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Tahmasp's Consolidation and the First Turko-Persian War

Though he expanded the influence of the Persian Empire to the East, Tahmasp I also spent much time consolidating his realm. Already by the end of Shah Ismail's reign, Persia was a highly centralized state such as never had existed in the region. Although the old aristocracy held a great deal of power and influence, in the final analysis all authority derived from Isfahan and the Shah himself. During his reign Tahmasp, though truly no match for his father in the diplomatic and administrative arenas, was able to apply this control to good effect.

His most important effort for much of his reign was the conversion of the Sunni majorities that still existed in many provinces of the empire. Shi'a Imams were dispatched from Isfahan and given as much funding as they desired, though Tahmasp's marginally competent oversight lowered their efficiency somewhat. His best contribution was an order that his missionaries should avoid the Arab-speaking Sunni parts of the empire until some time later; the people of these places (Awhaz and Kerbala) were less than receptive and would have likely rendered the evangelism a wasted effort. Instead, the Imams were sent to Afghanistan and Baluchistan, as well as to the Kurds of Mosul.

In time, the people of Mosul, as well as in various provinces on the eastern fringes of Persia, came to embrace Shi'ism, though some proved more resistant than others. The Baluchis of the coast clung to Sunni Islam rather more fervently that those in the interior, and the people of Kuhistan also resisted conversion. Tahmasp swore to redouble his efforts, though more pressing matters soon took his attention.

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In the period of 1559-61 the sons of Suleiman I Kanuni, Caliph and Ottoman Emperor, were locked in a succession struggle. Selim and Bayezid both contended for the throne, until eventually Selim proved himself the stronger and Bayezid fled from Turkey. He sought refuge and support in the court of Tahmasp I, but Tahmasp would have nothing to do with this intrigue and sent Bayezid back to his brother, where he was strangled in accordance with the Ottoman custom. Tahmasp included with this repatriation a request that representatives be sent from Istanbul to discuss a resolution of the disputed region of Azerbaijan around Baku (claimed by Persia but held by Turkey), but his missive garnered no response from Selim.

Insulted by this omission, Tahmasp made diplomatic maneuvers. He founded an alliance of Shi'a states, including the Uzbek Khanate and the Sultanates of Oman and Sindh, and soon enough both Uzbek and Sindh swore to be vassals of Persia, though Oman was geographically isolated from Persia, and would not consent. This alliance offered a bulwark for Persian interests in the east, and this secured offered Tahmasp a chance to settle the issue of Baku.

Thus it was in February of 1569 that the aging Tahmasp sent his declaration of war to Istanbul (he did not request the aid of his allies) and dispatched an army to besiege Baku even as he took command of his defending army in Baghdad. The Ottomans and their Algerian allies in their turn marched out of Anatolia and Syria. Tahmasp marched to meet them in Mosul, and quickly found the measure of his forces.

Though both armies were of roughly equal size and possessed similar technology, the Ottoman armies were better organized and disciplined and deployed a greater weight of artillery. The horde of Kizilbashis that had availed Ismail so well against so many foes was a poor match for the crack Janissaries of the Sublime Porte. He fell back on Baghdad with his army largely intact, but subsequent attacks on the Ottomans were no more successful, and he was driven as far back as Teheran before he changed strategies.

Meanwhile, the Persians entered Baku, and in turn the Turks took control of Mosul, Kerbala, and Tabriz, and advanced to the walls of Baghdad. The emissaries of Selim II visited Tahmasp at his camp outside Teheran and arrogantly demanded that they be ceded Tabriz. Saying only that Persia was a very large country and would not be defeated merely by capturing a handful of cities, Tahmasp sent his guests back to Istanbul, though not before they were allowed to witness the assembly of the vast armies that had been raised to retake what Persia had lost. For though the Persian army might not be a match for the Ottomans in the field of battle, Tahmasp had a vast resource of manpower and money with which to make good his losses, and they could concentrate all their energies on a single foe while the attention of the Ottomans was divided in all directions.

With these enlarged forces Tahmasp marched on Baghdad, where he shattered the Ottoman siege of that city just as it neared success. He pursued the main Ottoman army to Hamadan, where he annihilated it in its totality. After this victory, he dispatched a letter to Selim II, who spent his drunken days lazing about his harem, saying that had Selim had the bravery to lead his own army into battle, then Tahmasp would have had the pleasure of his company. Selim II executed the messenger in a fit of pique and ordered that a new army be assembled to destroy the Persians once and for all.

