then it is best not to have our forces isolated and vulnerable in the cold wastelands of the border, answered Inukai. Politics is paramount. Zheng will stay loyal or he will not. But even a loyal Zheng is worth nothing if Japan spends all her resources looking over her shoulder in Manchuria. And Transamur? Kolchak would never cooperate with a leftist government in Moscow.



Suddenly the generals had troops to move, army groups to reorganize - and a strong desire to find a compelling reason to maintain Japan's very large army. They had a little less time for politics. And Inukai, with a little help from an Emperor trained to think good things when he heard the word 'industry,' pushed his modernization and economic expansion program through the Diet. Japan would build and design new heavy industrial complexes at home. Every province on Honshu, Kyushu, Shikoku, and even Hokkaido would eventually be touched by the program.



The generals howled. They protested. They demanded new brigades, equipment upgrades to current divisions, something to maintain their political power and patronage. Admirals protested at the cancellation of heavy cruiser production, though funding for the Soryu, Japan's first modern carrier, was spared the axe. Inukai handed the generals his grand bargain. His industrialization program would remain in place. The generals and admirals could go conquer another country, and manage its resources for their (and Japan's) benefit. New territory. The generals fell into line.

But before announcing the campaign, the Prime Minister called for a great military demonstration - a display of the technological might of the Japanese armed forces, particularly its Navy and air force. Overseeing the ceremony would be the Emperor itself. Inukai chose Nagasaki for this grand demonstration, to emphasize Japanese triumph over European colonial ambition. Nagasaki, of course, was the sole port the Tokugawa Shogunate allowed to foreign traders before the Americans forced Japan into the modern era.


Japan's sea-and-air parade is organized.


Grand Admiral Taniguchi ceremoniously presented the fleet - all one hundred and eight warships - to the emperor.


The air force flies above, tactical bombers appearing stolidly imposing, nimble interceptor-fighters dancing for the Nagasaki populace, land-sea attack formations showing off the air force's co-ordination.

 

[Milites]

Welcome to the forum, what a way to open a new KR AAR

 

[Jushu]

KR AARs, KR AARs everywhere!

 

[unmerged(228389)]

Thank you for the welcome. Speaking of forum business, I realize my profile is a bit... anonymous. I created it a few years ago intending simply to lurk. But as it turns out I eventually got the urge to post. And I was too lazy to create a new profile .

 

[unmerged(228389)]

Unexpectedly, the emperor decided to take a hand in the internal political conflicts troubling Japan's Navy. Paying more attention to the naval briefing delivered by a minor officer tasked by Taniguchi to the emperor's service, Emperor Hirohito announced surprise appointments to the command of Japan's fleets. Chief among the surprises was the sudden promotion of a promising man from rear admiral to Grand Admiral of Japan's transport fleet. Hirohito heard that Admiral Ozawa had developed new tactics for withdrawing vulnerable army transports from battle - and now the man led Japan's largest fleet. Even if a good portion of it consisted of simple troop transports.


[/url]
[url=http://postimage.org/][img]http://s20.postimg.org/ffl9phtvx/2013_05_02_21_12_27_Darkest_Hour_v_1_02_JPAI.jpg
... and twelve transports.

Hirohito gave Grand Admiral Taniguchi command of Japan's second transport fleet, a command largely honorary given Taniguchi's administrative duties as head of the Navy.




... and eight transports.

The admirals waited with barely concealed impatience to learn who the Emperor would appoint head of Japan's main battle fleet. But the Emperor created two battle fleets! The first, a great battleship fleet featuring the twin flagships of the Japanese Navy, the Tosa and the Kaga. The flagships, Japan's next four relatively modern battleships, and her strong core of semi-modern battlecruisers formed the might of the traditional open seas fleet. It would compete with the Atago, the Akagi and a much more obsolete carrier force. Japan's carriers first saw battle at the siege of Tsingdao, indeed the first carriers anywhere in the world to strike an enemy ship in an act of war. Or try to, at least. Admiral Yamamoto, given a significant command at last, boldly predicted the inferior escort fleet would be of no matter. Modern planes, he promised, would more than make up the difference. Escort ships need only screen the carriers from the approach of an enemy ship. Air-launched torpedoes would do the rest. Perhaps. Command of the battleship fleet went to Admiral Kaga, leading not a few observers to wonder if Hirohito made the appointment just so Admiral Kaga could make the Kaga the flagship of Kaga's fleet.





The Kaga and Tosa lead the primary battle fleet.





... and one more destroyer. The experimental carrier-based fleet.

Admiral Sakonji, the sea wolf, was given command of Japan's sub-surface forces



Admiral Kato, the old veteran of the siege of Tsingdao, took command of Japan's home waters patrol fleet.



The grand parade, and the emperor's surprise re-organization, eventually ended when Japan's fleets sailed back to their home ports. Or in the case of the transport fleets, facilitated the reorganization of the army's forces. In many respects, this event proved more important than any other part of Japan's air-sea military parade. For a brief moment most of Japan's oil-consuming ships and planes were in motion. And even the parade itself made a significant dent in Japan's military oil reserves. Japan's resource problem came to the fore once again. To fight, the admirals and air marshals needed oil.





-------------------------------------------

Battleships or carriers? No, really! In Darkest Hour I'm a big fan of the ability of modern battleships to simply lay waste to an enemy fleet in record time. Not to mention go after sea transports. Yes, they're vulnerable to carriers. But with enough doctrines and a strong admiral (Japan has a good supply of both) battleships can often close with enemy carriers. Which then crumple in record time. I usually go with whatever ship type does well in the early battles. Recently, that's been battleships. We'll see how it goes here. I have a bit of a bias to battleships (funner, less doctrines to research), but a strong victory by one ship type or the other can make the decision for me.

 

[Mr. Capiatlist]

At least one of your posts has more than the allowed limit of 20 images. If you could correct this that would be great, thanks.

 

[unmerged(228389)]

Sorry, I was unaware of the limit. Fixed. (Hopefully adequately.)

 

[unmerged(228389)]

In secret meetings Prime Minister Inukai and Japan's military leaders planned a new course of colonial expansion. The options available proved surprisingly limited. A decision by the German government to expand their already world-leading fleet served as a chilling reminder to avoid attempting to usurp any German colonies. New Guinea, Indochina, any part of China proper, the oil fields of Borneo, and Malaysia were all held by the Germans.

Siam, with its valuable metal reserves, was considered, but quickly rejected. Japan already made good use of Thai metal, purchasing large quantities for relatively low amounts of consumer goods and a little bit of judicious deficit spending. Additionally, Siam was one of few states with a strongly positive relationship with Japan, a relationship resulting from close trade connections and Siam's fear of German colonization.

The Philippines looked like a tempting target, but the United States of America held it as a colony. If the Americans decided to fight... that proved to be an even more frightening concept than a war with Germany. At least Germany had several vulnerable outposts who could be isolated and threatened by the Japanese Navy. No, the Philippines were out of the question.

Indonesia, then? A tempting target, and certainly several generals suggested attacks on the Netherlands' lightly-defended colony. But Prime Minister Inukai vetoed the idea. "Politics is paramount," stated Inukai. The Dutch co-operated closely with the Germans in Europe, and European prejudice would react badly to a European power, however minor, being attacked by an Asian power. The results of the war of 1905 showed how prickly European pride could quickly turn major powers against Japan.

Australia though, Australia was a genuine option. A difficult fight, but a doable one. Assaults on the Australasian navy could prevent its unification with the Canadian navy in time to neutralize effective Entente resistance on the high seas. And Japan's army was much larger than Australasia's, if potentially not as well equipped. Entente reinforcements would be difficult if Japan attained naval supremacy. A Japanese victory in Asia should be the end result of a war with the Entente. But while European politics should keep Germany out of the war - the Entente was nominally hostile to German power, especially its acquisition of a few key British colonies - Japanese politics prevented the move. During the Weltkrieg Japan was allied with the Entente, and a war started by Japan against its former allies would be very unpopular indeed. If not with the general population, then certainly with military and business leaders with ties to the Entente.

What of a land war? Mongolia was an isolated power. Another former ally of Japan's, from the intervention in the Russian Civil War. But not well-regarded, like the Entente. Mongolia was dangerously land-locked, however. With both an uncertain ally in the Fengtien Republic to worry about and opposition from Japanese admirals who would have no chance to win glory (and power), the selection of Mongolia as a target proved to be untenable.

Where then could Japan expand? Inukai checked with the admirals, the admirals checked with their aides, the aides checked with technicians, and eventually the answer came back up the chain of authority. Yes, Japanese ships could reach Rangoon on a direct route from Formosa without refueling. Barely. Just barely - but the transport ships could get there. Burma was an option.

An odd option, agreed the generals and the admirals. Quite far afield. Everyone was uncomfortable with the idea without exactly knowing why. But Inukai looked at an assault on the small country, and it made sense. Once a British colony, Burma gained its independence after the collapse of British India. The British kept enough influence to keep the Germans away - well, British influence and German reluctance to get more involved in direct control of a large Asian populace after their difficulties in Indochina. Now, while Burma had relatively cordial relations with both the Entente and Germany, neither European power controlled Burma - or guaranteed its independence.

Maybe...


The Asian strategic situation. Increased German naval strength; Mongol nationalism. And a report from the Americas. Japanese settlers in Sao Paulo reported rising political tensions in Brazil as the communist party there abandoned electoral politics for something a bit more direct.


The South Atlantic. Outside of Asia, Japanese emigrants had established a large community in Brazil, a sizeable community on America's Pacific coast, and a small but notable community in Peru. The success of these emigrant communities was beginning to create the idea in Japan of something other than an insular nation based on narrow racial limits.

