Norway might be one of the future places of contention. Crown Princess Märtha dies in 1954 and King Haakon VII dies in 1957. As you describe it, the situation there is fragile at the moment.
-
We have updated our Community Code of Conduct. Please read through the new rules for the forum that are an integral part of Paradox Interactive’s User Agreement.
The issue of Japan has cost the Kadets power and almost did the same to the Conservatives. It is clear whenever Russia stares down the Internationale or Japan, the power not being watched will try to act against Russian and NATO interests. Russia must build up a permanent Far East army devoted to fight Japan and/or build up its Asian allies to fight for it. Korea and North China are allies but who controls southern China? A Japanese puppet state?
I agree Norway is the weak link of the Internationale and a possible flashpoint in the future. The totalist kingdom will not last forever. Either the monarchy will be abolished or the totalists will fall. There is the potential for a Norwegian spring type event and thanks to geography it would not be a simple matter of just sending in the tanks over the border to restore totalism for the Internationale. Poland is Russia's weak point. The question of Polish autonomy must answered soon.
Good for getting the Hapsburg empire into NATO despite the fall of the remaining western European states. Central Europe falling to the Internationale is an unacceptable threat to Russian security. The Internationale is ruthless and freedom is now dead in western Europe. Sweden is still neutral for now and may be the next target of syndicalist expansion because Sweden does have a syndicalist movement threatening the kingdom inside its borders.
The NATO powers need better and a more equal cooperation if they want the alliance to work. The Internationale seems to do everything in lockstep but not NATO.
Edit: The agreement between Russia and the German Empire should not be named the Munich agreements because Munich is behind the Iron Curtain in the syndicalist German Union. Potsdam or Berlin would be better.
I agree Norway is the weak link of the Internationale and a possible flashpoint in the future. The totalist kingdom will not last forever. Either the monarchy will be abolished or the totalists will fall. There is the potential for a Norwegian spring type event and thanks to geography it would not be a simple matter of just sending in the tanks over the border to restore totalism for the Internationale. Poland is Russia's weak point. The question of Polish autonomy must answered soon.
Good for getting the Hapsburg empire into NATO despite the fall of the remaining western European states. Central Europe falling to the Internationale is an unacceptable threat to Russian security. The Internationale is ruthless and freedom is now dead in western Europe. Sweden is still neutral for now and may be the next target of syndicalist expansion because Sweden does have a syndicalist movement threatening the kingdom inside its borders.
The NATO powers need better and a more equal cooperation if they want the alliance to work. The Internationale seems to do everything in lockstep but not NATO.
Edit: The agreement between Russia and the German Empire should not be named the Munich agreements because Munich is behind the Iron Curtain in the syndicalist German Union. Potsdam or Berlin would be better.
Last edited:
How about "Warsaw Pact"? How could anyone beat Russia if she has both Nato and Warsaw pact on her side
Fixed, thank you!
Just a little word to let you know that I'm back from my walk through hell (aka University's exam week) and working on another update!
Could Russia hope for a fast defeat of the Communard in the West while keeping Tokio at bay meanwhile?
It could become the great dilemma of the Imperial general staff as to what strategy to adopt. Japan's only hope of victory is a short, brutal, unilateral and decisive victory. Every year spent at war against a more powerful nation will be drawing them further from success. With that in mind, priority could be given to Europe (but a "fast" victory in the West is utopic I think) and Japan kept at bay by naval operations, but it depends when the war errupt. If it's declared tomorrow morning, Russia would take a beating before being able to counterattack because the country is far from ready to wage war against the Internationale...
Chapter Two:
Beyond Europe
Part I – Middle Kingdom and Rising Sun
The Chinese Revolution of 1952 in full swing: Japanese soldiers freshly landed in Guangzhou.