For his own part Tahmasp divided his army into several smaller parts to retake the cities that the Ottomans had captured, while he himself led the majority of his army across northern Iraq towards Damascus. He met only small Ottoman armies along the way and annihilated them piecemeal, and finally by the winter of 1572 he settled into a seige of Damascus.

Simultaneously, instability within the Ottoman Empire cripplied Selim's ability to respond. With the armies so far away on the Persian frontier, breakaway groups took their opportunity. A Mamluke rebellion in Egypt was joined by a revolt of Bulgarians in the Lower Balkans, and Selim's new army spent its strength averting disaster in the very heartlands of the Ottoman Empire. With no forces available to resist Thamasp, Syria and the Levant lay defenseless; the principle advisor of Selim II, Mehmet Sokullu, convinced the Caliph to offer Baku and a tribute of some one-hundred thirty-six chests of gold to Tahmasp in exchange for peace. The Shah readily accepted this offer.

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The two-fold approach of this AAR continues to entrance. It appears our Ambassador is becoming quite entranced himself!

And a successful war against the Ottomans, always a good fillup.
 
Nicely done with the war against the OE.

Given that the story part of the AAR takes place in 1836, will there be any chance of a Vicky sequel? I know WATK can’t be converted, but you could always manually mod it…
 
Prologue

Excerpted from My Journey Into the East: The Account of Christiaan Sutphen, Ambassador to Persia

The city of Ghazni had once been the capital of an empire that had stretched from the Caspian Sea to Delhi, but in 1836 it had been reduced to little more than a sleepy outpost in the Hindu Kush. It was a day's journey off the main trade road to Samarqand, and little traffic came its way. The ancient stone minarets and towers built by the Ghaznavid Empire stood just outside the site of the new city, and we rode past them on our way.

Out there, miles from the Shah's highway and the attending mobs of traders and travellers, I could observe in peace the natural splendor of Afghanistan. It had a terrible beauty, just as one might imagine the surface of the moon. The province of Ghazni was even more a desert than the rest of the dry country, and the mountains stood all along the hazy horizon. I had lived my whole life in one coastal plain or another, and this was all foreign to me. As I looked all around me, the city of Ghazni swept up on me and took me by surprise. It was a city like many in those mountains, all stone walls and narrow streets.

The women shuffled from place to place, some wearing the full burqa, a garment that hides every inch of the body beneath cloth, and reveals only the woman's eyes through a screen of horsehair, and others clad only in loose gowns and scarves covering their heads. They did not look up at me; to them I was just another official. The men walked about with considerably more confidence, looking at me with some curiosity but little interest. Ghazni was not the melting pot that Delhi or Lahore had been, but they had no reason to remark on me.

I went with Hashimel to his family's house; his father had died years ago, leaving him the titular head of the household. In practice, as he had not been in Ghazni for years, his mother kept the house. I judged by their house that they were a clan of some means, but the men were at work with the flocks and nowhere in evidence, while the women would not speak while I was in the room with them. I assumed this to be merely a feature of Muslim religion, although as I neared Isfahan I would find women more talkative than these. The Muslims of Afghanistan were among the most conservative in all Persia, perhaps because they had for so long lived as neighbors with the heathen Hindus.

Soon enough, the tailor arrived to take my measurements. It would be a few days before my new wardrobe could be completed. In the meantime, I would sleep at Hashimel's house, and in the morning I would watch his clan play buzkashi. When I asked what this sport was, Hashimel laughed and told me that I would see.

I slept well that night; the thin mountain air agreed with me.

/\/\/\/\/

Buzkashi is a sport as savage as any that can be imagined. It is somewhat similar to the English custom of football or rugby, but played on horseback with the toughened carcass of a goat in place of the rubber ball. Two teams of men compete to take hold of the carcass, evade their rivals, and place it within a space defended by the opposing team. A sport of galloping horses and men bending low from the saddle to snatch a goat's corpse from the dirt is perhaps violent enough, but each horseman held a whip--often in his teeth--with which to prod his horse and, as necessary, beat his opponents.

Hashimel told me before he commenced to play that the Persians preferred polo, a game in which men on horseback use long clubs to strike a ball through gates, in which there is little violence. The Pashtuns apparently regard this as an effete substitute for buzkashi, a true man's sport. What did they think of me, then, as I stood on a ridge near the field, with the women of Hashimel's household?