The thirst for resources in Japan was palpable. Industry needed metal, notwithstanding purchases from Siam. Trades might be made with European nations like neutral Sweden... but how could those trades be guaranteed in a hostile world? Energy, too, was a priority. Korea provided a decent supply of rare earths and odd commodities, but more is always better. And then there was oil. Japan needed oil. Or at least a good trading relationship with the United States and its major oil fields in California.


Korea: small metal deposits along the Yalu river, sufficient energy deposts to fuel the industrial complexes in Pyongyang and Seoul (though not enough for export to the Home Islands), and a moderate surplus of rare earths.


Hokkaido and eastern Honshu: some minor metal deposits, coal in Hokkaido and Yokohama useful for domestic use, and a dying (and tiny) oil well in Akita. Nowhere near enough.


Western Honshu, Shikoku, and Kyushu: a few rare earth deposits and some more coal reserves. Minor exports of energy resources can be maintained, but not once the new industrialization plans kick in.


In reality, Transamur consists of Vladivostock and not much else. There aren't any significant resource deposits in the country. Kolchak regularly begs Japan for handouts.


The Fengtien Republic provides some minor resource benefits to the Japanese Empire, though most of their resources are absorbed by Manchuria's growing industrial power. A significant iron mine in Anshan helps blunt the ravenous Japanese demand for iron. But it does not satisfy it. Japanese leaders have long been frustrated at a lack of direct control of Manchurian resources.


Formosa: A few rares and Japans other solitary oil well... even smaller than in Akita.


Burma: The partial solution. Large rare earth deposits which might be worth something for trade, but most importantly, a moderately productive oil field. Across three provinces Burma can produce five units of oil.

When the generals dithered, wondering about campaigning far from the Home Islands, Inukai thought of their petty politics descending on the Home Islands and scattering his modernization programs to the wind. He played on the generals' pride, pretending to honestly ask if the Imperial Japanese Army could defeat Burma or not. The not-so-subtle manipulation worked. Of course the Japanese Army could defeat Burma. With ease.


Army groups ready for battle overseas. Not included are garrisons in Port Arthur, the Kurils, the Home Islands' landing-capable provinces, and important naval bases in the Pacific that would be dangerous if lost to a surprise landing in the event of a war with a major power.

Inukai prepared for the political aspect of the war like the veteran statesman he was. To the Germans he exaggerated (or thought he did), syndicalist influence in Burma originating from the Bharitya Commune. To Asian states he played up growing German influence in Burma and a Japanese anti-colonial mandate. To the Japanese public he described the new business opportunities to be found in the oil fields of Mandalay. Still it seemed questionable whether Japan would, in fact, invade. And then Black Monday hit. The attention of both the German public and the German Empire's leadership focused on a whirlwind of bad economic news at home. They were distracted. Now was the time - if it ever was. Japan declared war during the first week of February, 1936.


The Japanese community in Sao Paulo split over the great strike. Some found work as scabs. Others joined the socialists pushing for better working conditions. The great mass of Japanese farmers in Palana largely ignored the strike and kept farming.



Grand Admiral Taniguchi's fleet transported the army group assigned to capture Rangoon and its naval base. The three battleships of Admiral Ozawa's transport fleet supported the invasion with shore bombardment and guarded a second wave of transports.


In Japan public opinion supported the repression of Brazil's communists - if they noticed it at all. Japanese-Brazilians turned strongly against the conservative government in Brazil when the Japanese district in Sao Paulo suffered heavy damage during the suppression of the strike - including the burning of a Buddhist temple - and several innocent Japanese-Brazilians were killed by soldiers firing indiscriminately into crowds.

 

[unmerged(228389)]

Almost immediately Japan faced oil shortages - even before the landing at Rangoon. A stockpile needed to be built up in Gaoxiong for fleet operations while the transport fleets were based outside of the Home Islands. Japan briefly operated with absolutely zero surplus of oil until a deal was struck with the United States, trading most of Japans rare earth stockpile - soon to be replenished by the mines in Burma - and some consumer goods for enough oil to prosecute the war.



The Burmese attempted to defend the landing zones around the Irawaddy delta. While hard fighting lasted several days, the sheer weight of the Japanese assault soon nullified their efforts.


An increasingly restive Mongolia signed an unlikely alliance with their fellow herders in Tibet. Outside of Asia this was seen as a Buddhist alliance. Japanese leaders, more familiar with the religious politics of the region, understood how ridiculous that idea was.

The German leadership failed to even publically comment on the invasion of Burma, instead concerning themselves with deflecting the advances of an increasingly confident Union of Britain and managing diplomatic maneuvers by their puppet state in Africa. Closer to home the AOG companies focused on agricultural production as a safe investment in a dangerous business environment while Bharitya endorsed an increasingly radical form of socialism.


The Japanese leadership looked with concern at their new syndicalist neighbor, completely missing the fact that the Bharitya Commune turned to the radicals in part because of a fear of Japanese invasion.

Having difficulty convincing their troops to even oppose the Japanese attack, Burma's ruling junta proposed a concession of territory for peace. Japan would have accepted - but the concession didn't include the critical oil field in Mandalay. The Burmese responded to the rejection of the peace offer by using their entire effective army to cut the supply lines between Rangoon and Japanese forces farther upriver. But the effort could only be sustained for days at most; the high morale of the Japanese forces on the front lines never wavered. Japanese generals happily reported every town captured to journalists writing for newspapers in Tokyo, Osaka, Seoul, and Taipei. But Prime Minister Inukai seemed oddly concerned with political news from a small and unimportant Indian state - the Chennai Republic, whose leaders were encouraging greater autonomy from the Princely Federation, a loose collection of Indian potentates that were once part of the British system of control in India.



When the west bank of the Irawaddy fell, so did any hope of Burmese resistance. Annexation was inevitable. Japanese engineers happily reported that the former British naval base near Yangon could rapidly be brought into service. In fact, it could once again be the most significant military port on the Bay of Bengal. The populace of the colonial city itself quickly repaired damage suffered during the contested Japanese landing and Yangon once again became a thriving administrative center thanks to a growing influx of Japanese immigrants: businessmen, a few soldiers due to retire from the invasion force, adventurous youth looking for new opportunities, and imperial administrators.



Japanese leaders, finding unexpectedly quick success in Burma began to re-evaluate how far afield Japanese ambitions might reach.



Syndicalist influence in Burma proved much larger than one would have suspected for a quiet agricultural country. Bharitya agents of some kind, already involved in some sort of primitive remote jungle trading system, seized control of a few remote provinces with the help of hill tribes. The hill tribes, capable of organizing a fair number of fighting men thanks to the history of British encouragement of anti-ethnic-Burmese sentiment during their rule, seemed to Prime Minister Inukai like an excellent problem to pass off to Bharitya. Japan, after garrisoning the Burmese oil fields, demanded an indemnity from the Bharitya Commune as compensation for the land seizures - and got it.



The Burmese war also had some entirely unexpected results. Even Prime Minister Inukai's eyebrows shot up when Siam sent its offer of alliance. The Thai king requested a partnership of... ahem... equals. The alliance was to be a full national co-operation, including offensive and defensive support in war. The Japanese Diet deliberated only one day before accepting the proposal unanimously. Flush with recent success and eager to please the Siamese leadership, Japan gifted one of the major rare earths mining complexes to Thai business interests and sent technical advisors requested by the Thai king.




Celebrations of the victory over Burma merged with the celebrations of allaince with Siam, helping to quiet the anti-war faction amongst the Japanese population.



In only three months the efficient Japanese army occupied the Burmese oil fields, the Irawaddy flood plain, took control of the mountain passes leading to Szechuan, and redrew the borders of Burma. The easy and profitable success led Japanese leadership, generals and politicians alike, to look for another country where they could do it all again.




-----------------------------------------------------

I seriously have no idea where that alliance with Siam came from. I didn't even have a choice to accept it. Somehow the AI just forced it on me. A Thai event I missed the pop-up for? Did I click on something accidentally without noticing it? Yes there's an allaince event chain with Siam - but only after Rising Sun-German focus. This was kind of bizarre and I was pretty caught off-guard. It's not unreasonable though. Siam has good relations with Japan, fears German domination, and now has to worry about aggressive forces on her border. If you can't beat 'em...

 

[unmerged(228389)]

After only a few months of bringing Japan's new overseas territory under control, no major leader in Japan had any intention of bringing the country's army back home. The civilian government enjoyed unprecedented freedom of action with military officials actually busy with military matters, and Prime Minister Inukai still concerned himself with protecting Japan's new industrialization program. And everyone, the generals especially, wanted more profit.

The crafty Inukai himself selected Japan's new victim. Now accustomed to considering far-flung colonies to avoid conflict with other major powers, the Prime Minister proposed an attack on the Princely Federation.

His audaciousness stunned the Japanese military. True, India was within reach of Japan's new naval base in Burma. And other than Delhi, European powers had no claim on the subcontinent - at least not one they'd be willing to back up. Yet an attack on a nation with the population resources of any of the three Indian states was a daunting task. And what of governing them afterwards? And if India, why not Bharitya? The syndicalists there were an obvious enemy.

The generals themselves opposed an attack on India. They suggested an assault on the Yunnan warlord, over the Burmese passes and with the direct support of the Siamese army.

Inukai, backed by the navy, vetoed the army's suggestion. No, even if the AOG and thus Germany was hostile to the Yunnan warlords, that didn't mean they'd accept Japan as a friendly neighbor - a neighbor with a long and volatile border. Better to let the warlords keep the company's attention. And, Inukai reminded Emperor Hirohito privately, one should not underestimate the dangers of Chinese nationalism. Politics is paramount. And conquering Yunnan was bad politics - not to mention Yunnan's resources were underdeveloped and not immediately useful.

