Chapter 164, Parliament, 25 January 1942
Butler flounced down on the government front bench. He took out a handkerchief and dabbed at the beads of sweat on his forehead. Turning to Eden, who had been pressed into supporting Butler through this appearance at Foreign Office questions, he found only a thin, unbelieving, smile. Another member began a question on Japan.
Japan, Japan, it’s always bloody Japan. Wasn’t it true, he had said, that the Americans would fight their war against Japan regardless of British involvement?
Butler rose slowly, attempting to look cheerful. “The Honourable Member, as a long-time advocate of fostering good relations with the Americans, knows full well the importance attached to working with our American colleagues in easing tensions between all of the Pacific powers,” there was jeering, and so Butler paused. “But as British territory has not been attacked then we are not compelled, at present, to act in a war that has got nothing to do with us!”
A Labour member was called next. “This war shows the evils of Imperialism and avarice! Does the Foreign Secretary agree with that statement?”
So Attlee has troubles of his own, Butler thought to himself. “Frankly, I think that the Honourable Member should keep his head out of the Foreign News bit of
The Telegraph and into his constituents in the coalfields of Wales. This war, as with others in the world, is about two equally ambitious powers asserting their influence.”
It was a glib answer, full of bluster, and lacking anything of substance. It was also too clumsy, attempting as it did to somehow link the wars in the Pacific and Russia and thereby justify British neutrality. The Speaker noted Butler’s increasing panic, and determined to prevent anything too unpleasant. A Liberal MP rose to ask a question. “Is the Foreign Secretary,” he asked in a broad Yorkshire accent, “prepared to make any efforts to end the war in Russia?”
“I thank the Honourable Member for his question. Even as we speak, a battle is looming for I know of his commitment to ending the war in the East and I applaud his continuing determination to achieving just that. Would it be possible! Perhaps more in the world should share that ambition.”
A Conservative MP, one of the new, 1940 intake, rose to his feet. “Does he mean America by that? He earlier essentially said that the Americans are as bad as the Japanese: should they have surrendered, like he would?”
There was uproar. Butler, next to Eden, noted that a lot of the Conservatives and almost all of the Labour MPs were cheering these comments. Butler leaned over to Eden.
“Anthony, perhaps a statement of support, from yourself?”
Eden locked his expression. He looked determined. “Rab, if I rise now the only statement that I shall give is one of resignation. You’ve seen to it that Winston isn’t here, so be pleased with that and do get on with your debate.” He deliberately looked away.
The exchange had been noted. Another Labour MP rose. “Look! Eden’s refusing to support him! When will the Foreign Secretary admit that he and ‘is boss are the only ones who haven’t realised that they’ve got it all wrong?”
Butler was angry. “The Labour Party wants to fight everyone! The Japanese have done nothing aggressive towards the British Empire!”
He had minutes left, and then a quick meeting with Halifax, Templewood and Margesson. One final question, this time from a normally reliable Conservative MP.
“Would the Foreign Secretary clarify his earlier comments to this House? Would he please tell us whether there are any circumstances in which we would declare war upon Japan?”
“Frankly, at the moment, no. If aggression was perpetrated towards the Commonwealth then I suppose I could foresee a situation where war might occur. But to the Japanese Government I reiterate that Britain is not your enemy!”
Butler wandered out of the Commons and headed, with a silent Margesson in tow, for the Prime Minister’s office. He found Halifax looking tired, Templewood standing over him as if in protection.
“Well Rab, how did it go?”
“Japan, Sam, it’s all about Japan. And not across Party lines. Some in our Party calling for war, some not. And Attlee’s lot are just as bad!”
Halifax looked at the plainly relieved Butler with evident disdain. “Chief Whip, how ‘bad’ is it?”
Margesson read from his notes. “As ever the hawks and the doves are entrenched, with a stolid centre of ‘undecideds’ sat squarely between them. The hawks are strong, though, and I am worried that Eden is about to resign to trigger a crisis.” He looked up at Halifax. “There have been rumours, whisperings.”
“More than that,” Butler said tartly. “He’s just said as much to me in the House!”