The Treaty of Port Arthur, which ended the Second Russo-Japanese war, left China in an awkward position. The country had been the main battlefield of the war and much of its northern part was heavily destroyed and although the Russians were mostly welcomed as liberators –the Japanese puppet regime being very unpopular– they did not return the favour to the Chinese people and agreed to left the nation divided in February 1947. At first sight it looked like a ridiculous error of the Russian diplomacy but the reasons behind the split of China were strategically justified, and had a precedent. After its liberation, Korea was made independent by Petrograd and granted full control over its policies. Russia committed to protect the independence of the country but Korea did not join the Russian bloc, the nation’s purpose was to become a neutral buffer zone between Russian and Japanese empires. South China was to fulfill the same objective. Once purged of its Japanese elements, the Guangzhou administration represented a perfect neutral area between the spheres of influence of Japan and Russia. Unsatisfied, the north Chinese government nevertheless accepted this state of affairs as the government in Beijing wanted to avoid souring the relations with Russia immediately after being granted independence.
President of the National Chinese State, Wang Jingwei.
In March 1952, an occasion for unification finally presented itself. It was already a widely-known fact within the South Chinese population that the administration of National China was corrupted, but it was reluctantly accepted as anyway the populace had nothing to say in the political matters of the State. National China was a classical dictatorship, an authoritarian State which let people alone as long as they did not protest against the regime. At the head of the government was Wang Jingwei, he had been chosen by the Russian authorities in 1947 because of his limited implication with the Japanese puppet administration and because of his staunch anti-syndicalist views. Poor administrator, easily manipulated and full of himself, Wang Jingwei would prove to be a very bad choice as the head of the South Chinese government. In 1951, he secretly accepted bribes from the Japanese government in exchange of which he promised to grant the contract of the reconstruction of the facilities of Guangzhou harbour. Later the same year he again accepted a large sum of money –this time from the Japanese contractor itself– to allow a majority of Japanese workers to be hired for the works.
The National Police restore the order in Hangzhou, March 1952.
As soon as the construction site opened, complaints were placed to the government by numerous South Chinese unhappy about the presence of a Japanese firm as well as Japanese worker in the heart of the nation’s capital. On March 10th 1952, an article in one of the most popular newspaper of the capital finally revealed the corruption scandal. The news quickly spread throughout the country and for the first time since 1947 large public demonstration were held in protest. Calls for the resignation of President Wang were issued and in response the National Police opened fire on the protesters numerous times across much of the great cities of South China. After twelve days of violence and repression, the situation calmed down and it was looking like the regime had gone through the worst. But when on April 2nd Japanese Prime Minister Tojo publicly issued a statement of congratulation to South China and its “rightfully reigning head of State” the Japanese implication in the affair was just too obvious to ignore and a second wave of protest arose.
National Protection Army troops losten to Field Marshall Wei near Nanchang, June 1952
Again, the National Police was called and again they responded. This central police force was indeed extremely loyal to Jingwei himself, most of the leaders were his personal friends and the policemen had a higher wage than the average soldier of the National Protection Army. However, when rioters took control of the city of Nanchang and the nearby army garrison was tasked to retake the place the local commander, Colonel Li Hondo, declined the order. Hondo and his staff were removed from command the next day but when ordered to move by their new chiefs the soldiers mutinied and took the officers in hostage. The same pattern repeated itself in numerous places in South China and by the end of May the country was under the control of the revolutionaries. Until now, their objective had not been precise, it was mostly a general sentiment of discontent towards the administration of Wang Jingwei and his collaboration with the former Japanese foe. On June 4th however, Field Marshall Wei Chan, commandant of the Jiangxi military district, issued a statement at the national radio asking for the resignation of President Wang. On June 5th, the head of the Chief of Staff, General Wang Buching accepted to rally the remains of the National Protection Army to Wei’s cause. Buching was immediately arrested and the order was cancelled by his successor but it was too late, the generals had already made up their mind; they would not stand for Japan another time.
Troop transports and their escorts about ot leave Japan in June 1952.