Prime Minister Inukai insisted the Princely Federation was the right target. Politics is paramount, he lectured general after general. Occupation of the Bharitya would be dangerous minefield, requiring the constant effort of bleeding garrison forces against a populace already skilled in anti-colonial and anti-capitalist resistance. What would be the point? Not to mention the danger of attracting the hostility of resurgent France and the Union of Britain, unaffected by the financial problems of Central Europe. The Princely Federation, however... there was a different beast. The Federation is a target that can be cowed, lectured Inukai. Where existing power structures can maintain control of a passive populace without a significant dedication of Japanese garrisons.

Direct control will be impossible, not least to avoid angering the larger powers, said Inukai. But Japan will control southern India behind the scenes. Germany will not oppose us. Still the Krauts struggle with economic problems. Their own fear of syndicalism will prevent them from forcing a Japanese withdrawal from the Federation after its defeat for fear the Bharitya will take over. And the Federation never approved of Germany's colony in Ceylon. The Germans will be happy to have one less political concern in that troubled colony.

The generals still wavered. A land war against an army almost as large as the forces Japan could put into the field? In an enemy's home terrain, with no prospect for major naval or tactical advantage?

Not to worry, promised the Prime Minister, holding a diplomatic dispatch. Southern India is not unified. The Chennai Republic is nominally a part of the Princely Federation, but it opposes the monarchical style of rule common in the other provinces of the Federation.

Politics is paramount, Inukai said once again. The Chennai will refuse to back the Federation in a war with Japan in exchange for a guarantee of their independence. They are even willing to enter into a secret treaty to close their borders to Federation troops during a war with Japan. Land troops in the south. Engage the defending Indian Armies in battle - and crush them against the sea and the suddenly unfriendly wall of the Chennai Republic. A perfect trap.



Late spring brought domestic and international news to Japan. The Diet voted to official recognize Formosa as part of Japan proper, rather than an overseas province, much as it changed the status of Korea in the early 1930s. This decision was made with respect to Home Island political concerns, rather than the wishes of the majority of Formosa residents. The subject brought up uncomfortable discussions of who qualified for Japanese citizenship and how Formosa should be integrated into Japan. The problems of Korea, including growing opposition to the Japanese Empire as a result of disastrously oppressive language policies, loomed large in the debate over policy in Formosa.

Who would be eligible to vote for Formosa's representatives in the Diet? Would the Chinese and Formosan-language populations accept status stateless non-citizens of the Empire? Was the Prince of Terror, Minister of Security Suzuki, even capable of incorporating territory without sparking rebellion?

Suzuki's defenders insisted only his iron grip could ensure stability outside of the Home Islands. His detractors said Suzuki's security protocols would ensure the stability of Japan's Empire lasted only as long as its willingness to use violence and oppression.


Bharitya continues to fully endorse radical socialism. In the Americas, a new United Provinces included the formerly independent state of Panama. The larger central american nation could be a concern to any power seeking to project control over the Panama canal.

Focused on expansionist policies in the Indian Ocean and the seemingly more pressing 'domestic' concerns of Formosa, Japan's leaders neglected the growing problems of the industrialization program at home. Closure of some outdated industrial plants in favor of newer facilities led to a change in the workforce - and no one in Japan's government paid any attention to wage or safety concerns of Japanese workers.

And suddenly all this came to the fore because of a protest in Niigata province. Not the first protest by Japan's workers. But the first noticed by the country at large - because the Niigata protest turned violent. And it did so at a terrible time for Japan's civilian government, as the socialist policies of the Bharitya Commune were being demonized by media outlets loyal to army generals pressing for a land invasion of Calcutta rather than a sea invasion of the Princely Federation.

The militarized aspects of the Japanese state reacted before the slower civilian leadership of the Diet or the Prime Minister's government could get a handle on the situation. Someone called on the army forces manning the prefecture's naval base, air strip, and defensive emplacements to deal with the riot. The heavily out-numbered and frankly untrained troops panicked and fired into large crowds.

Japan's populace reacted in anger, minor army officials declared local martial law in isolated townships in Niigata Prefecture while Prime Minister Inukai and the civilian leadership was paralyzed over whether to back the rioters, who were slowly gaining public support, or avoid a conflict with the military by endorsing weak attempts at martial law.



The domestic political situation became worse because of the timing of the Indian War. Orders to sail for Trivandrum reached the army in Burma just days before the outbreak of the riots. Announcement of a suddenly unpopular aggressive war occurred just after the Niigata riots began to dominate Japan's newspapers. Without opposing the war itself, opposition politicians began to criticize the government's tone deaf response to the Niigata riots.



Notwithstanding troubles at home, Japanese troops poured into southern India, easily securing a beachhead. As expected, the Federation's large army quickly moved to contain the invasion - just as Japanese military planners wanted. Striking north with the entire initial invasion force, the Japanese army left the beachhead unattended - knowing more troops from Burma were on their way. The massed forces pushed immediately into Cochin as the Chennai Republic suddenly and unexpectedly closed its borders. Trains full of Federation troops left Hyderabad and Bombay, transporting Indian troops to the presumed initial Japanese target, Madurai, even as Federation generals began to receive the first horrible reports: the Chennai border was closed.

On the home front, Prime Minister Inukai became the Japanese swimming team's biggest fan as success at the Olympics took some of the headlines away from the problems in Niigata. Photographs of the medalists with Inukai, Emperor Hirohito, and prominent members of the Diet were arranged.

As more army groups poured into southern India, the Federation's military situation turned from bad to disastrous. Immediately after Japanese troops occupied Cochin and closed all roads between the coast and the Western Ghats the expected assault on Madurai began - only without any kind of logistical support for the otherwise respectable Indian army defending the region. Resistance at Madurai lasted as long as the ammunition did. But as soon as the ammunition ran out the city fell. The southern army of the Princely Federation retreated inland, its officers hoping some miracle would reopen Cochin or the Chennai roads. But Japanese troops pursued the fleeing Indian army as fast as it could retreat, and surrender occurred as soon as the Federation's southern army realized the hopelessness of the situation.

Prime Minister Inukai, long anticipating this moment, had already enlisted the aid of Emperor Hirohito in making absolutely clear to the generals leading the Indian campaign that the city of Madurai and any surrendering troops were to be treated with the utmost respect - Inukai already looked forward to the end of the war.



The easy advance north after the surrender of the southern Federation army didn't materialize, however. The retreating defenders from Cochin reorganized in Mangalore, and the Federation's generals, realizing the war was getting out of hand, committed every reserve force available to them, stripping the norther and eastern borders of troops, even sending the garrisons of Bombay and Hyderabad into the fight.

The Japanese attack north was stopped cold. Unexpectedly the losing general of Cochin was successfully organizing the defense of Mangalore. The second prong of the Japanese northern offensive marched onto the Deccan plateau and into Bangalore, on its way east to capture the eastern coast of the Federation. But the planned advance had to be halted when it was realized that supply lines were becoming dangerously exposed to Indian attack.

Japanese leadership decided to focus their entire efforts onto what everyone soon expected to be the decisive battle of the war.



Despite the valiant and unexpectedly stiff defense, the loss of so much of the Federation's army to Japan's initial trap meant that finally the Federation's army couldn't hold. And with essentially every fighting man in the Federation's army thrown into the hell of Mangalore, once the defenses failed nothing prevented the rapid Japanese advance across the countryside.



Success abroad was not matched by success at home - at least not for the generals struggling to use the Niigata riots to expand their domestic power. Weak attempts at martial law failed, giving Prime Minister Inukai the opportunity to regain control of the situation. The military, backed by Minister of Security Suzuki, the Prince of Terror, declared that what 'worked' in Korea and Formosa would work on the Home Islands.

Suzuki's stubbornness threatened to take control of the situation away from Inukai by limiting his options: cede power to the military, thus giving up the limited civilian control over Japan, pretend nothing was going wrong and hope that somehow the rioters decided to let police control them, thus prolonging the crisis, or take the populist approach, admitting to the legitimacy of the rioter's concerns in order to end the riots by giving the lawbreakers what they wanted.

Only one option increased Inukai's power over Japan's government rather than weakening it. The Prime Minister was no fan of a rebellious underclass. But the factions of Japan's army pressing for Martial Law failed to learn from the Prime Minister: politics is paramount. By forcing Inukai into a position of losing power in government or giving into the demands of the rioters, they ensured the success of the Niigata riots protests.



Inukai forced out Minister of Security Suzuki in favor of a relatively unknown Inukai loyalist named Kawarada Kakichi. Karawada possessed the solid samurai lineage needed to be easily accepted by Japan's power cliques but was nevertheless a strong supporter of genuine democracy.

Kawarada immediately begain implementing justice reforms in Niigata, issued an amnesty to all rioters, and forced several industrial conglomerates to make changes to their labor practices. Minor changes to the companies' bottom lines, but the sort of workplace standards that meant everything to the workers in Niigata. All as expected, if more competently done than Inukai hoped for.

Much more surprising was the policy change Kawarada forced on the integration programs at the last minute, dramatically changing the course of Formosan politics. Kawarada insisted that all citizens in Formosa would be able to vote in Diet elections, regardless of ancestry. The announcement threw Japanese politics - and Korean politics - into chaos, even though the general populace thought the reform was relatively straightforward. Japan had long insisted that the Formosan population as well as the Koreans were 'Japanese,' all while denying political participation to anyone whose family didn't originate on the home islands. Karawada's Formosa policy put Japan's racial policies into question - without ruling on them specifically.



Burma, at least, remained safely overseas province. Kawarada had no intention of removing the considerable forces transforming the Irawaddy region into an imperial colony, although some minor changes in local relations took place. No less than two divisions supported colonial police, ensuring plenty of men ready to look for any resistance in the countryside. Nor did the military, aware of the long supply line to India, take any chance with the logistics facilities in the Irawaddy delta. A full garrison division equipped with anti-air equipment was based in Yangson and other strong points in the delta.