Margesson continued. “The moderates are disgusted with Japan but look for a sign that a war wouldn’t ruin the economy. They also are wary of Japanese prowess: after their string of recent victories the jingoism might actually be on the wane.”
“Has Oliver given any indication?”
Margesson shook his head. “We think that he is supportive of tight trading restrictions with Japan and has offered the Americans a raft of favourable equipment deals,” he frowned. “But the moderates are a messy lot. They’ll split.”
“Which means,” Halifax said to no-one in particular, “that our majowity is sewiously thweatened. Has anyone heard from Winston yet?” Halifax bit his lip. Butler and Margesson looked baffled.
“He’s due to arrive this afternoon, My Lord,” Templewood said slowly. “We expect him to cable from the Embassy tonight.”
“Winston, in America?” Butler was aghast. “Why wasn’t I told?”
“Because, Wab, I wanted you to concentwate on surviving the questions. If his visit fails, then I cannot see how the hawks can pwevail. The modewates will be more inclined to side with us and I can expunge the webels fwom the Party.” He pursed his lips. “And Anthony will be first.”
Not far away, (although, to Halifax’s mind, it could have been a world away) in another office, the hawks had gathered. Eden relayed to them how his threat of resignation was now public (but not officially) and how the pressure was now firmly upon Halifax.
“I disagree, Anthony,” Admiral of the Fleet Sir Roger Keyes, dressed (for a change in a sombre suit). “I fear that our cause is weakened by this. Halifax will now try and unite the moderates behind a peaceful settlement. We must be ready.”
“Winston?” That was Duff Cooper.
Eden nodded. “If he can get anything out of the Americans then we can pressure Halifax into agreeing to the alliance.”
Leo Amery scowled. “What about forcing him out?”
Eden looked thoughtful. “I’m genuinely not certain that we would, or could, prevail. I fear that the destruction of the Halifax ministry would lead to the Butler ministry. Roger, you were going to say something?”
“Only that I hope, gentlemen, that you intend to support the Naval expansion programme.”
“The what?” Amery was lost on military matters.
“Maurice Hankey has proposed a fairly decent expansion in the Navy to meet the increased pressures in the Pacific. New cruiser and destroyer groups. I want your support on this,” he looked pointedly at his colleagues.
“Then you shall have it,” Eden said firmly. He glanced at his watch, to Keyes’ irritation.
“Somewhere else to be, Anthony?”
Eden offered his most charming smile. “Actually, yes. Spencer Bruce is calling upon our gallant Prime Minister. Halifax has suggested that Rab and I join him.”
Keyes was impressed. “Something away?”
Eden shook his head sadly. “No, he probably intends to offer platitude and merely wants me there to rubber-stamp it.”
Keyes nodded. “Ah, a shame. Perhaps the gallant High Commissioner will declare war for us!
Bruce was shaking hands with the Prime Minister when Eden wandered into the Prime Minister’s Parliamentary office. Butler shot him a hostile look but Eden ignored it and proceeded to greet the Australian High Commissioner.
“Your Excellency,” Eden said in his urbane voice, “it really is good to see you.”
“And you, Anthony, and you,” Spencer Bruce said in his nasal Australian accent. The ex-Prime Minister, and now the High Commissioner for his country immediately spotted how Eden sat as far away from his Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary as possible. He was an experienced diplomat, and had fought for his country’s interests in the Abdication Crisis, as well as the declaration of war in 1939 and the Munich and Milan meetings. He smiled at the Secretary of State for War, for he hoped that his message today would assist Eden.
Halifax realised that they were being scrutinised and sought to focus Bruce’s attentions. “You saw the debate in the Commons?”
“I did, My Lord, and I thought it very confused.” Butler, who had made that point to the Prime Minister, barked in triumph. Bruce smiled at the Foreign Secretary. “And I thought some good performances.”
“A ha,” said Halifax warily. “Tell me, have you had a chance to consult with your people back in Austwalia?”