At this point, President Wang should have recognized that all hopes were lost. But he did not. On June 10th he officially asked Japan for help in order to “restore order and protect the Chinese people from foreign takeover” and Tokyo responded with a resounding yes. The IJN unloaded its first troops ten days later and at the beginning of July 23 000 Japanese soldiers were defending Guangzhou together with about 50 000 policemen from the National Police and soldiers loyal to Wang Jingwei. Of course, on paper it was looking like a great force, but one should take in account that by July almost the entire country had joined the revolutionary movement and that half a million soldiers and militiamen now opposed Wang’s regime. Nevertheless, the defenders of the capital where a force to be reckoned with and General Hashimoto, now the de facto leader of the opposition, wanted to avoid the slaughter of an offensive against Guangzhou. Not to mention the presence of the Japanese naval troops and the eventual reaction of Tokyo.
Political map of South Eastern Asia at the eve of the Chinese Revolution of 1952.
Thus, in order to receive international support before making his move, Field Marshall Wei proclaimed that as soon as the revolutionaries would control the country, free elections would be held and that any party wanting to participate would be allowed to present candidates. North China, which had already reinforced its military presence in the coastal cities they controlled along the shores of the China Sea, stated that they had never officially recognized the sovereignty of the South Chinese State, but they also heavily condemned the Japanese intervention and declared that they would not take immediate actions against a new regime in the south. Russia’s response was by far the most awaited as it was widely considered to be a game changer. After long reunions with the cabinet and a night spent talking with the Tsar and the Prime Minister, Russian foreign minister Vladimir Paley ended the suspense on July 22nd.
The official answer of the Russian Empire “condemned the Japanese meddling into the internal affairs of the National Chinese State” and “asked for the immediate removal of the Japanese troops”. Without officially recognizing Wei’s rule, it also proclaimed that “counting from this day and in view of the popular protests in South China, His Imperial Majesty’s government is no longer considering the current administration of National China as the rightful and sovereign power over the lands of the southern Chinese State”. Confident of the support of France in the crisis, Japan responded by sending another division to Guangzhou. This time however, Russia responded to the provocation. The South Asiatic Squadron of the Russian Imperial Navy based at Hong Kong put to sea on July 28th and MiG-9 scrambled from the deck of the old aircraft carrier Nikolay Zhukovsky detected the Japanese transport fleet early in the morning of August 1st about 200 miles east of Formosa. Su-13 dive bombers were immediately armed and readied on the flight deck before an ultimatum was sent to the commandant of the Japanese force. Vice Admiral Kaoru Arima was at the head of a small but very powerful squadron. The ten transport ships were escorted by fifteen destroyers, eight light cruisers, four heavy cruisers, the light aircraft carrier Ryu and the battleships Suruga and Harima, two leviathans displacing 76 000 tons and armed with eight 20 inches guns. Arima asked his superiors at the admiralty before taking a decision and after long minutes of debate, he turned back to Japan to avoid confrontation. At the same moment, Field Marshall Wei launched its attack against Guangzhou.
The Nikolay Zhukovsky had been a transpacific ocean liner build in Italy for the Japan-Transamur Steamship Line
until the Russian Navy hastily converted it into an aircraft carrier after the annexation of Transamur. Between 1947
and 1951 she was heavily modernized to allow the operation of jet aircrafts from her deck. She is represented here
as the flagship of the South Asiatic Squadron at the time of the Chinese Crisis in 1952-1953.
The green light was granted by Petrograd to Wei assuming that the crisis was already at its paroxysm at that the next actions taken by either party wouldn’t drastically change the outcome. The battle for the capital would last until the 3rd of September, date at which Wang Jingwei was captured and roughly executed, triggering the surrender of the remaining defenders. Japan threatened to invade China but everybody knew that it was only bluff. France hadn’t yet taken an official position in the matter and Japan was surprisingly alone in its struggle. Wei Chan was sworn President on October 1st and immediately called general elections on December 12th. Three great parties gathered enough support and money to participate but in the end the victory of the Annexationist Popular Party of Fei Meng won an overwhelming victory, collecting 78% of the votes. In agreement with his party main objective, President Meing immediately approached North China to re-unify the middle kingdom. Negotiations would go on for another two months, but in the end they were successful. The flame-bearing flag of National China was lowered on last time on March 21st 1953 as the bare five-colored flag of the republic of China was hoisted over Guangzhou. A year after the crisis had almost thrown Asia into was, China was united.
