Chapter 88, Downing Street, 18 September 1940
Halifax had been gracious in victory. Dalton, his next door neighbour during his tenure as Chancellor of the Exchequer, had been permitted an honourable departure over the weekend, which also allowed a small band of workmen to carry out some minor refurbishments in both Number 10 and Number 11 before Halifax and the new Chancellor (the identity of whom remained known only to Halifax) took up residence. As the Prime Ministerial convoy turned into Downing Street the heavens opened. Cole, too polite to say anything, busied himself with preparing overcoats for the Prime Minister and his wife. Halifax scowled.
It raineth again, again it raineth.
He arrived into his study and eased himself into an armchair. Lord Dunglass, his PPS, had carefully arranged his desk to prioritise work. The first order of business was to reply to the dozens of congratulatory telegrams; particularly those from Roosevelt, the Dominion Prime Ministers, Berlin and Rome. Dunglass had already prepared brief, polite messages, and so for Halifax the process was easy, as he flicked through the telegrams and signed them all for dispatching. Cole entered, placing a tray of refreshments which Halifax, tired after his journey, happily helped himself to. Crunching on a ginger biscuit (he had a particular partiality for these) Halifax pulled out the paper that he had jotted down on the train journey down. He picked up the telephone. “Could you please ask Mr Butler to attend upon me?” Replacing the telephone on the desk Halifax proceeded to read through the list of parliamentary appointees. He was soon to be disturbed, Butler proving a swift servant to his master.
“My Lord,” Butler entered, bowing deeply. “You requested my attendance.”
“Hmmn. Are the pwess gathering?”
“They are, yes. A few correspondents saw you arrive, and I was ambushed by a few hacks as I walked over."
“Vewy well, I shall pwesume their interest lies in my cabinet dispositions. I would like you, firstly, to continue to serve as Leader of the House of Commons.”
Butler blanched. His dreams of succeeding Halifax were fading. Halifax, sensing this, raised a hand. After a cursory look at the sheet of paper in front of him he looked squarely at his closest ally.
“You will also be pwomoted to the Foreign Office. As this peacetime ministwy takes shape I will need to make a forceful effort into domestic policy.”
Butler beamed, relieved. It was all he could do to prevent himself from kneeling his Prime Minister’s feet. “I accept, Prime Minister. I will continue our good work in bringing peace to Europe.”
Halifax inclined his head slowly. His wife had offered a cautionary comment on Butler, commenting that he reminded her of a
‘sly terrier, not as loyal as he first seems. He will ride with you, but is fickle’. But Halifax was confident that he knew his man, and that he could still exert a seasoned, guiding influence upon foreign affairs. Butler left a happy man, as Halifax prepared for one of the interviews he was not looking forward to.
Oliver Stanley’s car burst into Downing Street, startling the policeman as it screeched to a halt. As he trotted out, and into the repainted 10 Downing Street doorway, Stanley was welcome by Cole and led to the study.
“My Lord, Mr Stanley is here to see you.”
“Oliver, please, take a seat,” Halifax began, trying to show a warm welcome. The truth was that he found Stanley so moderate. Unlike the Edens and Churchills of this world, whose political hostility was predictable, or Butler, who was ideologically and personally close to him.
“Thank you, My Lord.” Stanley slowly eased himself onto the corner of the sofa. Rightfully guessing the presence of journalists, he had eschewed his usual thick spectacles and now blinked and squinted in his Prime Minister’s presence.
“Oliver, yet again the Stanleys are cwucial to the fate of the Kingdom.” Stanley smiled thinly, concerned as he was with Halifax’s evasion.
Am I being set up for a bitter disappointment, after all my work in the election? Halifax, unaware of this negative, evasive atmosphere, at last came to the point. “Given your leadership of the centre of the Conservative Party, and after your stwenuous efforts in the recent election, I feel that you are the most compelling candidate to serve as Chancellor of the Exchequer in my government.”
Stanley’s initial reaction was to be grave, serious. “I would be honoured, Sir,” was his reply. Halifax nodded, feeling confident that he had made another successful appointment. Rising, Stanley bowed and departed, grinning broadly as he left Downing Street. Halifax allowed himself a five minute break before requesting Anthony Eden’s attendance. Eden entered with evident trepidation; his hostility to Milan was already being talked about as a significant factor in reducing the Tory majority. Unlike Leo Amery, who had managed to rehabilitate himself (astonishingly) with careful comments to the newspapers, Eden had been unable to distance himself from his very public displays of rebellion.
“Anthony,” Halifax welcome him. “Please take a seat.” Halifax waited as Eden sat down. “I have decided that you will wemain in the War Office as Secretary of State.” Eden shrugged. He had, despite the waspish comments of his wife that he could do better, privately expected that he would not serve in one of the ‘big four’ ministries.