Karawada's overseas policy declared that carefully maintained order would reduce resistance to Japanese rule. He urged the increase of not just repression, but specialized local units that could interact with the populace without inciting rebellion, unlike regular troops untrained in police actions or necessary language skills. Properly trained troops keeping civil order without resorting to widespread violence would hasten the acceptance of Japanese rule. The army finally got the civilian government to fund the construction of additional brigades, if not the combat troops it was looking for.



In Brazil, a socialist government successfully forced out the oppressive conservative government that had sent the army into Sao Paulo through a combination of continued street protest and electoral success resulting from the discrediting of the conservatives after the use of martial law. Many Japanese-Brazilians supported the new socialist administration, pleased with the racial equality platform of the leftists. In India the Chennai Republic made good use of the suddenly extensive economic opportunities available from the opening of trade between the republic and the Japanese Empire.

 

[Tobit]

I did not see that coming! I wonder if African colonies are in the works for the Japanese Empire? Heck if you leap frog enough it's possible for a Japanese military mission to Brazil.

 

[unmerged(228389)]

Heh. Even I didn't see what came next. Nor do I know what Japan's later goals will be. Your input is much appreciated! :sleep:

P.S. Cleared up the irritating problem of clicking on one of the screenshots goes to the image hosting site I'm using (going forward). But there's still some shrinkage problems. Oh well.

 

[unmerged(228389)]

At home Kawarada pressed the Diet to approve a whole raft of reforms, enshrining in law the changes he had already pressured Niigata companies to make, including a regulated work week, minimum wage, and child labor controls. With Inukai's backing the government proposed a bill extending these ersatz reforms to all of Japan. The issue was highly controversial politically, but the solid majority of Inukai-aligned conservative parties ultimately ensured passage. The bill was controversial amongst the politically powerful, but the civilian government gained the whole-hearted support of much of the previously hostile or indifferent Japanese populace.

Kawarada's generally successful term as Minister of Security was not without problems, however. By dismantling Suzuki's security apparatus, he created an opportunity for criminal organizations previously kept in check by alternate accommodation and heavy prosecution common under Suzuki. The Yakuza experienced an immediate resurgence, and with heavy interest in various smuggling operations skirting problematic tariffs, the Yakuza had international connections.

In the Legation Cities the chaos resulting from an internationally-imposed but internationally-neglected placeholder government that allowed the head of the Legation Cities to create a powerful Chinese Triad conglomerate. Pressured by the AOG to end the extortion, drug trafficking, and other socially disruptive criminal networks spreading out to cities all along China's coast, the Legation Cities reached out to Japanese organizations. Yakuza organizations. Which had connections to the civilian government and even a few army officers Kawarada knew absolutely nothing about.

As another war came to a successful close, another allaince added to Japanese hegemony in Asia. The Legation Cities announced a 'special relationship' with Japan, notwithstanding the prohibition on foreign alliances within its Open Door charter. The 'special relationship' went against every principle of Prime Minister Inukai's famous refrain: politics is paramount. Japan had forsworn direct involvement in China for decades: the principle was part of the basis for the comfortable peace with the German giant. Nor did associating with a criminal and colonialist government win Japan any friends with the vast majority of Chinese, further violating Inukai's governing principles.

But as it turned out, Prime Minister Inukai ultimately didn't have much choice in the matter. The army faction in government backed the generals connected to Legation Cities 'commerce', believing that if it didn't the Prime Minister would have proven one too many times the supremacy of the civilian administration, ending military influence over Japan's government. And Inukai, against all expectations, failed to rally his supporters over the obviously unofficial but very effective diplomatic change. Corruption ran deeper in Japan's political structure than anyone wanted to admit. Corruption no longer held in check by the iron group of Suzuki, even as it had been allowed to exist as a form of social control under the 'Prince of Terror.' The 'special relationship' held for the moment, and several members of the government, particularly Emperor Hirohito, began to lose confidence in Minister of Security Kawarada, so recently sky-high after the successful management of the Niigata problem.

The Indian war brought generally good news, however, as no significant opposition to Japan's forces materialized after the total defeat of the Federation army at Mangalore. Some of the commanding generals worried about uprisings by the exceedingly large local population in the rear of the wide but front-heavy Japanese advance. But the Prime Minister knew what he was doing when he chose the Princely Federation as a target for colonialism. The Federation's people had no tradition of radicalism or resistance to authority. A Japanese military official wasn't so different from an Indian prince. Not for the short term.

In fact the only real concern of the Indian war was paradoxically the total collapse of the Federation's army after Mangalore. Inukai's initial plan had been for the broken armies of the Indian princes to be used to keep control of the Federation and watch the borders with Delhi and Bharitya. But those theoretical forces didn't exist. Japan nevertheless declared that the colonialist and syndicalist influences that 'forced' Japan's intervention were defeated and restored titular control to most of the same princes Japan had so recently defeated. The Japanese army pulled back to a newly-militarized Mumbai, hoping the princes could hold the Federation's social structure together despite the temporary lack of any armed forces.

Tensions with the German companies in southern China began to rise when the Triads in the Legation Cities used the security provided by the 'special relationship' with Japan to make a play to extend their unofficial control to the entire south Chinese coast.

The problems in Japanese politics became a full-blown crisis when Prime Minister Inukai was assinated during an afternoon meeting at, of all places, the Ministry of National Health. The assssin broke into an event publicizing the safety and benfits of the newly developed 'sulfa' antibiotic drugs. The assassin entered the public event wearing ordinary civilian clothes - and a large coat despite the August heat. Shouting one of the slogans from the Niigata protests, he drew a full-length Katana with surprising speed, leapt up onto the stage next to Prime Minister Inukai's lecturn, and beheaded the Prime Minster.

The entire attack occurred in sight of Emperor Hirohito himself, present at the event to promote the new medicines and ceremoniously receive a prescription for the drugs from his personal doctor. The Emperor's bodyguards immediately opened fire on and killed the assassin, though they were far too late to save the now headless Inukai.

Accusations of incompetence leveled at Kawarada, socialist-Niigatan revolution, and conspiracies to stop Inukai's investigation into Yakuza corruption swept the nation. Japan completely ignored the victory in India because of the drama at home. It seemed obvious that the military, whose connections to the Yakuza were not widely known, would need to take control of the country. Whatever the motivation of the assassin truly was, all of the possibilities seemed damning to the civilian government.

But a curious thing happened. Emperor Hirohito made an appearance on the national political stage. Hirohito trusted Inukai, and seeing the architect of Japan's recent successes struck down frightened and moved Hirohito. The emperor also had his own suspicions about the assassin. He had moved too quickly, been too sure with his sword, to be a peasant socialist. And certain elements of the army seemed all to ready to capitalize on the situation, particularly newspapers owned by certain generals declaring the Diet a corrupt and broken institution.

Hirohito was not at heart a capable politician. But he acted in the only way he knew how. He made a public appearance announcing the appointment of a new prime minister, Hamaguchi Osachi.

A veteran minister who served in government shortly after the first Weltkrieg, including a short stint as prime minister, Hamaguchi was an obvious and safe choice for an uncontroversial stabilizing force in Japanese politics. It helped that Hamaguchi was past his prime, and had retired from politics in four years earlier.

Hirohito introduced Hamaguchi and stated that the Prime Minister would lead Japan's government through the crisis and organize new elections. Hirohito's introduction praised Hamaguchi's record and ended with a simple declaration of complete confidence in Hamaguchi's character and Japan's democratic constitution.

By any objective standards of public speaking, Hirohito had delivered no more than boring, stock pablum. The three-minute speech electrified the nation.

Military attempts to gain control of the organs of government through public pressure ended overnight. As the blind-sided generals reorganized they realized their critical flaw: their version of nationalism called for ultimate veneration of the emperor. The focus of the army faction shifted to preserving economic control of Japan's colonial possessions and in some cases maintaining ties with the Legation Cities.

Hamaguchi proved his political acumen by sacking Minister of Security Kawarada. Competent or not, the man was a liability. He appointed in Kawarada's stead a public prosecutor and veteran of opposition politics named Saito Takao. Saito immediately pledged investigations into criminal gangs and corruption in both the Diet and the military supply system. And Hamaguchi's willingness to appoint a well-known anti-corruption campaigner lent the interim government instant credibility with a public suspicious of politicians' motives.

Military government or civilian, Japan looked to maintain its capitalist economy. But around the world syndicalism seemed to be on the rise. A syndicalist axis proclaimed itself in South America, tying Venezuela and Bolivia to the power of Brazil. At the same time, Japan's shipyards completed a new modern escort ship. The new form of destroyer was intended to be a daughter-ship to the Soryu, Isoruku Yamamoto and the Carrier faction's great project to prove carrier supremacy.

Japanese forces setup 'protective' garrisons in both Mumbai and Hyderabad, complete with units intended solely to track the political activities of the Indian princes and ensure they kept to a pro-Japanese policy. The army in general gathered at India's only major port on its west coast for transport back to the home islands.

Changes in Japanese politics gave heart to the few remaining legitimate political institutions in the Legation Cities, which moved to prosecute the Triad criminal organizations. But violent Triad resistance quickly descended into mob violence when ordinary Chinese citizens, angry at the lawlessness of the cities, attacked the Japanese embassies in Shanghai and Hong Kong. While Japanese marines held back the crowds in Hong Kong, the Shanghai embassy was burned to the ground, with the Japanese ambassador to the Legation Cities still in it.

Saito Takao had yet to move into his office at the Interior Ministry when money began disappearing from a few government accounts - and several military supply convoys meant to support the formation of a new Federation army mysteriously made stops in various Legation Cities and had their cargo 'stolen' without a fight.

Prime Minister Hamaguchi declared to Japan and the world that Japan would not interfere in the problems of the Legation Cities and would respect Open Door neutrality. This appeared to be an obvious bold-faced lie to governments in Europe and the Entente countries as Triad militias armed with Japanese guns struggled to take control of the Legation Cities.

Running street battles between Triad forces, Legation police, and citizen mobs enveloped the Legation Cities.