Wei Chan gives the assault on Guangzhou, July 1952.
Beyond Europe
Part I – Middle Kingdom and Rising Sun
The Chinese Revolution of 1952 in full swing: Japanese soldiers freshly landed in Guangzhou.
The Treaty of Port Arthur, which ended the Second Russo-Japanese war, left China in an awkward position. The country had been the main battlefield of the war and much of its northern part was heavily destroyed and although the Russians were mostly welcomed as liberators –the Japanese puppet regime being very unpopular– they did not return the favour to the Chinese people and agreed to left the nation divided in February 1947. At first sight it looked like a ridiculous error of the Russian diplomacy but the reasons behind the split of China were strategically justified, and had a precedent. After its liberation, Korea was made independent by Petrograd and granted full control over its policies. Russia committed to protect the independence of the country but Korea did not join the Russian bloc, the nation’s purpose was to become a neutral buffer zone between Russian and Japanese empires. South China was to fulfill the same objective. Once purged of its Japanese elements, the Guangzhou administration represented a perfect neutral area between the spheres of influence of Japan and Russia. Unsatisfied, the north Chinese government nevertheless accepted this state of affairs as the government in Beijing wanted to avoid souring the relations with Russia immediately after being granted independence.
President of the National Chinese State, Wang Jingwei.
In March 1952, an occasion for unification finally presented itself. It was already a widely-known fact within the South Chinese population that the administration of National China was corrupted, but it was reluctantly accepted as anyway the populace had nothing to say in the political matters of the State. National China was a classical dictatorship, an authoritarian State which let people alone as long as they did not protest against the regime. At the head of the government was Wang Jingwei, he had been chosen by the Russian authorities in 1947 because of his limited implication with the Japanese puppet administration and because of his staunch anti-syndicalist views. Poor administrator, easily manipulated and full of himself, Wang Jingwei would prove to be a very bad choice as the head of the South Chinese government. In 1951, he secretly accepted bribes from the Japanese government in exchange of which he promised to grant the contract of the reconstruction of the facilities of Guangzhou harbour. Later the same year he again accepted a large sum of money –this time from the Japanese contractor itself– to allow a majority of Japanese workers to be hired for the works.
The National Police restore the order in Hangzhou, March 1952.
As soon as the construction site opened, complaints were placed to the government by numerous South Chinese unhappy about the presence of a Japanese firm as well as Japanese worker in the heart of the nation’s capital. On March 10th 1952, an article in one of the most popular newspaper of the capital finally revealed the corruption scandal. The news quickly spread throughout the country and for the first time since 1947 large public demonstration were held in protest. Calls for the resignation of President Wang were issued and in response the National Police opened fire on the protesters numerous times across much of the great cities of South China. After twelve days of violence and repression, the situation calmed down and it was looking like the regime had gone through the worst. But when on April 2nd Japanese Prime Minister Tojo publicly issued a statement of congratulation to South China and its “rightfully reigning head of State” the Japanese implication in the affair was just too obvious to ignore and a second wave of protest arose.
National Protection Army troops losten to Field Marshall Wei near Nanchang, June 1952
Again, the National Police was called and again they responded. This central police force was indeed extremely loyal to Jingwei himself, most of the leaders were his personal friends and the policemen had a higher wage than the average soldier of the National Protection Army. However, when rioters took control of the city of Nanchang and the nearby army garrison was tasked to retake the place the local commander, Colonel Li Hondo, declined the order. Hondo and his staff were removed from command the next day but when ordered to move by their new chiefs the soldiers mutinied and took the officers in hostage. The same pattern repeated itself in numerous places in South China and by the end of May the country was under the control of the revolutionaries. Until now, their objective had not been precise, it was mostly a general sentiment of discontent towards the administration of Wang Jingwei and his collaboration with the former Japanese foe. On June 4th however, Field Marshall Wei Chan, commandant of the Jiangxi military district, issued a statement at the national radio asking for the resignation of President Wang. On June 5th, the head of the Chief of Staff, General Wang Buching accepted to rally the remains of the National Protection Army to Wei’s cause. Buching was immediately arrested and the order was cancelled by his successor but it was too late, the generals had already made up their mind; they would not stand for Japan another time.