Bruce, ever the capable politician, managed to conceal the smile at Halifax’s murdering of ‘Australia’. “Prime Minister Menzies as ever sends his regards, and support for your efforts to test the water with the Americans.” There was a something in his tone that suggested that there was more to say. The three Britons waited patiently. Bruce did not disappoint. “But the PM is in one hell of a position at home. The public are worried about the Japanese: and only the Americans seem to be doing anything about it.” He said this with an apologetic shrug.
Halifax rolled his eyes.
And here we go again, he thought sourly. “So you want to declare war?”
“No, but we have to face this question; is it better to deal with the Japanese now, with the Americans, or do we potentially have to face them alone, later.?”
“But why do we have to face them at all?” Butler asked the question with a rare passion. “They’re not attacking Australia!”
“But,” Eden now spoke up, and did so knowing that he would demonstrate the split in the Cabinet, “they are attacking the Dutch East Indies. If these fall, Singapore will be cut off from Australia.”
[Game Effect] – A “bitty” update as I break from a horrendously dull academic update at Oxford to rejoin you. I’ve deliberately introduced two “yet to feature” characters, the Australian High Commissioner, Spencer Bruce, and one of the leading anti-appeasers, Admiral Sir Roger Keyes.
Bruce was, of course, a fairly huge figure in his native Oz; a onetime PM, he was an important figure in the real WW2, serving in the Imperial War Cabinet and being seen as someone who mattered – his influence is seen on his views on the bombing campaign (sceptical) to the Pacific theatre. He will be important as the Pacific slides into hell and Halifax looks to Australian and New Zealander guidance. Essentially, I think that the decision to go to war (or not) is not something that Halifax can resolve isolation – the views of the Dominions are really important, particularly Oz and NZ, and if they feel that a confrontation with Japan is best done now, in alliance with the US, Lord H will have to be careful in his response.
Keyes, a more well-known figure, is here seen leading the hawks’ support for Hankey’s (limited) expansion of the RN. With a number of high-cost projects, particularly the SHBBs, currently nearing completion, Hankey takes a sensible decision to concentrate now on the CLs and DDs that will be the workhorses of the Fleet in any encounter in the Far East.
But will there be an encounter? I’m guessing here, but I suspect that in Parliament, as we have seen, both the leading parties would be in chaos as to their opinion on whether the Empire should intervene. One thing is abundantly clear – Eden is close to exposing the splits in the Tory Party, and so I think that we are nearing the resolution of this impasse (FINALLY!).
Enewald: Well, Winston, anyway.
El Pip: I know, but FDR was a bloody good pragmatist when he wanted to be. If he thinks that the Empire could swing things in the Far East, he’d try to get ‘em in. He can always renege at the peace table.
DonnieBaseball: We see this with Halifax – where he was in a world that he understood, he was master of the game. Put him somewhere where his knowledge was lacking, and he would fall apart.
Dashstar1972: No, but a European war that decimates the UK industrial base, merchant marine, national transport infrastructure and urban bases, not to mention a war that mobilises a huge swathe of the population, is substantially different to a campaign fought on the fringes of the Empire with equipment that pretty much already exists and without the catastrophic emasculating of British financial services, trade and markets. Why would Whitehall need to plunder the City to gain hard cash for Britain’s ongoing survival, not to mention the massive outflow of UK technical knowledge and credit? I’m not saying that going into the war would save the UK economically, but nor am I saying that the ruining of our industrial base would happen. The real-time WW2 and the potential involvement in the AAR are worlds apart – for a start the Imperial war effort would require nothing like what we did in reality. The US comparison is also interesting – the US is probably weaker here than in reality as she hasn’t had the slow building up of her might through increasing support to the UK. That, coupled with the realisation that Auchinleck has a massive Anglo-Indian horde massed in Burma, suggests that the UK has a lot to offer.
Sir Humphrey: Unfortunately you’re right – and bless him he might be sadly disappointed.
Kurt_Steiner: I know, and that is the tragic thing about their competition was that they were very alike.
Nathan Madien: Climacteric was a Churchillian term. One of his Downing Street typists remarked “trust him to pick a word that no-one has heard of”.
Sir Humphrey:
Kurt_Steiner:
Trekaddict: I know, but to a former Viceroy anything is possible!
Nathan Madien:
El Pip:
Kurt_Steiner:
