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Actually, it would be fun if you defined side challenges, for non canonical exponents :D

Let's say, you get 1 empire point for controlling the lands of all historical "empires" (Japanese empire, Chinese empire, Timurid empire, Inca empire, Aztec Empire, Persian Empire, Alexander's empire etc) and for each continent completely colonised, one holly point for each holy city and historical empire's city converted to the state religion and one Roman point for... Well, having each original Roman (larger) province (like Galia, Spain etc) + each empire's capital converted to one of the "Roman cultures" - i.e. Greek or Italian.

About the "canonical" main objectives, if I would write them again, I would state them in a different way (for example: instead of being Holy(1) when you become the Pope, you get the point for owning all the original patriarch seats and converting them to your state religion). Oh well, it's to late to change the challenge now :p

Edit: If it would not be confusing, after we decide on the non canonical exponents, you could post them every other update (the one which does not include actual gameplay, but revises the previous update from the point of view of people living there)
 
I really like the idea of side challenges and non-canonical exponents. The problem I foresee with something like the above is basically having it turn into a catholic byzantine world conquest, with cultural manipulation and total religious conversion (probably ripping off strategies from the Chinese Cheese AAR to quite an extent) which is cool and all but not quite what I planned to do, nor something I am interested in doing (having done one world conquest/total Hindu conversion in IN, I don't really feel the need to do another one - I didn't find it very much fun). Also, if that is what I was trying to do I'd have gone about it somewhat differently, most importantly taking quest for the new world early so as to go find myself some Empires and some Pagans to convert my provinces :) I will bear it in mind as a challenge for the future, though!

Here is what I propose - I will not 'seek out' any non-canonical challenges. I will play the game as I was, doing whatever I feel is necessary to strengthen my position and complete the canonical challenge. IF I do something you guys think is worthy of an exponent, let me know, and I will add an 'extended ambitions' (I need a better name for that... a Catholic Byzantium cookie to whomever comes up with the one I decide to use) section below the regular one, labeling it as such. Then we will REALLY see how Holy, how Roman, and how Imperial our square Greeks have become..... Does that work for everyone?

If so, Deus Eversor has suggested that I get 2 Holy's (for controlling 2 holy cities) and 1 Empire, for restoring the Byzantine Empire. So my extended ambitions score is Holy2 Roman1 Empire1.



edit -
Memento Mori said:
About the "canonical" main objectives, if I would write them again, I would state them in a different way (for example: instead of being Holy(1) when you become the Pope, you get the point for owning all the original patriarch seats and converting them to your state religion). Oh well, it's to late to change the challenge now
Haven't I done this more or less? I'm pretty sure the only thing I needed for the Pentarchy decision was Rome to be Orthodox. When I finish converting the Empire I will have finished this anyway. I'll be happy to take the point for Holy when I do that, instead of when I become the papacy, which is still a ways away, I think :p
 
Swell, that's a very cool way to get the conversion done! That was a period of some turmoil with westernization and going Catholic so close to each other, but on the bright side now you're done with both (even if recovery from the conversion is still ongoing). :)
 
Sorry for the delay. I just moved and don't have internet yet. This has actually been great for playing and writing, not so much for posting or finding pictures. Here is a long update to make up for it - sorry it doesn't cover any new time periods, but the next ones should be coming very soon because I wrote them already! If you were looking for answers here, though, you are not going to find them here :)