Troop transports and their escorts about ot leave Japan in June 1952.
At this point, President Wang should have recognized that all hopes were lost. But he did not. On June 10th he officially asked Japan for help in order to “restore order and protect the Chinese people from foreign takeover” and Tokyo responded with a resounding yes. The IJN unloaded its first troops ten days later and at the beginning of July 23 000 Japanese soldiers were defending Guangzhou together with about 50 000 policemen from the National Police and soldiers loyal to Wang Jingwei. Of course, on paper it was looking like a great force, but one should take in account that by July almost the entire country had joined the revolutionary movement and that half a million soldiers and militiamen now opposed Wang’s regime. Nevertheless, the defenders of the capital where a force to be reckoned with and General Hashimoto, now the de facto leader of the opposition, wanted to avoid the slaughter of an offensive against Guangzhou. Not to mention the presence of the Japanese naval troops and the eventual reaction of Tokyo.
Political map of South Eastern Asia at the eve of the Chinese Revolution of 1952.
Thus, in order to receive international support before making his move, Field Marshall Wei proclaimed that as soon as the revolutionaries would control the country, free elections would be held and that any party wanting to participate would be allowed to present candidates. North China, which had already reinforced its military presence in the coastal cities they controlled along the shores of the China Sea, stated that they had never officially recognized the sovereignty of the South Chinese State, but they also heavily condemned the Japanese intervention and declared that they would not take immediate actions against a new regime in the south. Russia’s response was by far the most awaited as it was widely considered to be a game changer. After long reunions with the cabinet and a night spent talking with the Tsar and the Prime Minister, Russian foreign minister Vladimir Paley ended the suspense on July 22nd.
The official answer of the Russian Empire “condemned the Japanese meddling into the internal affairs of the National Chinese State” and “asked for the immediate removal of the Japanese troops”. Without officially recognizing Wei’s rule, it also proclaimed that “counting from this day and in view of the popular protests in South China, His Imperial Majesty’s government is no longer considering the current administration of National China as the rightful and sovereign power over the lands of the southern Chinese State”. Confident of the support of France in the crisis, Japan responded by sending another division to Guangzhou. This time however, Russia responded to the provocation. The South Asiatic Squadron of the Russian Imperial Navy based at Hong Kong put to sea on July 28th and MiG-9 scrambled from the deck of the old aircraft carrier Nikolay Zhukovsky detected the Japanese transport fleet early in the morning of August 1st about 200 miles east of Formosa. Su-13 dive bombers were immediately armed and readied on the flight deck before an ultimatum was sent to the commandant of the Japanese force. Vice Admiral Kaoru Arima was at the head of a small but very powerful squadron. The ten transport ships were escorted by fifteen destroyers, eight light cruisers, four heavy cruisers, the light aircraft carrier Ryu and the battleships Suruga and Harima, two leviathans displacing 76 000 tons and armed with eight 20 inches guns. Arima asked his superiors at the admiralty before taking a decision and after long minutes of debate, he turned back to Japan to avoid confrontation. At the same moment, Field Marshall Wei launched its attack against Guangzhou.
The Nikolay Zhukovsky had been a transpacific ocean liner build in Italy for the Japan-Transamur Steamship Line
until the Russian Navy hastily converted it into an aircraft carrier after the annexation of Transamur. Between 1947
and 1951 she was heavily modernized to allow the operation of jet aircrafts from her deck. She is represented here
as the flagship of the South Asiatic Squadron at the time of the Chinese Crisis in 1952-1953.