“I see, My Lord,” he said softly.
Halifax offered the hint of a smile. “But, I am wemoving the position of Minister for Defence Coordination, which will be given to you. Both Mauwice and Ronald Cross, who is taking over at the Air Ministry, have indicated a willingness to be junior to you. You will, in effect, be like Winston in the war, coordinating our forces.”
Eden smiled at the consolatory gesture. By being raised to a Minister of Defence type role, he knew that Halifax could claim to be recognising the strength of the ‘hawks’ of the Party. Shaking his head ruefully, Eden bowed and left to explain this to his wife. Halifax allowed himself a furtive glance outside; Eden was strolling briskly away, a pensive look on his face.
The next visit was the one that Halifax, in truth, was really dreading. That Leo Amery had brought the ‘hawks’ (some of the them, Halifax suspected, under great duress) of the Party under Halifax’s banner at the election was well-known. He had personally moderated his stance on Halifax, by cleverly narrowing his hostility to Munich and Chamberlain.
Support for one, he had written to Eden,
does not equate to support for another. As a less public rebel Amery had, using his breathtaking new strategy that, roughly the enemy of the enemy (in this case Labour) was his friend, grown politically stronger. And so, Halifax prepared to make a key concession in his cabinet appointments.
“Leo, please sit down.” Amery, unlike Eden or Stanley, before him, dropped messily into the sofa. “As you aware, at this stage I am making my cabinet appointments. Your support in arguing for greater Dominion co-ordination, and for an improved relationship with Germany, have brought cwedibility to the government. To that end, I would like to appoint you to the role of Home Secretary.
“Accepted, My Lord,” Amery replied sharply. He departed soon after, Halifax cursing the fates that had made placating the ‘hawks’ so important. With Hankey bedridden, Halifax had already dispatched a letter to him, appointing him, as one of Halifax’s most reliable ministers, to the role he had cherished, that of First Lord of the Admiralty. Ronald Cross, his intended Secretary of State for Air, was similarly unavailable. Sir Samuel Hoare, the newly enobled Viscount Templewood, was next arrival. The visit was much more relaxed than Amery’s, following Hoare’s recent elevation to the peerage as a reward for a long (if controversial) political career. The newspapers had questioned his judgment over this decision, but Halifax felt genuinely sorry for the man, and had decided to favour him with his reward.
“Samuel, the die is cast. I am obliged, as ever, for your guidance and wecommendations.”
“Prime Minister, as ever you are too kind.”
“I understand the majowity in Chelsea, your former constituency, was slightly weduced. Perhaps I was wrong to make you a peer!”
“It’s still a healthy eight thousand!”
“Yes, an indictment though, on our young candidate. And with our overall majowity down to to the sixties, I am gwown weary. I suppose it must be encouwaged, bringing on the next genewation of Parliamentarians. I am gwateful for you allowing me to elevate you. I see that Cole has been good enough to serve tea. Shall we?”
[Game Effect] – The in-game government:
For anyone interested, this is how it looks fleshed out:
Prime Minister: Viscount Halifax
Chancellor of the Exchequer: Oliver Stanley
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs: Rab Butler (also serving as Leader of the House of Commons)
Secretary of State for Home Affairs: Leo Amery
Lord Chancellor: Viscount Simon
Secretary of State for War and Defence Coordination: Anthony Eden
First Lord of the Admiralty: Lord Hankey
Secretary of State for Air: Ronald Cross
Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs: Sir Thomas Kinglsey Wood
Under-Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs: Sir Patrick Donner
Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs: Sir Henry Channon
Under-Secretary of State for Home Affairs: Sir David Maxwell-Fyfe
Minister for Health: Baron Lloyd
President of the Board of Trade: Viscount Templewood (also serving as Leader of the House of Lords)
Financial Secretary to the Treasury: Robert Hudson
Minister for Pensions and Welfare Reform: Richard Law
Minister of Works: Sir John McEwen
Minister for Employment and Industry: Lord Selborne
Minister of State for Scotland: Lord Dunglass
Minister for Fisheries and Food: Sir Walter Womersley
President of the Board of Education: Herwald Ramsbotham
Minister for Transportation: Sir Victor Warrender
Parliamentary Private Secretary to the Prime Minister: Michael Beaumont
Comptroller of the Household: Sir George Bowyer
Minister without Portfolio: Sir Neville Chamberlain
There are actually few surprises. Butler’s elevation to the Foreign Office was inevitable, as was Channon’s rise in his wake. Hankey gets his eagerly awaited job of First Lord, replacing a Stanley whose promotion to Chancellor was also highly likely. Given his moderate views Stanley will, Halifax hopes, be a quiet and calming influence over the economy, aided by the newly enobled Hoare (now Lord Templewood).