Prime Minister Hamaguchi and Minister Saito tracked down some of the support going to the Triads and began prosecution of corrupt officers, but Japanese equipment and even 'advisors' were still seen on the streets of China's ports, and the Triads began to assert control over city streets. The crisis wasn't as big as the death of Prime Minister Inukai, but it threatened to overwhelm the Japanese political scene nevertheless.

----------------------------------------------------

Fun! The Legation-Yakuza event chain is relatively rare, and requires some luck in terms of what events the Legation selects. It even looked for a moment like the ultimate unlikely turn of events - a Japanese controlled Legation cities taking multiple south Chinese coast provinces away from AOG in another event chain - might occur. We were only one different AOG decision away from it. But that would have been too weird for the storyline I was building, so I'm happy that uber-rare confluence of events didn't happen.

 

[unmerged(228389)]

The Open Door policy of the Legation Cities was very important to the international trading interests of several nations. Neutral Europe, the United States of America, Canada, and Australasia all relied on Legation ports to conduct commerce with the critical Asian market of China. For this same reason, many nations guaranteed the independence of the Legation Cities.

Japan, despite its protestations of official innocence in the seizure of the Legation Cities by a Chinese Triad conglomerate, became an international pariah state as a result of the takeover of the Legation cities. Despite the fact Siamese peacekeepers, guided by Japanese advisors, sent in after the Triads seized control, were the only force keeping free commerce alive and out of the total control of the Triads, states around the world nevertheless criticized the "savage" "brutal" and "barbaric" Japanese intervention.

The recent record of aggressive war didn't help Japan's protestations of innocence. Worse, Minster of Security Saito finally uncovered evidence proving Japanese arms and aid gave critical backing to the Traids during the fateful street battles in Shanghai. Despite the civilian government's best efforts, corrput military officials succeeded in intervening in the Legation Cities through the use of Thai intermediaries. The scheme sent legitimate Japanese military aid to allied forces in Siam, which were then shipped by Siamese contacts to the Legation Cities. Whether the Thai king knew of involvement of several of his more important officers in opening Siamese 'trade' in the Legation Cities remained unknown to Minister Saito.

But the discovery of the details of this scandal did no good. Siamese military police, working with Japanese advisors, were already closely working to create a permanent Triad presence. Privately Minister Saito thought it might be nearly impossible to discern which Siamese officers were part of the consipiracy and which were free of corruption. But to recall the peacekeepers, who were basically just military police, would withdraw the last remnant of law and order from cities critical to the larger Asian economy. Not to mention the damage to Japan's reputation and the possibility of the collapse of the alliance with Siam. During a tense and private briefing between Minister Saito, Emperor Hirohito and Prime Minister Hamaguchi, the three men agreed to keep the Japanese and Siamese involvement in the Triad takeover a closely guarded state secret.

But somehow the secret seemed to slip out. Or at least British and Canadian merchants managed to pressure the British King to take a hand. The King personally owned several concessions in the Legation cities, and trade with China was a lifeline for a Canada with limited access to Europe.

Canada delivered a flat ultimatum to Rama VIII, the Thai king. First, withdraw all Siamese personell, peacekeeper and merchant, from the Legation Cities. Second, forswear any alliance with 'aggressor' nations. Last, declare the total neutrality of the Siamese state and open the Siamese economy to free trade with all nations.

Rama VIII turned to his Japanese allies, and asked if they would support him. Prime Minister Hamaguchi responded immediately and in the affirmative. Scandal in Asia there might be, but it was an Asian scandal. Japan would not abandon an ally to European colonialism, whatever the reason.

Rama VIII personally delivered the Siamese government's rejection to the Canadian embassy in Bangkok. Canada delcared war. Rama VIII graciously ordered Thai naval vessels to escort Entente embassy personnel out of Thai waters. A day after Canada declared war, Emperor Hirohito informed the Japanese Empire that a state of war existed between Japan and the Entente.



Only National France stayed out of the madness, unwilling to enter a Pacific War for the sake of allaince with a rump British Empire. Diplomatic channels whispered with rumors that many of the leaders in National France had given up the task of reclaiming France proper and were instead happy to prosper from the exploitation of their territory and the resulting fat Swiss, Hungarian, and Portuguese bank accounts.

Japan's military leaders were troubled by the sudden advent of a major war they had not initiated, but trouble was far from serious worry. Only a year ago strategists had planned for the possibility of war against the Entente. To be sure, that war had been evisioned as an offensive war. And the Imperial Japanese Navy had little opportunity in the present situation to attack the Australasian Navy. But it still remained to be seen whether Canada would sent her entire Atlantic fleet to rendevous with the Australasians in the south Pacific. Without the danger of a unified Entente fleet, Japan faced no critical threat.

Japan did face a threat to shipping, however, and staff officers frantically drew up plans for the critical Home Islands/Yellow Sea to Formosa to Bangkok to Rangoon to Bombay shipping routes.

At the same time it was decided at the highest levels of Japanese government to stem the bleeding with respect to the Legation Cities scandal. Acknowledging the critical problems with a criminal syndicate operating a major trading port, Japan announced it would - temporarily - assume control of the Legation Cities until such time as the famed crime fighter, Minister of Security Saito, could restore authority to a legitimate Legation Cities government. In the meantime, continued free trade and non-military access would be guaranteed to every government previously enjoying access to the Legation Cities ports, excepting the Entente governments.

One aspect of war with the Entente Japan's military leaders had not planned for was a land war with the remnants of British India, Delhi. The standard anti-Entente strategic plan called for a defensive land posture supplemented by aggressive fleet actions to achieve naval supremacy. But now Japanese fleets weren't in position to threaten Australasian coasts and Japan, through the Princely Federation, shared a long and undefended border with Delhi: the Narmada River. Japanese troops waiting in Bombay for transport back to the Home Islands were put on immediate alert an ordered to march east as quickly as possible, hoping to set up defensive positions before Delhi army units destabilized the Princely Federation.



The troops, already straining the damaged Mumbai support infrastructure, faced numerous supply shortages even as they marched back into the Indian countryside. With the Federation supply system still years from being rebuilt, continued reinforcement of men and material from Japan to India remained a top military priority.



The Delhian High Command had been prepared for war, although whether they had much choice in the matter remained an open question. Certainly the Japanese government insisted 'North India' had been driven into war by its colonial masters. Though it may have been just as likely that Delhi, assuming a more aggressive timetable for Japanese withdrawal from southern India, pressured Canada to adopt its forceful diplomatic posture.

Indian troops crossed the Narmada without opposition, but the initial clashes between the Entente and the Japanese Empire, in Surat near the Narmada estuary, resulted in victory for the Japanese veterans. What developed in the opening stages of war in central India was an open style of warfare, with both sides scrambling to take positions and conflicts often occurring where no unit had defensive emplacements or positions prepared.

Japanese troops found success largely through superior numbers, the Japanese army dispersing from a concentrated position while Delhi had yet to fully mobilize. The Entente could count on not facing any Japanese allies, however. The population of the Princely Federation had absolutely no desire to fight for Japanese overlordship, and a demoralizing if otherwise inconsequential Entente air raid on Hyderabad ensured that would continue to be the case.

Japan's navy also took to the seas, operating along a wide front to prevent possible raids on the Japanese Merchant Marine. Admiral Yamamoto's carrier fleet rebased to Bangkok, intended to prevent any major Entente assault on Japan's ally, Siam. Almost as soon as his fleet arrived in Siamese waters, Yamamoto sailed back out to sea with orders to interdict any Canadian ship entering the critical straits around Malaysia and Indonesia.

Admiral Koga's battleship fleet took up an even more forward position, sailing from the naval base in Gaoxiong to patrol the Moluccas. Between the two main battle fleets, Entente access to the seas to the north and west of Australia would be blocked.

The Sea Wolf's submarines were tasked to patrol the Philippine sea and open water to the east, hoping to catch any raiders slipping past the east coast of Guinea and the German bases in the Solomons.

As a final precaution, Kato's home guard fleet watched over the seas in the immediate vicinity of the Home Islands. The military transport and merchant marine fleets should thus have free reign in the critical transport zones - and Entente reinforcements would be unable to easily approach India from the east.



Increasing shipping requirements on Japan's merchant marine and military transports began to put a strain on the Empire's commercial infrastructure. Significant government subsidies and other supports were dedicated to the expansion of Japan's merchant marine, although this delayed the construction of the Carrier faction's pride and joy, the IJN Soryu.



Before the Delhi army could retake defensive positions on the north bank of the Narmada estuary, imperial troops pursued the the retreating forces across the river. At the same time they secured most of the south bank of the Narmada and chased down advance Delhian units looking to exploit the undefended border by wresting control of Federation principalities or encouraging anti-Japanese resentment amongst the populace. They did penetrate as far as the important Nagpur region, but the unexpectedly rapid marching of the excellent Japanese cavalry caught them by surprise and prevented a disastrous breakthrough.



The Bharitya Commune remained content to watch the festivities from their side of the border. Japanese colonialists, British colonialists, feudal or capitalistic Indian princes, an exploiter was an exploiter to them. Let the enemies of the people fight it out was their motto. French and British syndicalist officers were invited to begin training Commune forces, however.

Meanwhile the Japanese army re-secured the Narmada river, including both banks of the river's estuary. A further effort was made to acquire a usable airfield on the front lines. Japan's air force, unlike its army, remained as yet untested for lack of suitable airfields.



As predicted by Japan's military planners, the merchant marine quickly reached its transport limit as a result of increasing demands of the war in India. Though shipping problems became a minor concern, so far only the only significant disruption was a slowdown in trade between Japan and the Legation cities and delivery of supplies from Formosa to the Home Islands. Military supply remained unaffected. Nor was Canada willing to risk widening the war by intercepting shipments of Californian oil from the United States to Japan.

The supply situation was manageable, so long as the Navy kept the Entente away from Japan's shipping lanes.