Post 3: The Great Conversion

Legend


There are far too many stories surrounding the Conversion to discuss all of them here, but some of the most common deserve discussion. One of the most popular, mentioned above, is the legend of Logos. After Logos moved to Rome, accounts tell of how he received a divine mission from an angel of God, met and converted Orestes, who would be the brains behind Laskaris' conquest of Rome, and lived to be 100 in order to fulfill his divine destiny. This legend, while shrouded in fancy, has much of its foundation firmly anchored in reality. The Catholic exodus from southern Italy was very real, although it does not seem to have been led by someone named Logos, and this in turn meant that there was a particularly large, devout, and even militant catholic population in Rome preventing its conversion and eventually leading to the Catholic revolt. Orestes, unlike Logos, is a legitimate historical figure, the Roman ambassador to the Papacy who began traveling with Laskaris' army after being forced out of Rome when the war began. There is also little doubt that his diplomatic machinations helped the Empire conquer Rome by contributing to their political isolation. There is even some evidence that he sympathized with Catholicism, although the development of the Renaissance in southern Italy was taking a decidedly humanistic turn at this point and it is likely that his tolerance was a product of this intellectual climate rather than a secret conversion.

MedievalRome_zps37d1771b.jpg

Image: Tapestry of Rome during the Helenic period.

Even if the stage in Italy was set for rebellion, however, the true shock was Manuel’s conversion and his moves to ensure that the Empire would follow his lead. His personal account tells of an angel in a dream the night before the battle, and his promise to convert upon his victory the following day. The echoes of Constantine here are obvious, and the story does not account for his enemies’ sudden infighting. As the news reached the rest of the Empire, the Emperor’s detractors took the opportunity to claim he had converted at knifepoint in a fit of cowardice, while his supporters hailed it as a ruse to undermine the Italian opposition. Both believed he would ‘convert’ back to Orthodoxy upon his return to Constantinople, a hope that was not born out.

A popular story in succeeding years, and one that probably has a large element of truth to it, was that Manuel had secretly converted long before he ascended to the throne. Manuel grew up in his mother’s court, where intellectual and artistic achievement was held as the highest standard of virtue. During the decades of his mother’s reign, Manuel traveled the Empire. He spent a great deal of time on campaign fighting her wars, but when he was not leading armies he chose to spend his time in Italy. His personal writings indicate that in his early life he was quite taken with the burgeoning Italian Renaissance and the progress of Western scientists*. He filled many pages in his personal diaries with notes and diagrams of Western inventions and art, and countless letters to his mother extolled their promise. Abruptly, however, on a trip to Italy in 1472, these stopped. Helene expressed gratitude at his disillusionment with European achievements, but the reforms of his reign strongly suggest that disillusionment was not among the reasons for the cessation of these writings.

BasilII_zps6535e78f.jpg

Image: Portrait of Manuel III, from close to the end of Helene's reign. It is likely that his youthful appearance at this point was artistic license.

The general consensus among modern scholars is that Manuel converted on his trip to Italy in 1472, but kept it secret in order to ensure his succession. Upon taking the throne, he must have felt that opening the Empire to western science and adopting programs and incentives more suitable for advancement were more important than converting the Empire. Some argue that this indicates that he was disillusioned with religion altogether, but considering the effort he expended to convert the Empire and ensure that his successors would do the same, he must have been fairly devout. It can hardly be argued that a massive empire-wide conversion was politically expedient. Further, the theory that he was converted at knifepoint, which has seem some resurgence in recent years, is also unlikely for the same reason that it was abandoned the first time – the Catholics in Rome had no way to enforce such demands following the Emperor’s departure, yet he did not convert again. A variant of this scenario has recently been gaining support – namely, that a largely a-religious Manuel experienced a shock during the battle that incited his conversion. This is primarily based on some evidence that Manuel received a concussion during the battle, but does not explain why the Catholic rebels attacked their ‘allies’ in support, they claimed, of the ‘Catholic Emperor’. We are left, therefore, with theory that he converted prior to his coronation and chose to withhold his conversion due to political expedience.

BattleofFrascati_zps0dddd2ce.jpg

Image: The Battle of Frascati, showing the initial phase including early Nationalist successes, the Catholics changing sides and eliminating a section of the Nationalist line, and the final phase, where the Nationalists are driven from the field to be rounded up in the coming days.

What happened at the Battle of Frascati itself is also shrouded by myth. The 'official' version of the story involved a sign coming to the Rebel leaders, telling them that if he personally raises a cross over the battle he has returned to the fold and they should switch sides. Some modern scholars have suggested that the makeshift Crucifix had been arranged ahead of time and was, in fact, a signal to the Catholics as much as a charade to his own troops. Indeed, this is one of the few things about the Conversion that has reached a general consensus among scholars: the whole event, from the battle itself to the battlefield conversion, was likely orchestrated to maintain the support of the Army, which was still a powerful part of Byzantine government and society. It is often suggested that he seized an opportunity during the battle; that he had planned to wait longer before plunging his realm deeper into chaos. However, at almost 73 years old it is unclear how much longer he felt he could wait.

Because of his age he rarely fought battles, preferring to leave the fighting to his very competent generals, and there was no reason for him to take personal command of this one unless he felt there was a task there that only he could perform. Many would argue that the continued support of the army had more to do with his charisma and his successful campaigns during his mother's reign than his charade outside of Rome in 1496. But accounts even right after the battle suggest otherwise. Soldiers, most of whom had already converted to Catholicism, returned to Constantinople telling stories of the Emperor leading his Cataphracts in a glorious charge defeating the rebels in their final stand in front of St. Peter's Basilica. It is strange that almost all eyewitness accounts relate the story of this battle, usually followed by a Mass. There are many problems with this theory even without considering Manuel's age or the fact that the battle took place almost 10 miles from the Vatican, or that the Catholics controlled the city and upon switching sides it is unlikely that they would have allowed their enemies to come so close to such an important site. These facts did not stop the story from being related in verse, most famously in the work of the poet Memento but also in many other less famous sources. The origins of this myth are not clear, although many scholars argue that it must have some basis in fact. What is clear, however, is that his charade was successful. The Great Conversion is probably one of those historical events, the underlying reasons of which seem to be simply the whim of the fates, or whatever higher powers guide the Empire.

battleofpavia_zpsb3484db9.jpg

Image: Tapestry depicting the Battle of Frascati. A cross is visible behind the Emperor.

*Yes, the Italian Renaissance probably would have looked very different without the fall of Constantinople. In this timeline I am assuming the Renaissance began as an interaction between the development of Italian and Greek art and philosophy that the two schools would have grown together competitively. The origin of the Italian Renaissance is just as contested among modern scholars as it is in our timeline. My hypothetical author, not dealing with the rise of the Renaissance except in regard to Helene's reign and Manuel's conversion, would not have felt this background necessary or productive.
 
Awesome! For a day or two, I began to worry about the aar, as it sunk down the page but I am quite happy that this was without basis. And of course I am flattened by your use of my post in the update XD

Good luck in your new place of staying!
 
Awesome! For a day or two, I began to worry about the aar, as it sunk down the page but I am quite happy that this was without basis. And of course I am flattened by your use of my post in the update XD

Good luck in your new place of staying!
Nope, not gonna let this one die. I may be slow but I will finish. Also I will win. :)

Swell, that's a very cool way to get the conversion done! That was a period of some turmoil with westernization and going Catholic so close to each other, but on the bright side now you're done with both (even if recovery from the conversion is still ongoing). :)
AH, sorry I missed your post! As you pointed out to me in One Last Hurrah, total conversion is fairly straight forward as long as you can float your economy. Still, probably the most fun time to play so far, and I expect it will turn out to be one of the most fun times of the entire game.
 