The green light was granted by Petrograd to Wei assuming that the crisis was already at its paroxysm at that the next actions taken by either party wouldn’t drastically change the outcome. The battle for the capital would last until the 3rd of September, date at which Wang Jingwei was captured and roughly executed, triggering the surrender of the remaining defenders. Japan threatened to invade China but everybody knew that it was only bluff. France hadn’t yet taken an official position in the matter and Japan was surprisingly alone in its struggle. Wei Chan was sworn President on October 1st and immediately called general elections on December 12th. Three great parties gathered enough support and money to participate but in the end the victory of the Annexationist Popular Party of Fei Meng won an overwhelming victory, collecting 78% of the votes. In agreement with his party main objective, President Meing immediately approached North China to re-unify the middle kingdom. Negotiations would go on for another two months, but in the end they were successful. The flame-bearing flag of National China was lowered on last time on March 21st 1953 as the bare five-colored flag of the republic of China was hoisted over Guangzhou. A year after the crisis had almost thrown Asia into was, China was united.
Wei Chan gives the assault on Guangzhou, July 1952.
France’s position during the crisis in China was hard to understand in 1953, but documents recently made accessible help the contemporary observer understand the actions, or lack thereof, of the Communards. According to the correspondence between the French foreign minister and his chairman the French denied any form of support to Japan in the hope that the revolution in South China might lead to a Syndicalist takeover. In the end, it was a mistake but nevertheless, France financed the electoral campaign of the candidates affiliated to the Socialist Party during the elections called by General Wei. Considering that the revolution had been triggered by the intervention of a foreign power into South Chinese internal politics, it was a risk but the communards were willing to take it.
Japanese Prime Minister, General Hideki Tojo.
The Japanese reaction to France’s inaction was professional and calculated. Faced with French refusal to reveal the reasons why the Internationale hadn’t supported Japan, Prime Minister Tojo simply asked if he could count on it in the future. The answer he received from the French ambassador was a mixed one: “The Franco-Japanese collaboration have nothing of official and until now the Empire of Japan has greatly profited from it. Being a give and take deal at its core, the French government expect the support of Japan on European matters before again granting its help to Japan in Asiatic concerns.” In other words, the unofficial alliance would continue but not until Japan openly support France during the next crisis in Europe. Tojo was not pleased, but he accepted it, Japan had no other choice.
In Russia, everybody breathed a sigh of relief when the crisis came to an end after the Chinese unification. The sortie of the South Asiatic Squadron and the aggressive stance taken by Russia late in the crisis was mostly bluff. If war had erupted, the main focus of the Russian Army would have been Europe and only naval operations would have taken place. However, with China now united it was expected that the weakness of the Russian Army in the region could be partially balanced by the new power of the Republic of China. With access to the industrialized south portion of the country, the government in Beijing was indeed expecting to bring China at parity with Japan’s industrial basis. Of course, it was a long run objective but the potential power of a united China was greater than Japan and its main islands. To compensate this, Japan had an Empire of course, but, the nation had lost all its holdings on the continent and with the annexation of the Dutch colonies, there was no direction of expansion left in the Western Pacific. Australasia was untouchable because of its status as an ally of Russia, Japan’s former ally Thailand had been forced to cut its ties with Tokyo and any move here would trigger a Russian response and the Philippines were Syndicalist country protected by France.
President William Averell Harriman (left) and Vice-President Harry S. Truman.
Japan’s only possible direction of expansion was into eastern Pacific but here again Canada might oppose its self, not to mention that there was not much territory to capture. Moreover, a country had recently come out of its diplomatic lethargy just to denounce Japan’s new ambitions. The United States. President William Harriman had promised to bring back the United States on the world stage during the presidential campaign, and he kept his promise once in office by denouncing the Imperialist ambitions of Japan in China and congratulated the Chinese people for their unification. It was a strong difference of attitude when compared with the previous Republican administration –Harriman was a Democrat– of Robert Taft who had during his two mandates kept a low-profile foreign policy. Taft heritage was nevertheless impressive. Sworn into office in 1944 as the Second American Civil war was just ending he had succeeded in rebuilding the institution of the American democracy. Of course nothing would ever be the same again in this country torn by seven years of violence but Robert Taft had brought the United States to a point where they could again play a role on the international stage.
Almost all sizable cities in America had suffered from the destruction of the war, the conflict being the bloodiest civil
war ever fought, surpasing by far the scale of the Russian one. With each belligerent having access to a massive
industrial capacity, the war looked a lot like the Second Weltkrieg... but longer.