I had trouble following the game, because I could not tell the difference between the two teams. They knew, because it was played between two rival clans of the town. The game went on for hours, until finally Hashimel himself struck the man who was then carrying the goat across the teeth with his whip and snatched the carcass away. The poor man tumbled from his mount as Hashimel rode to the goal and scored his point, and when it was found that the man had broken his arm in the fall, and the sun was setting, it was decided that the match had ended in victory for Hashimel's clan. He, dripping with sweat, rode to me and addressed me from horseback.

"We have won," he said, "and they will pay the price of your clothing."

I told him that I would rather have found a method of payment which would have visited less harm on men and beast. He laughed.

"Christiaan, you are truly in the right place among the women, and with such a mind you will find the Persian courtiers fine company!" he replied, then he spurred his mount and raced back to his house.

In what little Pashtun I had acquired from Hashimel, I bid the women farewell, and mounted my own horse.
 
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The Deeds of Shah Abbas the Great

Tahmasp I died in 1576, and he was duly succeeded by his son, Ismail II. Ismail II was a poor ruler and unjust, but he ruled only two years before perishing and could do no damage. In his turn he was succeeded by his brother, Mohammed Khodabanda, who reigned for twelve years though his reign was no more remarkable than his brother's, with no great wars or great reforms to mark it.

In the later years of his life, Mohammed sickened and was not capable of leading his nation, and his authority devolved to his son Hamza Mirza, and then to another son, Abu Talib--Persia lacked clear leadership during this period, and, as so often, it was out of uncertain times that a great leader arose.

In 1589, one of Mohammed's sons, Abbas, assassinated his rivals for the throne and demanded that his father officially abdicate the throne to him; Mohammed complied and retired into obscurity, while Shah Abbas I headed toward his destiny as the greatest monarch of the Safavid dynasty. His first act as Shah was to declare war upon the remnants of the Mughal Empire in Kabul, and to annihilate them in a short war. They were annexed into the Persian Empire, but the Mughal court managed to escape into exile (it would reestablish in Delhi after the fall of the Delhi Sultanate, only to be again--and finally--annexed by the Persian Empire in 1660). Abbas, however, remained satisfied with this victory.

His most strenuous effort, and his most lasting, was in renewing the conversion efforts begun by Tahmasp I and largely abandoned in the thirteen years since. Abbas showed himself a superior administrator, and in twenty years of strenuous effort found complete victory; all the various and far-flung provinces of Persia embraced Shi'a Islam, from farthest Afghanistan to Kerbala on the border with the Turk.

Also, Abbas I was innovative in his choice of advisors. Because he felt he could not trust the self-serving nobility of Persia, he selected an Englishman, Sir Robert Shirley, to be his chief advisor. Shirley brought advanced techniques of administration and military tactics from his homeland, and Persia prospered with his advice.

During this time, the Khan of Uzbeks fought several inconclusive wars against his neighbors, including the Khazak Horde and the Khan of Bukhara. Finally, in 1600 Abbas brought these wars a satisfactory (for him) conclusion, by overrunning the Khazaks and Bukhara and forcing them to convert to Shi'a Islam. With security in the east at least nominally achieved, and his project of conversion completed, Abbas turned on the Ottoman Empire in 1609.

The Ottomans were again experiencing a period of severe instability, which offered Abbas an opportunity. Though the Turks had before reconquered the breakaway states of Egypt and Bulgaria, the 17th century saw a renewal of internal tensions. Abbas I initially refused to exploit these problems of his neighbor and enemy when he was approached for aid by the rebels of eastern Anatolia, but he soon changed his mind. The Ottomans denuded Syria of troops to put down revolts in other parts of their realm, and Abbas could scarcely help but exploit the opportunity.

He declared war in 1609 and marched with 53,000 men across the border. He took 22,000 and laid seige to Damascus, while smaller armies marched on Aleppo and the province of Taurus. The Ottomans had no armies with which to defend themselves, and for a time Abbas was unopposed.

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He entered Damascus triumphantly, and sent small forces to take Jordan and Palestine, while he moved north towards the heartland of Anatolia.

As his other armies laid seige to more cities in the rear, the main force of Abbas' army marched with him into Karaman. He was met there by the largest body of Ottoman troops yet seen, some 13000 men. Abbas, with 23,000, brushed them aside and laid seige to the city. Caliph Ahmed I, panicking, quickly raised a massive force of cavalry and attacked Abbas' positions with 26,000 men. The Persians, though suffering from lack of forage and epidemics that had reduced their numbers to only 16,000, had chosen their positions well and dealt the Turks a bloody reverse.