{In most of my games it seems Xibei San Ma defeats the Mongols. In this game it appeared that Tibet would quickly fall to the large Ma armies, allowing the Uighurs to focus solely on the northern front. But Lhasa didn't fall, and Mongol armies slowly gained an advantage.}

Rear-area troops occupied many important strong points along the Narmada, allowing offensive army groups to continue a more or less general offensive north out of Federation territory. At the same time troops were pulled out of Bombay and the Narmada delta and onto troop transports in order to put more pressure on Delhi's major port, Karachi.

The lack of strong infantry fortifications on the north bank of the Narmada estuary allowed for Delhian forces to mount a strong counter-attack, one spearheaded by a well-trained Kiwi division. But the Japanese Army retained enough flexibility along the long central Indian front to reinforce west.



Japan's amphibious-capable infantry staged dual landings on the east and west banks of the Indus. They faced resistance only in the critical seaport of Karachi, where a surprised Caribbean Federation division attempted to slow the Japanese advance. The weight of Japan's massed transport fleets, however, ensured only the Canadian main battle fleet had a chance of relieving the port.

At the same time Japanese and Canadian bombers both pounded the central front, the Canadians focusing on destroying infrastructure to slow the Japanese advance and the Japanese bombers attempting to support Japanese ground forces. Japanese interceptors searched for enemy planes at the same time, but the Canadian air command seemed to constantly out-guess the Japanese planners and India was just too big to provide air cover for the entire front.



Japan's first aerial battle finally occurred when Japan's inter-war interceptors attempted to defend key bridges over the Narmada. They finally intercepted Canadian bombers, but failed to destroy any significant number of them. Yet the Canadians turned back form their bombing run. A draw!



---------------------------

In case it's not clear... that declaration of war by Canada was ALL the AI. I had no clue it was coming. Frankly I thought the Triad events cleared the various guarantees that makes war with the Legation Cities so dangerous. Surprise! Welcome to A.I.-Furious...

Also, the Caribbean Federation is in the fight! That's a pretty good officer they have in Lt. General Grogan. Three skill, plus offensive doctrine, hill fighter, and trickster? Me likey.

 

[unmerged(469057)]

Enjoying the AAR. Any chance that you could leave the text color default though? I read a lot on my phone (white background) and I can't really make out the text.

If not, no biggie. I'll just read this AAR at home and avoid it on the phone.

 

[unmerged(228389)]

@RRMike
Glad to hear you're enjoying the AAR! Feedback is always appreciated.

As for the color problem: whoops, unexpected. Yeah, from here on I'll keep the default text. I just change the color because otherwise the preview screen is an irritating light blue on dark blue - but it's easy to remove the color tags after zipping through the preview.

 

[unmerged(228389)]

The Japanese landing on the east bank of the Indus river during the winter of '36 dramatically changed the course of the war in India. Delhi had too many fronts to fight on and no longer had any hope of real aid from the rest of the Entente. The eastern edge of the Narmada border area was only lightly defended, and Japanese generals directed the country's powerful 'Mongol' army, including the country's only tanks, to push Delhian troops to the far side of the Ganges and then turn upriver, as garrison divisions moved in by train behind the cavalry.

The landing on the east bank also allowed those troops to support he amphibious assault on the west bank of the Indus river. Soon Japanese troops marched through Karachi. The Caribbean troops defending the city retreated east, hoping Entente transports could slip through the Japanese blockade and evacuate them, but to no avail. Japanese landing forces pursued them. Back on the east bank of the Indus, a rapid advance upriver and into the Thar desert put pressure on Delhian troops to reverse course and move NORTH, while the two major fronts worked to merge and create a pocket of trapped Entente troops defending the air base at Rajkot. Caribbean and Delhian ground troops supported a significant Canadian air presence at the base near the coast.

The push towards Delhi did slow dramatically towards the end of 1936, but not because of Entente reinforcements. The Korean government in exile, with offices in Russia, Australasia, Indochina, and even Vladivostok, openly proclaimed its intension to begin a rebellion against Japanese rule. Given the complete lack of attention to army matters in home territories, this declaration was a major concern for Japanese planners. The push up from the Narmada region to Delhi was abandoned, as Japan immediately recalled the 'Korean Army', a five-division strong infantry force, and the 'Mongol Army', Japan's entire six-division strong massed cavalry and armored force.

Japan instructs Vladivostok to shut down any Korean organizations in their territory.

The Korean problem proved disastrous for Japan all right: in a surprise move the Seiyukai (Conservative) party nominated the Prince of Terror, Suzuki Kisaburo, as its candidate for Prime Minister! Although he was only recently ousted as Japan's Minister of Security, the Conservative party chose Suzuki because of his reputation for suppressing separatist movements by any means necessary and long history of Conservative party leadership.

As a Conservative party stalwart for years Suzuki was no stranger to the cutthroat world of Japanese electoral politics, but his political rebirth was remarkable not just because of his recent dismissal over the bungled response to the Niigata riots, but also because of his advanced age: Born in 1867, Suzuki Kisaburo was well into his sixty-eighth year of life.

As one of only two major parties contesting the election, the Conservatives were always the favorites to enter parliament as the largest faction. They were, after all, part of Prime Minister Inukai's governing coalition and also the leading component of Prime Minister Kamaguchi's interim government.

Prime Minister Suzuki offered a number of popular campaign promises on they way to victory. First, a strong war policy against the Entente, including a dismantling of the Australasian colonial 'threat' in the Pacific. Second, a strong nationalist policy at home, preemptively breaking up any nationalist movements in Japanese imperial territory. And third, a strong anti-corruption policy. Despite headlining the Seiyukai ticket, Suzuki promised to retain the popular Minister of Justice, Saito Takao. Saito campaigned at the head of the Justice and Order party, which in the event only took ten seats in the Diet, a disappointing result for Saito Takao. It seemed Suzuki's pledge to keep Saito as minister of justice siphoned many Justice and Order votes to the Seiyukai camp. It was also pointed out by Seiyukai-controlled newspapers that Suzuki's careful avoidance of any discussion of the Niigata situation indicated a tacit admission of mistakes made. The Japanese public could expect most of the Niigata reforms to remain law.

To almost everyone's surprise the elections turned out to be almost entirely free of corruption or fraud, and the country looked out at a new era with the old (and somewhat bad-tempered) warhorse, Suzuki Kisaburo, at the head of the nation.

In India, Japanese forces put pressure on the Rajkot pocket and its Entente defenders as Japan's citizens went to the polls. The elimination of the pocket freed up Japanese troops for a general assault along the western front. Even with the best of Japan's troops pulled out of the country to meet a potential Korean threat, Delhi's armies were exhausted and her recruitment drives never had time to make a difference.

Minister of Justice Saito Takao took full advantage of his position as the sole non-Seiyukai minister in Japan's government and pushed forward new anti-corruption laws in the Diet. The laws forced many government and even military procurement records into the public record or into a new security classification allowing ministry of justice personnel access to more sensitive information. Saito Takao promised the 'sunlight' policy would crack down on corruption in government matters. Suzuki Kisaburo privately opposed the bill, but Saito Takao's continuing popularity and the a desire by Seiyukai leadership to keep Prime Minster Suzuki well away from the Interior Ministry prevented Suzuki from openly opposing Saito's legislation, which eventually passed with the support of a minority of Seiyukai members of the Diet and nearly unanimous support from opposition groups.

Suzuki, for his part, loosened the few government controls on industrial planning. Though again he remained politically wise enough not to repeal Kawarada's base reforms introduced in response to the Niigata movement.

Across the Pacific the Canadian King made a point of declaring his government's continued ambition to restore the crown's authority in England, although in less dramatic speeches the King indicated plans should be made for a counter-revolution in England itself, rather than a large-scale invasion, possibly supported by Canadian special forces.

In a private meeting with the Emperor, Prime Minister Suzuki introduced the key members of his cabinet, including two unexpected substitutions. Suzuki replaced a consumer-goods focused candidate for minister of industry with Matsumoto Joji, who was expected to focus on military goods production and ensuring Japan's factories remained supplied with raw materials.

Takasu Shiro would focus Japan's relatively meager intelligence apparatus on detecting potential threats to Japan's shipping lanes.

The Emperor, of course, remained the Japanese Head of State, although with questionable powers under Japan's constitution, which underwent democratic reforms during the interim government of Prime Minister Hamaguchi.

Less than a year after Japanese forces began to wade ashore in the Irawaddy delta, the Japanese army assaulted and took Delhi. The Bharitya Commune, now virtually surrounded, militarized the population of huge numbers of Indians living along the Ganges and added industrial capacity in Calcutta.

With the army needed elsewhere, Japan took advantage of an orderly handover of the governmental apparatus of British India and divested itself of a number of formerly Delhian territories. The Afghans proved willing to pay a paltry sum for the useless wasteland of Gwadar, west of Karachi, and Japan encouraged good relations with Afghanistan in other ways as well.

Kashmir and other mountain territories were 'sold' to Nepal for considerations in kind and a promise to maintain order in the region.

And Japan, with bigger fish to fry, ignored Bharitya militias taking control of multiple territories on the northeast bank of the Ganges. The Bharitya, not being suicidal, kept their militias from taking positions immediately threatening to Delhi itself.

A Ma warlord even took a few mountain valleys in the north in an attempt to setup a minor principality the Mongols might ignore.

As for the bulk of Delhian territory, Japan decided to transfer control of India proper to the still reorganizing Princely Federation, largely for lack of any other workable plan.

--------------------------------------------------------
--------------------------------------------------------

The Indian campaign proved easier than expected. That's the first time I've engaged Delhi this early, and as it turns out small armies of 1921 infantry don't do so well. Who knew?

In other news, talk about brave Canadians. That's one aggressive King they have. Almost as aggressive as me! Where should the Japanese army go next?