Post 4 Empire Again
Holy0 Roman1 Empire1


Emperor Andreas ruled for only 4 years before his untimely death in a raid during the Venetian War, at the young age of 19. Despite its length, his reign still left its mark on Roman history. Andreas pursued a policy of strengthening of papal ties and of rigorous opposition to the Reformation which accelerated conversion efforts and improved internal stability. It also allowed him to secure the Pope’s blessing for the conquest and subjugation of rivals in northern Italy, which would inextricably pull Roman interests north into Continental Europe. (gifts to Pope to increase papal influence, counterreformation decision, conquest of Venice, and a lucky series of subjugation missions on Ferrara, Sienna, and Tuscany)

ImperialFamily_zps7e970748.jpg

Image: Brothers Andreas and Konstantinos in their youth with their family, 1504

Andreas’ younger brother Konstantinos XI took the throne in 1513. Konstantinos was not the warrior his predecessors were, but he was a visionary with a keen sense for domestic and international politics, and would pursue a comparatively peaceful yet tactical foreign policy. He was also a capable administrator who reversed the Empire's internal instability and turned the Empire into the most powerful state in the known world. In the first 10 years of his rule, Konstantinos restored the Byzantine economy by investing in infrastructure and public works projects, and converting much of the core of the Empire to Catholicism. Following the addition of the northern Italian territories to the Eastern Empire, he was also the first Emperor to take a deep interest in the affairs of the Western Empire. His initial meddling, however, was subtle. He preferred to influence states through intermediaries, playing the German’s entangled alliances and overlapping dynasties against each other and creating his own webs of influence. (10 years of stab recover and conversions, and keeping watch for openings in the Empire; Great monarch stats at 8Adm, 8Dip, 5Mil)

In 1523, Konstantinos struck. Through careful familial marriages, he had wheedled himself into the line of succession of several Imperial Electors. The disputed succession of the Saxon prince provided him the opportunity for which he had waited. His claim was weak, but the opportunity would not be squandered by such an ambitious ruler. Saxony was a particularly prudent target because she was allied with no fewer than 3 other Electors, all of whom rallied to her aid. Konstantinos, taking the calculated risk and jeopardizing his international relations, subjugated all 4 Electors, forcing them to support him in the election of the next Holy Roman Emperor. On August 8, 1536, his scheme paid off, and he was elected Western Emperor. For the first time in over a millennium, the Roman Empires were reunited. Konstantinos only served as Emperor for 6 years, but he used that short time to increase his authority through diplomatic and military action, securing his infant son's, Iaonnes succession (war for Saxon throne, PU'd them and vassalized 3 other Electors, followed by gifts, won the next election).

4HRE_zps637fd137.jpg

Image: Diet of the Holy Roman Emperor immediately following the election of Konstantinos XI
 
Brilliant. So freakin' great.
Thanks!

mwahahahhaha }:->
My thoughts exactly.

Legend
There are few legends about Andreas I’s reign. Unlike those of so many Roman Emperors during the Resurgence, it was short and straightforward. He inherited an unstable state and made efforts to improve the internal situation while engaging enemies that threatened his borders. His reign was largely reactionary, but it is perhaps one of the most significant in a series of significant reigns because it pushed the Romans once and for all into the affairs of the Holy Roman Empire.

Konstantinos’ reign could not contrast more with his brother's. His moves were part of calculated, long-term plans and he is widely remembered as the Conquerer of Empires, the man who rejoined the Imperial thrones. His contemporaries did not have to create legends for him, he created them for himself. During the first 10 years of his reign he kept a low profile, going out of his way to seem passive in Catholic politics while maintaining mandate of Helene's Guardian Edict. The sudden reversal of his pacifist posture surprised the Catholic world. Konstantinos took advantage of the situation to create an aura for himself and push his agenda as rapidly as possible. When he was elected emperor, his first act was to reinstate the Roman Coronation, which had been discontinued following the Byzantine conquest of Rome. This gesture had two consequences - first, it solidified Byzantine control over the Imperial crown by officially transferring power on Byzantine soil, and forcing the Pope and Electors to travel to Byzantine territory for the ceremony. Second, it enabled the Emperor to solidify this hold not only without serious objection, but in many cases with hearty approval, by framing the move as a return to the traditional values of the Empire. The move was openly celebrated in Catholic courts throughout Europe and was nervously watched by the German Princes. The message was clear - the hegemony that the Germans held in the Empire was fading. The primacy of the Pope, too, while publicly restored, was being undermined. The Pope could return to Roman territory but only at the beck and call of the Roman Emperor. In other words, he had, in one move, changed his role from unwanted outsider to guardian of faith and tradition.