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The first and second battles of Karaman were the only serious attempt by Ahmed I to oppose the Persia invasion, and they were abject failures. Abbas I entered Karaman by the end of 1610 and, receiving reinforcements from Persia, marched north to Ankara with 23,000 men.

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At this blow, Ahmed I saw that his war was lost. Egypt had been overtaken by the Mameluke revolt and was lost, while all of European Turkey was subjected to continual raids by the Bulgarians, even the capital at Edirne and the primary city of Constantinople. With the Persians in utter control of Syria and the Levant, and preparing still further to take over Anatolia itself, Ahmed I knew that to continue the fight would result in the total destruction of his empire. Therefore, he sent messengers to Abbas I in his camp with terms of peace that would mean the near dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire.

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Abbas replied, with a letter, written in Turkish, which informed Ahmend that he had no desire to take control of such an expanse of land. He had attacked Turkey not for gross territory but to secure eternal peace for Persia, he said, and if only the Ottomans would become his brothers in faith there would be no reason for them to fight.

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Ahmed I, faced with no option but to agree, transported his court to Angara and met with Abbas; when he returned to Edirne in late 1611, the Ottoman Empire was a Shi'a nation.

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Abbas I returned, as promised, to Persia. He made a halt in Baghdad, where he celebrated his triumph and exchanged gifts with the Turks, so as to improve relations with his new co-religionists. From Baghdad he marched east; his vassals of Sindh had been attacked by an alliance of North Indian states including Jaipur, Gujarat, and the Sikhs of Punjab. They proved incapable of defending themselves, and had to be rescued by Persia's armies. Abbas I struck first at the Sikhs and overran them in a few months, so that they were forced to swear vassal to Persia. He then turned on Gujarat and forced them to convert to Shi'ism, and finally he sundered Jaipur and forced them to pay a nominal tribute.

The Khan of the Uzbeks, so far from India and concerned with other matters, had abandoned the alliance rather than honor the call to war. Abbas I therefore left the Uzbeks to their own devices, and soon the Khazaks, Chagatai, and Bokhara declared war on the Uzbeks and took many of their northern provinces. Chastised, the Khan rejoined the alliance with Persia. Sindh and the Uzbeks would be officially annexed into the Empire of Persia in December 1631 and May 1632, respectively.

Abbas I did not live to see this day, however, as he died of old age in 1629.
 
:eek:

A force conversion of the OE! Wow! Now thats somthing to write home about.
 
Nothing like religious harmony. Now let's see of the Ottoman Sultans will keep to their end of the bargain. A very great Khan, I wonder what his epithet will be. "The Great" seems altogether too prosaic for his feats. Given his religious wars, as it were, if he were a Christian you might almost call him "The Crusader". But, mmm, as I recall Islam goes for somewhat more poetic epithets than the West, "Sword of Allah' has a nice ring to it. Like the sound a blade makes when it is being pulled out of its sheath ;)
 
Fulcrumvale: I happened to be lucky, in that the OE was beset by revolts at that time, and I had the best leader that Persia ever gets. So I jumped them; incidentally, I found out that force converting the OE to Shi'ism pretty much knocks them out of contention as a power for the rest of the game.

Stnylan: Abbas I is pretty much the only Safavid Shah who got any epithet at all, so I thought I might as well just call him "the great".
 
Excellent work. :) I am following this one with interest.
 
Prologue

Excerpted from My Journey Into the East: The Account of Christiaan Sutphen, Ambassador to Persia

From Ghazni we rejoined the Shah's road and followed it to Samarqand, the great city of Central Asia, third largest in the Persia Empire. It is an island of more than 600,000 souls in the lands between the high Hindu Kush and the flat and endless expanse of the Steppe. For centuries Samarqand has been an entrepot for the Silk Road, that path that carried the goods of China across Asia until finally it deposited them in Constantinople. Even with the advent of seaborne trade between Europe and China, Samarqand has remained an important trading city, and it is the northern capital of the Persian Empire.

It was once the military base from which Persia armies controlled the Steppe, but this role has diminished with the capture of Astrakhan from Russia. Now it is a city of trade and administration, linking the wealthy provinces of India with the heart of Persia. After the rough terrain and isolation of Afghanistan, the city seemed to be a vast flower blooming in the plain. With the Hindu Kush looming over our shoulders, we rode into the city, past the marketplace, and into the Temur Meidan, the large square around which the great mosque and governor's palace were constructed. The panoply was less grand than it had been in Delhi, and the contrast between it and the city less stark, because the whole of Samarqand was built to the same style.

(The Temur Meidan is named for that famous conqueror known erroneously in Europe as Tamerlane. His reputation within Persia, the land that he and his heirs once ruled, is very mixed. The people of the Western cities revile him because it those cities that he sacked, but the people of Samarkand and Central Asia praise him, because they recieved the wealth he had stolen.)

This time there were no troops marshalling in the square, and in my meeting with the governor I found him more personable and less harried. He ruled over a territorial vast but sparsely populated region of Persia. It stretched from the Kopet Dag, the mountains that are the traditional boundary between Persia proper and the Turkmen steppe of Central Asia, north through Astrakhan and the hazy boundary with Russia; and also from the shores of the Caspian east to the Khyber Pass and the Himalayan mountains. His subjects managed themselves in large part, and his only real responsibility was to be prepared for war with Russia.

Of this he said, "It is of nothing. The Russians have not fought us in 25 years because they know our strength and fear us. It is more likely that men from the moon should invade us than the Russians."

He complemented my clothing, which had been made for me in Ghazni, and we ate dinner, which was sumptuous. All the same, I was anxious to leave. I felt I was now with a short distance of Persia proper, a shot across the Turkmen steppes to the Caspian Sea, and south into Isfahan, where I would finally meet with Mohammad Shah. Of course, intellectually I realized that I had not even passed the half-way mark of my journey, but from now the path was over easy ground and, seemingly, all downhill.

/\/\/\/\/

On leaving Samarqand, the city quickly faded away behind us as we took the Shah's road to the west. Central Asia is the most foreign of lands to European eyes; of the Hindu Kush one can at least say that Austria has it's mountains, Spain its deserts, and all the Continent is crossed with rivers. But there is nothing like the steppe, its expanse can only be found in the east. It begins north of the Black Sea, in the place where the Scythians of antiquity pitched their tents, and stretches ever eastward until it rises into the Hindu Kush, Tian Shan, and Himilayan mountains, or it fades into the forests of Russian Sibir. There was no tree nor hill to judge our pace by, only the stark line of the horizon dividing brown-green earth from cloudless blue sky.

I should have had no sense of our motion, except that every hour we passed the parasang marker. These stones are laid by the road at a distance (in the new European system) of about 6,000 metres from the last, in the Persian measures this distance is the parasang, or roughly the distance a horse walks in an hour. There would be hundreds of these before I reached Isfahan, and I had only seen the smallest part of Persia that lay directly along the path of the Shah's road.
 
The Decline of the Safavid Shahs

In order to secure his rule against revolt and his person against assassination, Abbas I had made it his policy to confine his potential rivals to their palaces and to keep them removed from the operation of the government. His policy was successful in guarding his person but meant that his successors had no experience except in the self-serving lifestyle of court and harem. Thus, the Shahs of the Safavid line who reigned after Abbas I were typically of little account, except for Abbas II, who was competent but not as truly exceptional as his namesake.

However, Abbas I made up for this mistake by his system of provincial governors; appointed directly by the Shah to manage each province of the vasty Persian Empire, these men formed a new bureaucracy that was instrumental in fighting corruption and maintaining stability through long years under incompetent Shahs.* The first test of this system was under Abbas I's grandson the Shah Safi, who succeeded him and reigned for 13 years without any significant accomplishments. He himself was succeeded by Abbas II.

Abbas II's primary accomplishment was the subjugation of Bokhara and the Khazaks; these nations had already been converted to Shi'a Islam but remained aligned with the Chagatai Mongols--Abbas II declared war upon the Chagatai in 1647. Rather than face the might of Persia, the Sultan of Bukhara forsook his alliance and became a vassal of Persia, actually joining Abbas in his war against the Chagatai. The Khazaks honored the call to war, however, and paid heavily for their loyalty. The whole country was against overrun by Persian troops, and made to swear vassal to Persia in 1649.

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The Chagatai, too, were overrun, and made to convert to Shi'a Islam, though they found a new alliance with the revived Mughal Empire in Delhi.

Abbas II set a policy of expansion into India when he annexed the Sikh nation of Panjab, already vassals of Persia. He promised the Sikhs the same religious toleration that Persia extended to Sunni Muslims, that they had been denied in the past from Indian rulers. Abbas II, indeed, set a broad-ranging policy of toleration that recalled the ancient Achaemenid Dynasty that had first created Persia. It would serve Persia well in the future, as a vast population of Hindus, Sunni Muslims, and others came under its rule.

In 1660, he attacked the Mughal Empire and its ally, the Chagatai Khanate, to finally put an end to them. Though the Mughals put up a grim resistance, they were once more destroyed and annexed--never to return, this time--and the Chagatai Khan was made a vassal of Abbas II. After Abbas II's death in 1666, the Safavid dynasty would produce no more rulers of any great quality, and Persia would struggle on only by the competence of the bureaucracy and its sheer inertia.

Bukhara and the Khazak Horde were diplomatically incorporated into Persia in 1673 and 1675, respectively, and the Emirate of Najd in the center of Arabia was converted to Shi'ism in 1689.

In 1693, the Maharaja of Jaipur, who covetted the city of Delhi, declared war on Persia with his alliance that included much of India. The Persian armies, though outnumbered, were better equipped and led than their Indian adversaries, and they first forced Nepal out of the war and took Jammu in the Vale of Kashmir, before turning south.

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The Persian armies then overran Jaipur, Gujarat, and Mewar; Mewar surrendered Burhampur and 175 chests of gold, while Gujarat and Jaipur became vassals to the Empire of Persia. In 1697, the Chagatai Khanate was annexed by Persia, and in 1706 so too did Jaipur follow; persuaded to join the Persian Empire like so many nations before it.

In 1707, however, events conspired to make a great crisis for Persia.

The Pashtun tribes of the Afghani provinces rose up against Safavid Rule. Though they were weak and lacked the support of the largely Shi'ite population, they were able to hole up in the mountain passes of their rugged country and raid trading caravans and columns of Persian troops. This problem, exaggerated at court and poorly managed by Shah Hoseyn, led to a political crisis and instability throughout the realm. Finally, in November Peter the Great, Tsar of all the Russias, declared war.

Peter had already established his dominance in the north by defeating the Swedes and creating his new capital of Saint Petersburg. He saw in the instability of Persia his opportunity to extend his power to Central Asia as well. He sent his court favorite, the able general Menshikov, to subdue Persia. The Russian Empire assembled vast armies to attack Caucasian Persia and Central Asia, while the instability of the Persian Empire meant that only more limited forces could be sent to combat them.

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A vast (for the region) Russian force in Central Asia,
observed by a smaller Persian army to its north

The Persian forces were less well led and somewhat more primitive than their Russian foes, and so suffered a number of humiliating defeats at the hands of Menshikov in the Caucasus. The Persian Army in Central Asia, filled and led mainly by local Khazaks and Uzbeks, was more successful in pouncing on small detachments of Russian forces and annihilating them. However, the Persians were not without resources. They retreated from the frontlines, even as Baku fell to Russian assault, and considered their options.

The Russian army attrited heavily after taking Baku, yet had no overland access to the Caucasus region, because of the interceding territory of the Ottoman Empire. They could only reach Baku by marching all along the shores of the Caspian Sea to reach the strong point of their war effort. The main Persian army therefore positioned itself in Gillian, while smaller forces took Daghestan and recaptured Baku. In 1711 the Persian army concentrated, and met an army under Menshikov, which was nearly annihilated by the battle.

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Menshikov himself escaped with a mere thousand men and fled south as far as the Persian Gulf coast in the province of fars, where he was finally run down and killed, and his skull hollowed out by the governor of Fars for use as a drinking cup.

With the Caucasus region relatively secure, large Persian armies assembled to guard Central Asia, and a force advanced along the northern shore of the Caspain Sea as far as Astrakhan before it was turned back by strong Russian resistance. However, this invasion was sufficient demonstration to Peter that his bid for supremacy had failed, and he offered terms of peace to the Persians in 1714, readily accepted by the war-weary Empire.

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Not long after the conclusion of hostilities, Persia officially incorporated Gujarat into the Empire.



.
* Reached Infra 5, basically
 
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Well, it appears that Abbas' successors (and his namesake) are quite happy to continue his policies. And well, since they are successful, why not? Sounds like a hard fought war against Russia though. Hopefully it will not recur too often.
 
Great job with your expansion! What's your BB now?
 
Pablo, please check your PM's. Thanks and just a note to say I hope to get caught up with this AAR during the week. Looks good from the little I've read at the beginning. :)