Eden, bless him, gets nothing much extra, though Halifax has avoided officially naming him as Secretary of State for Defence by giving him the Defence Coordination portfolio; this will invariably make him primus inter pares of the defence ministers, a measures Hankey is happy to accept and which is made easier by Hoare’s elevation (another justification for Halifax moving him to the Lords) and replacement by the more junior Ronald Cross.
Kingsley Wood get the Dominions whilst Maxwell-Fyfe and Lord Dunglass (later to be the ineffectual PM Sir Alec Douglas-Home) both move a step up the ladder, these positions to reflect their loyalty to Halifax since he became Prime Minister. Michael Beaumont, another young MP, becomes his PPS, an important role which will expose him to a range of Parliamentary issues.
Ah, but, Le Jones, you all ask – Amery?! The Amery appointment is the random surprise, a sacrifice, the key sacrifice, to the die-hard anti-Chamberlainites. The Tory Party under Halifax is really two (possibly three) parties: those who supported (or at least did not publicly oppose) Milan (and to a lesser extent, Chamberlain), and the anti-Milanites. Amery, staunchly anti-Hitler, was nevertheless open to working with Italy and would have viewed Hankey and Eden’s re-armament policies with approval. Here, he has been tactical, perhaps cynically so, and has realised that the only way in which the Tories would win was under Halifax’s rather tattered banner. His reward is one of the top government ministries, well away from the Foreign Office but a key signal that Halifax wants unity. Despite his waspish nature Amery is a far better bet than Churchill or Macmillan, both of whom are not in government. Is this a ploy by Halifax (remove support from Churchill by giving it to Amery and Eden?), or a view that Winston “just won’t do”? Probably both. Also, Chamberlain is given an honorary role, though he will soon be dead from Cancer.
All in all, this is another Halifax muddle. In an attempt to be all-encompassing he has, in effect, re-arranged more deckchairs. Amery aside, no surprises in a very unwieldy administration.
Anyhoo, the breakdown of Parliament:
The Tories go from 386 seats to 294, a 92 seat loss that reflects on the Tory domestic policies, as well as the “well, you started the war, then managed to lose it” sections.
Labour, on 154 seats, gain 79 seats from the Conservatives. Attlee now has 233 MPs, leaving our gallant Lord H with a majority of 61.
The Liberals and a few other nutters pick up the remaining Tory losses. I think the Liberals would get the lion’s share of these losses, I’ve plumped for 9 seats. This gives them 30 seats in the House, not enough to do any real damage to Halifax but a significant ‘bloc’ that could make their voice heard. I think this could be the ‘high watermark’ for the Liberals – the protest vote, initially so good for them, will seep away as mainstream politics takes over.
And so despite losing a swathe of MPs I think that the Tories will still stick with Halifax. He’s the only ‘big beast’ of the Party still standing after Churchill is discredited and Chamberlain declines. But he will have problems – there could be an element of his being on ‘borrowed time’ with pressure mounting for him to gracefully return the Premiership to the Commons. A lot will depend on international and economic affairs. If Halifax pulls off a couple of diplomatic successes he will endure – but if the economy falls apart with little Government direction or assistance he could be vulnerable. I have also noted the comments on Attlee, but he has led his party for five years and has suffered two election defeats. I genuinely think that he could be in trouble; though Morrison’s challenge could be shrugged off, it will be close.
Kurt_Steiner: Entirely agree – one must take a measured pace!
GeneralHannibal: Please see the comments above – and yes, I agree that Labour would be foolish to dispense with Attlee. But that doesn’t mean that they won’t.
Trekaddict:
Indefatigable: I just think that Labour, having lost two elections, might start to wonder when, under Attlee, they will ever become electable. I’m not saying that he will be swiftly dumped, but that some sort of post-mortem, which will of course look at his leadership, will have to take place.
Nathan Madien: Agreed, but the King is far from prying eyes and definitely has a friendship with Halifax.
As to the elections, basically you vote in a constituency for an MP. The guy who gets the most votes in this local constituency gets to sit in Parliament. The Party with the mosts MPs is asked to form a government in the Sovereign’s name. There are variations, very occasionally you might see a coalition, but the ‘Westminster System’ usually sees one party being able to command a majority in the House of Commons. So it is quite different from American electioneering.
Sir Humphrey: Indeed. And we can now go back to Garrowby having put the true world order in place.
Enewald: Prey, Sir, why?
Arilou: Which is, to be honest, the main reason for this AAR!
Maximus323: Many many thanks – it is actually the comments from the AAR community that have made this such a pleasure to write.
Nathan Madien: :rofl:
Morsky: Quite fwightful, I agwee.