HRECrown_zps4d0c6dd1.jpg

Image: Crown of the Western Emperor

Konstantinos used what would have been a fleeting spike in his popularity to begin pushing his aggressive agenda. Simultaneously he began a diplomatic and military blitz, forcing the conversion of Protestants while drawing the weaker Catholic princes closer to his cause. Through these actions he earned a reputation as a political mastermind. The reality is that Konstantinos had a knack, among his other talents, for surrounding himself with the right people. He recruited the greatest talent among the aristocracy of his sprawling Empire to create a corp of ambassadors and diplomats that masterminded his political push. Konstantinos' team was the foundation of what would become the Imperial Advisory, officially founded in 1538 as a permanent institution designed to protect the diplomatic interests of the Roman Empire. Following Konstantinos' death, however, the Advisory's role expanded, eventually supplanting much of the former bureaucracy and even elements of the Army in the central Byzantine government. It would end up playing a critical role in the coming reforms of the Western Empire, and also likely saved a century and a half of progress from complete reversal by Konstantinos' less competent successors.
 
"Less competent successors?" I like this foreshadowing :D

And also cool that you included the part about the place of the coronation and the effects. In this time period, people would really understand the symbolism.

How well is the reformation going? I don't have Httt, so I don't know for what do you get Imperial Authority, but I heard that converting princes is a good way...
 
"Less competent successors?" I like this foreshadowing :D

And also cool that you included the part about the place of the coronation and the effects. In this time period, people would really understand the symbolism.

How well is the reformation going? I don't have Httt, so I don't know for what do you get Imperial Authority, but I heard that converting princes is a good way...
Don't worry, my rules involve whatever gamey tactics I want as long as they are justified afterward. So I did not play poorly with my 3/4/3d rulers, I just made something up about why they were successful :p
Thanks! We are getting into periods with which I am more familiar, so hopefully I will be able to pull off a few more little things like that.
The reformation went remarkably well. Lots of little German states (perhaps 1/3 of the Empire), plus Austria and a massive Bohemia are all protestant. Combine that with a powerful France with ambitions inside the Empire, a Denmark that is dumb as always, and a handful of releasable states, and we are talking a fantastic opportunity to generate some Imperial Authority.

Post 5 Renovatio Imperii
Holy0 Roman1 Empire2

The regency for Ioannes VII, like their young charge, lacked all of the exceptional capabilities that had brought the Empire from the brink of destruction over the last century and a half (Dip3 Adm4 Mil3; Ioannes himself had Adm5, at least). The members squabbled over petty grievances and accomplished little of their own initiative except commissioning the now-famous paintings of Konstantinos' coronation. Meanwhile, Konstantinos' ambassadors continued his policy of befriending minor Catholic princes and creating a web of support for Byzantine leadership in Germany that extended beyond the subjugated Electors. This alienated the powerful Protestant opposition, namely Austria and Bohemia, creating an internal crisis in the Empire that would not fully abate until Ioannes VIII fully united the two Roman Empires more than 50 years later. The crisis with Austria and Bohemia, coupled with French and Danish invasions, were more than the beleaguered regency could handle. The Imperial Advisory stepped into the power vacuum, successfully managing the crisis and saving the Romans from expulsion from the Empire. They also began expanding the power of major noble houses at the expense of the merchant class, delegating authority for defense and production to local nobles while deliberately preserving the power of the central government (I used lots of top-notch ambassadors to help me butter up HRE members and overcome some pathetic ruler stats, and several events pushed me aristocratic; note that HTTT doesn't have a limit on the number of advisors of a particular type; I also use this as an excuse for my continued success despite rule by apparent imbeciles).