Much like Russia who had experienced two decades of political instability before regaining its power, America was still recovering in 1953. The war would soon be ten years behind but the nation’s divisions were still visible, participation to the elections in the south and around the great lakes was very low and demonstration against the federal government were of common sight. America could not afford to commit itself against the Internationale because of the large numbers of syndicalist sympathizers still active in American politics but Japan was another story. All Americans, no matter their political affiliation, were patriotic and mostly anti-imperialist. They all viewed America as this city upon a hill the world could look at in guidance and thus all had a similar opinion of the Japanese Empire. A bad one. President Harriman knew that he could use Japan as a unifying enemy for the whole American people.
In Russia this change in American foreign policy couldn’t have been more timed. Imperial Russia had always, ironically enough, maintained excellent relations with America and now that they shared a common foe, Petrograd hoped that America could be committed into some kind of “Pacific Alliance” to release the pressure on the Russian Army. As of the spring of 1953, a formal cooperation was far from being settle, nevertheless, the hopes were high in the Russian capital…
Last edited:
It feels like the world may have dodged one bullet with the resolution of China, only to perhaps step in the way of more incoming fire as the consequenecs play out.
A good Cold War update. A full alliance is likely too much to hope for but more cooperation with the USA against Japan will be a good thing. However, the Communards and Japan now might not back down in the next crisis if only to save face. Note: In English, Chinese names are written family name first and given name last (Wang is the family name of Wang Jingwei, Mao is the family name of Mao Zedong so it is President Wang or Chairman Mao). Japanese names also have family name first and given name last in Japanese, but by common custom, when writing in English one writes Japanese names in western order so Hideki Tojo is Prime Minister Tojo. Also, isn't Hashimoto actually a Japanese surname. Is he a real person or a randomly generated name ingame?
Thanks for the info about the surnames! I think I,ve edited all the cases in the chapter.
He's a random general ingame, I just picked the name.
Considering the fact that France more or less lost a good chance to cause much trouble to Russia, they will likely not let the next opportunity go away.
Well, I've come to realize that this situation seems to happens often to Russian players in KR!
And If the next crisis is about something Russia cannot let go it might be even more dangerous...
Very cool, and worrying update! Makes me wonder how badly things may go.
On that matter though, when will you be starting to put gameplay pictures in? I'm just sort of curious. Or is this only a narrative AAR? It's just begging for game screenshots and events.
On that matter though, when will you be starting to put gameplay pictures in? I'm just sort of curious. Or is this only a narrative AAR? It's just begging for game screenshots and events.
Hashimoto is a Japanese name indeed. It wouldn't be used by Chinese people.
Well, I stand corrected.
Thank you for the precisions guys, I've changed it!
哈市谋头 would indeed look bizarre, and sound very foreign imo
Last edited:
It has been a while since the last update and we were left with a cliffhanger on the "Pacific Alliance." Did you lost interest or are you simply too busy right now? I hope it continues!
Yep yep yep, you're right and I apologize for this!
The answer to your question is: I am busy right now...
I'm going through my final term exams at the university and its getting much of my free time. Aside from this, the team of TBL and I are trying to pull out the release of the new version of the mod before the end of the year (or not too long after, we're not sure yet) and what's left of my agenda is dedicated to it.
That being said, don't worry about The Iron Curtain. I've played it into half of 1955 and I have some stuff in the back of my head for the future. What I would like to know though is how to get a copy of Darkest Hour 1.04 so I can return on my savegame, steam don't want me to rewind my 1.05 version...
So until my exams are done and the 0.6 version of TBL is release I won't update TIC (nevertheless stay around because I might post a teaser or two between Christmas and New Year's Day) but after this I intend to continue the story. I love writing this one, it is just a matter of priorities right now.
My apologies for the lack of news about what was going on.
Best regards,
TheRem
Only ever started this account to download mods, but now I'm gonna be using it to watch your aar! Love it!
That's flattering, thank you very much!
You may have to wait until the holidays are over though, writing in English take me some time and I don't have much these days.