 

[unmerged(228389)]

Politics. It is a complex beast. You have to genuinely know what the other man wants to truly manipulate him. And if you have no idea what he is like... this creates problems. The politically brilliant Inukai no longer led the Japanese nation. Now the politically simple Prime Minister Suzuki stood at its head.

This made sense domestically. Within Japan, rebellion in the colonies was scary. Suzuki stood squarely against rebellion in the colonies (let alone why the Koreans and Formosans wanted to rebel). Suzuki was popular and won an election. But elections have consequences, at home and abroad.

The Prince of Terror was elected Prime Minister of Japan, nevermind the moderating influences of age, the Niigata movement, or Saito Takao. He came to power, promised aggressive military success against the Entente, and annexed Delhi. The Canadian King couldn't let go of a recaptured Britain. He declared that ultimately England remained Canada's goal. Nevermind how the King truly thought that goal would come to be.

Finally, Australasia valued its freedom. At least the Anglo portions of the country who weren't under the Anglo boot. Aborigonies, Maori, Port Moresby, and Fiji had a different view of Australasian "freedom". The stunningly high standard of living, relative peace at home, wide freedoms and social mobility, all of these things are critical motivations for the Anglo part of the Australasian population.

So let us review. The Entente declares war on the Japan-Siam-Transamur alliance to satisfy Canadian economic interests in Asia and Delhian territorial claims. The war goes badly in India, resulting in the surrender of two full Caribbean Federation divisions and the annihilation of an Australasian division. Canada sends only planes.

Next, just as the war looks to be entering a phase of naval combat between Entente fleets and Japanese fleets with the prize being control of sea lanes and access to landings on enemy territory, a notoriously brutal Japanese Prime Minister promises total victory by arms rather than speak of a negotiated peace. Canada's King declares the crown does not forget England. And Canada's main fleet has yet to engage any Japanese vessels. Let alone the fear in Canada of Syndicalist invasion forcing the fleet to defend the Atlantic. That doesn't matter to...

The Australasians. Who remember their British roots fondly. But value their freedom and way of life more than anything else. What would happen if another credible power offered to protect that freedom, to defend the home territories, and moreover to demand far less participation in a European war against syndicalism than desperate Canada would?

Australasia would jump at the chance, and with virtually no reservations. So, of course, they do.

Billy Hughes, a prominent Australian war leader, declared the King unwilling to defend Australasia and took power in an efficient coup. Now the Australasians like freedom, which they associate with democracy. But Hughes promises elections. Still...

Australasians don't wish to fight a civil war during a foreign war with a fearsome Japan. Still...

Germany pledges to protect the new government and bring an end to Japanese aggression in the Pacific, citing the wars in Burma, India, and the refusal to sign a peace with the Entente after the defeat of Delhi. Now the core political goals of Australasia are wholly aligned with the coup. There is no resistance.

And Germany declares war against Japan to solidify their hold on their new ally, provide a distraction from their domestic economic disaster, reassure their colonies worried about Japanese aggression, and extend their sphere of influence. All strong motivations. Prime Minister Suzuki's domestic victory and the annexation of Delhi became a disaster for Japan. Someone with Inukai's political acumen might have seen the storm clouds brewing. But Japan's current leadership did not.

As a general rule, Japan's territories looked fearfully at the pressure that could be brought against them by Germany. Yet a number of German possessions and task forces looked fearfully at the pressure Japan could bring down on them. Most notably the German forces in Tsingdao and Tianjin. It was only a few decades ago the Japanese successfully besieged a German garrison in Tsingdao, after all.

Japan's ally Transamur, with a military government well prepared for any contingency, sent aircraft operating out of Port Arthur to bomb Germany's capable and modern Yellow Sea fleet. Germany was negotiating passage for fighter planes from its allies with Russia and China to provide defenses for the Yellow Sea fleet, but the negotiations took too long and Admiral Bohm, a competent naval officer, decided the Yellow Sea fleet would be safer on the open seas. His forces steamed out of Tsingdao. Well aware of the southerly disposition of Japan's main fleets due to the war with the Entente and capable German intelligence services, Admiral Bohm headed into Japanese territorial waters to raid shipping as a prelude to further orders to protect German concessions in China at all costs, continue to evade the enemy and attack the merchant marine, or to retreat and regroup with larger German fleets by way of the Panama Canal.

Japan's home defense fleet, under the venerable (and aged) Admiral Kato, spotted enemy ships steaming east between the Ryukyus and the Home Islands and turned to intercept. Then the modern battleships of the Yellow Sea fleet came into view, and Japanese forces turned to flee, while Admiral Bohm instructed his fleet to pursue. The German fleet caught the slower Japanese fleet in the seas around the Osumi islands and the tremendous thunder of naval guns rang out over the ocean in the first major naval battle in Asia since the Weltkreig.

Bohm's four active battleships scored several critical hits on the cruisers of the Home Fleet, especially the Japanese heavy cruiser Myoko. The SMS Wittlesbach, already critically damaged by a Russian torpedo dropped by Kolchak's air force, remained well protected by the German line of battle.

Admiral Kato, however, managed to accomplish one significant task during the battle. The Home Fleet radioed Japan's land-sea bomber squadron, based in Okinawa to watch for Entente submarines approaching Japan's shipping lanes. The bomber squadrons, well-trained and organized under Yamamoto's air force leadership, responded quickly to the distress call. They were aided to some extent by Japan's ground bombers, scrambled from Nagasaki where those forces were preparing for a possible Korean campaign.

The arrival of the bombers put the SMS Wittelsbach in danger, as the screening lines of the Yellow Sea fleat couldn't block an approach from the air. Admiral Bohm reluctantly ordered his fleet to cease chasing the Japanese Home Fleet even as Kato instructed his ships to scatter in a general retreat. Bohm steamed for open waters, seeking to escape the range of the Japanese bombers and possibly disappear undetected in the vastness of the ocean.

Yet despite Bohm's prompt and correct action, the damaged SMS Wittelsbach couldn't be saved. The German navy lost one of her best battleships to the attacks of the Japanese planes, and one of their largest cruisers for good measure.

Thousands of kilometers away, German ships stationed in Indochina destroyed a few Siamese vessels reconnoitering the Mekong Delta.

Japan's grand strategy against the German Empire remained relatively simple: isolate pockets of German resistance and annihilate them piecemeal, using naval transports to achieve local army superiority. The Admiralty had long proclaimed that with proper logistics and transport capacity ten divisions could do the same job as fifty divisions without naval support. Next, hope Germany wouldn't commit its full naval strength to the Pacific. Last, achieve naval superiority in the Pacific and crush any German ambitions of retaking her colonies with her far superior army by eliminating Germany's transport capacity and thus her ability to move and resupply her vastly superior army.

Most of the Japanese army being stationed in India didn't complicate matters too much. The army could resist German landings there as it awaited transport back east in the holds of Taniguchi's fleet. Though Japan's admirals did admit that once the army returned east India would be vulnerable to landings by German forces. The loss of India might be considered acceptable if Japan secured the critical naval base at Singapore and cut off German access to the Pacific, however.

The German High Command, however, was more than aware of Japanese potency in the Pacific. Even though it enjoyed the luxury of additional bases in Australasia, Germany had no intention of taking any chances in the war. And to Germany's benefit the Legation Cities affair caused quite a bit of resentment against Japan from the Chinese living along the southern coast. Germany decided to gamble on total victory in the Pacific, and ordered its profitable colonial companies to officially declare war on Japan.

The Allgemeine Ostasiatische Gesellschaft wasn't a traditional country by any means. It was more properly understood as the largest corporate conglomerate in the world, one that essentially controlled the organs of state in south China for corporate purposes. Even if the AOG was legally only a co-operative group of distinct companies with different owners, the AOG board of directors had become something much more.

The details didn't matter all that much to Japan, as the main concern was that the AOG was capable of fielding a sizable 'security force'. While often lacking basic training, the AOG kept their toy soldiers well equipped with weaponry. And the German High Command hoped hordes of untrained Chinese soldiers could flood Siam with German-aligned troops. Even defeats at sea could then be sustained by the German war effort by supplying continental forces from south China. If the AOG truly had control of south China. After all, politics is paramount. Would they fight? And even if the AOG fought, would the Chinese populace put forth a real effort?

As it turns out, they were certainly willing to assault and liberate Triad-held Legation Cities.

After Suzuki's election as Prime Minister, the only mildly positive development for Japan on the diplomatic front was the February collapse of the United States of America. Newly inaugurated president Charles Curtis seemed to be an uncontroversial new leader from across the Pacific. After all, he was simply a Republican president taking over from the previous Republican administration. And Curtis, a native american (Kaw), mixed pro-business policies with a new campaign to end Jim Crow laws in the south and racial discrimination all across America. What could possibly go wrong with a platform like that?

But the previous Republican administration had turned a blind eye to private security companies attacking union workers with guns and baseball bats. And unlike Japan's response to the Niigata movement, America let the problem fester. And fester. Not least because of a reactionary populist movement from the southern firebrand, Huey Long. Both Long and Jack Reed contested the election results, apparently realizing that it's not too hard to convince die-hard supporters that elections were rigged even if they weren't.

All of which might have amounted to nothing, except that extremist syndicalist candidates now held the Chicago, Pittsburgh, and New York mayorships, not to mention the Illinois and Michigan governor's mansions. They declared the elections fraudulent and began secession proceedings.

At the same time, Curtis's inauguration speech called for an increase in the size of the Supreme Court. Many southerners believed the "court-packing" scheme was a prelude to radical new judgments changing the nature of the staunchly redemptionist Democratic south - changes that could only be enforced on the ground through the use of federal troops. Huey Long's campaign rallies, already massive, turned into even larger "anti-corruption" rallies against the supposedly illegitimate federal government. Long traveled across the south, followed by a pack of friendly reporters all agog at the size of the gatherings in support of the firebrand. One by one, Democratic governors in the South decided to back Huey Long and support his claim to be the legitimate ruler of the United States of America. Though no one used the word 'secession,' whether the southern states would press Long's claims throughout the rest of America remained uncertain.

And while the United States possessed the second best Navy in the world, and a strong tradition of avionics, being the nation where flight was invented, its army was pitifully small. Having never entered the Weltkrieg, America still relied on the old militia system of calling for mass volunteers in the event of war, keeping little standing army to speak of. All of which worked well when your enemies were on the other side of an ocean. But when they already occupied your major cities, the militia system proved to be an advantage to the new Combined Syndicates of America and True American Union movement.

Still, the United States looked to have the advantage over the rebels. After all, the majority of the population still supported the federal government. But how strong was that support? Not strong in the west, where business leaders pressed Pacific governors to stay out of the war. Curtis labeled this growing sentiment a third secession and demanded the Pacific states 'remain loyal' to the federal government rather than stay out of the war altogether.

The pressure backfired and the Pacific States of America declared independence, thus entering into a de facto state of war with the federal government. Loyalist governments still held most of the center of the country, but only a narrow corridor in the more important east backed Curtis. Though US Navy ships packed the Chesapeake, most Admirals remaining loyal to the United States. That very loyalty, however, limited the U.S. navy to the poor supply facilities in Washington D.C. itself.

And in the meantime, Brazil's socialist government refuses any political compromise.

The American situation held some benefits for Japan. Canada went into a panic about the threat of syndicalism in the tremendously powerful U.S.A.. If America went syndicalist, how could Canada hold out against the revolutionaries in Britain? Canadian troops invaded Maine, Vermont, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island and upstate New York as soon as it became clear that the CSA bastion of New York City and militias in Pennsylvania had cut New England off from the federal stronghold in Washington D.C.. Curtis loudly condemned Canada for her wanton aggression, but even the uncompromising President Curtis wasn't insane enough to open a fourth front against the professional Canadian army.

New England governors were happy to stay out of the war, so they co-operated with the Canadian invasion. Then they demanded autonomy and self-government under Canadian protection. And the King refused, to the stunned reaction of many. Was the King's attitude towards New England the same as Old England - a once and future possession of the crown?

Canada also seized the Panama Canal, cutting Japanese shipping off from the Atlantic. Which actually didn't hurt Japan all that much, as her merchant marine was busy ferrying supplies and goods to various points in the Pacific and Indian Oceans.

Japanese war planners on the one hand celebrated the American Civil War as eliminating a long-term potential threat to Japan (America) and occupying the attention of a short-term potential threat to Japan (Canada and her last ally, the Caribbean Federation). On the other hand, the civil war ended trade agreements keeping Japan supplied with Californian oil. Instead, California quickly stockpiled oil for her own military use. And amongst the educated populace of Japan, rumors swirled about the notorious racist, Earl Warren. Attorney General of California, Warren had long supported odious Alien Land Acts rejected by the Curtis wing of the Republican party.

But while Japan paid some attention to goings on in the rest of the world, all of her efforts were put into protecting her empire from the German behemoth. Admiral Bohm's Yellow Sea fleet seemed to have left Japanese waters, but a fast cruiser group apparently operating out of Pacific Island bases surprised the broken remnants of the Home Fleet, raiding all the way into the Inland Sea! All but one of the Home Fleet's ships were sunk.

Militarily a mild irritant, the affair could have become a major political disaster. German ships victorious in the Inland Sea! But the main battleship fleet under Admiral Koga, already on its way back to the Home Islands in case it was needed to engage Bohm's Yellow Sea battleships, trapped the Germain cruiser group as it attempted to escape Japanese waters.

Koga's battleships sunk every ship in the cruiser group and threw in a couple more light cruisers apparently dispatched from the Yellow Sea battlegroup to rendezvous with the German raiders.

Prime Minister Suzuki, violating Saito Takao's open government policy, heavily censored newspaper coverage of the affair. The total destruction of the cruiser group, ahem, German Pacific Islands High Seas Fleet, headlined every paper carrying war news. The loss of most of the Home Fleet, however, was said to be near the Japanese Coast - but the words 'Inland Sea' were carefully eliminated from any reporting.

Also making the newsreels was dramatic footage from the landing of the valiant 'Korean Army' against the German enclave in Tianjin. Support from the transport fleet and Japanese land bombers operating out of Port Arthur made the battle a full-scale land-sea-air operation Japan's technologically advanced forces could be proud of.

In Japan's factories, belated upgrades to the fleet were hastily begun. The Admiralty had assumed her ships would be brought up to modern standards before they had to risk any critical engagement, but they'd been very wrong. Japan's laborers worked as hard as they could to fix the mistake.

Across the Pacific, the fighting stage of the Second American Civil War began in earnest after the various state governments decided who they would back. In a controversial move, Curtis positioned most of the tiny United States army around Washington D.C., where it could be supported by the fleet while volunteers (hopefully) flooded in to join federal forces.

Canada decided to seize Alaska in addition to New England, and with even less justification. But the big diplomatic news came when Mexico delivered an ultimatum to Curtis. California had already seceded from federal control, but Curtis was to deliver to Mexican authorities Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas or face war. President Curtis, already stung when the Pacific States of America called his bluff, ceded control of the Southwest to Mexico. To many Americans this was a betrayal of the nation, and Huey Long made good use of the concession in his propaganda.

But the concession kept important Texas industries out of the hands of the AUS and tied down Mexican forces keeping control of the new territory. The socialist forces of Mexico, who might have been expected to come to the aid of their fellow workers in the CSA. The CSA leadership also split over whether or not to recognize the concession as a victory for workers world wide or regard Mexico as a foreign enemy of the American nation.

In Peru, the Japanese diaspora community reported that the theoretically democratic right-wing government there had reacted to the allaince between Brazil, Venezuela, and Bolivia by allying itself with La Plata.

The first major convoy of Japanese army units out of India headed straight for Singapore. Landing on the Malaysian peninsula, already seized by a Siamese army division, the ground troops were reinforced by Admiral Yamamoto's task force patrolling the straits. The Japanese Army began a direct assault on Singapore, supported by Yamamoto's carrier-based aircraft, but German paranoia and Australasian valor held the city.

The Germans had fortified Singapore with land-facing fortresses, sea-facing fortresses, and even anti-air emplacements, all well-stocked with artillery. Huge, heavily shielded armories filled with ammunition constructed nearby meant the German artillery could fire at any target of opportunity. And while the Japanese army brought sufficient numbers to overwhelm the purely German defenses, two well-trained Australasian divisions with yet more artillery made their way into the city just before Yamamoto's fleet closed in.

In the high mountains of Asia Mongolia and Tibet both added significant chunks of territory to their control when the Mas finally surrendered. Though Mongolia faced some unrest due to the Mad Baron's appointment of White-faction Russians to a number of important positions in that country.

The Russian leadership limited Mongolian national ambition. Meanwhile, the first German probe of Yamamoto's fleet placed Japan's carriers on combat alert. But the German task force was simply assessing the strength of the Japanese fleet.

Japans grand battle plan started to go into effect as the Sea Wolf, Admiral Sakonji, intercepted and destroyed numerous convoy transports attempting to reinforce German forces in the Yellow Sea. At the same time Koga's battleship fleet steamed back south, sent to clear the Gulf of Tonkin and the Indochinese coast of any potential large German fleets ahead of possible landings by Japanese army forces. They also destroyed a number of transports along their way. Bombers also continued to harass German fortifications in Tianjin, though a few relatively outdated Lithuanian and Belgian fighters contested the skies over the Yellow Sea from Tsingdao.

Before further forces were moved away from the Indian theater, Yamaguchi's transport fleet seized German bases and landed five divisions on Ceylon. The small Japanese army annihilated two German divisions maintaining control of Germany's primary base in the Indian Ocean.

As with other parts of the Indian theater, Japan conquered new territory with no idea of how to maintain control over it. Giving the territory to the Princely Federation seemed impractical, given the Federation's limited ability to control its own territory. In a move shocking to foreign observers not familiar with the new democratic movements in Japan, Japan declared the people of Ceylon could choose their own government.

In a surprise move, a charismatic former British colonialist emerged as the head of state. None of the ethnic groups on Ceylon could agree on anything, and Sir Stubbs was seen as a neutral technocratic compromise. At least he could put a modern economy together. This embarrassed Japan politically, given its vocal opposition to any semblance of European colonial rule, but since it was obvious to most observers the British would never have major influence in India again, Japan was unwilling to break their agreement to let Sri Lanka choose its own leadership.

The Japanese assault on Singapore pulled back as a result of failing to even dent the city's hardened defenses. The valor and determination of the Australasian forces was a surprise. The Australasians knew well that holding base at Singapore would be the primary target of Japan's naval forces. So long as they held Singapore, they didn't need to fight on the beaches of Australia.

The assault on Singapore failed. The siege of Singapore began. And not long after the artillery fire around Singapore slowed down, Germany sent its primary Asian fleet to relieve the beleaguered city.

------------------------------------
------------------------------------


Oh, Kaiserreich. You and your unpredictable event chains. How is it you manage to make sure each game is so different?

 

[Metroid17]

This is a fantastic AAR, btw. Well written, politically realistic, and pretty damn riveting with its unpredictability. Well done so far!

(You should really throw your lot in with the Californians btw)

 

[unmerged(228389)]

@Metroid17
Thank you! I'm glad you're enjoying it.

If the PSA goes down the event chain where they select a foreign power to ally with and choose Japan, I'll happily role play an accommodation with California. But in the meantime Earl Warren is complicating diplomatic relations between Japan and the PSA. Speaking of Warren, it boggles my mind he isn't an option for the PSA in some governmental capacity. He should be an option for head of state, head of government, or minister of security. Or perhaps a later option for minister of security for the USA. Big oversight, in my opinion.