The result was that Ioannes had power but lacked authority, at least in the Byzantine court. In the Western court, Ioannes authority grew enormously due to the machinations of the Advisory. He conducted numerous ‘peacekeeping’ missions within the Empire, usually supported by large coalitions of member states, but aside from those Ioannes VII fought only two wars during his reign, one against the Mamelukes in 1552, and one against Tripoli in 1566, with the aim of capturing the final bastions of Berber piracy along the North African coast. Ioannes, with the help of the Advisory, also passed several legal reforms in the Empire throughout his reign. (I did a lot of fighting in the Empire, both against France and Denmark and against heretics, to increase my Imperial Authority, while passing the early Imperial Reforms; I also fought a couple of wars in north Africa looking ahead to the goal of conquering the entirety of the old Roman Empire).

Ioannes VIII ascended to the throne upon his father's death in 1574. His administrative capabilities were not much better than his predecessor, but his silver tongue provided the added diplomatic strength necessary beg, bully, and bribe the ultimate solidification of power within the Holy Roman Empire. Where Ioannes VII sought reform to strengthen the well-being of the Empire, Ioannes VIII forced through reforms that enhanced his own power. Carefully timed to coincide with foreign invasion and religious struggles, Ioannes and the Advisory pushed through reforms that ended feudal privileges and centralized control of the Empire. They then convinced the Imperial Diet that to preserve the prosperity that was slowly returning to the Empire, it was imperative to maintain a stable rulership. motion to disband the electorate and make the position of Emperor hereditary passed in 1581.

51endoftheelectorate_zps9a3906d5.jpg

Image: Core Greek lands and the Diet of Trevisio. Also shows the military and economic reforms of the two Ioannes.

The Bohemians had finally had enough. Relations deteriorated and allegiances were solidified, mostly along religious lines but there would be Protestants who fought with the Emperor and Catholics who fought with Bohemia. War officially erupted over the occupation of Hinterpommern by Protestant Poland. It was the largest conflict to date in Europe, with almost half a million soldiers participating on all sides throughout the war. After two years of maneuvering, the Bohemians and their allies were brought to their knees and forced to convert and cease their opposition to the Imperial throne. (Pushing through imperial reforms, and mentioning the biggest war I fought at this time, an imperial ban against Poland)

Following an attempted French incursion into Burgundy in 1594, Ioannes and the Advisory curbed member states' independence and forced them into feudal subservience in order to 'prevent their subjugation by foreign powers'.

52revoked_zps625af7e9.jpg

Image: Ioannes VIII revoked the independence of the princes of the Western Empire, making them truly, instead of just nominally, his subjects.

Only one year later, on January 5, 1595, Ioannes issued the 'Renovatio Imperii,' uniting the Roman crowns and bringing the Empire under his direct control. These moves barely met any opposition - a handful of member states, led by Friesland, resisted integration. Most quickly capitulated, but Friesland refused to surrender, and the royal family lived in exile in Great Britain. The Advisory finally capitulated, allowing Friesland to maintain a quasi-independence in order to preserve the international reputation of the new European superpower. (For whatever reason Friesland would have cost an obnoxious amount of BB to annex, so I let them live; the last two imperial reforms happened in quick succession because I had 100 Authority when I passed the first, then almost immediately passed the second)

53EMPIRE_zps42d513af.jpg

Image: The Empire and the Diet of Amsterdam immediately prior to its final unification.
54EMPIRE_zps6dd28b0c.jpg

Image: The Roman Empire following Renovatio Imperii. Many scholars argue that this was the moment when the Roman Empire became the dominant power in Europe, but it should be remembered that these lands would not be fully integrated for another half-century. In that time there was ample opportunity for the Empire's enemies to strike.
 
Rome resurgent. It's... Beautiful.

France, Castille and England are still in your path to reclaim Galia, Hispania and Britania, thought. I am looking forward for their demise.
 
Oh shit
So how're you going to become Holy?
 
Sick :D

Totally awesome Renovatio! I can't believe that Bohemia agreed to succumb to your authority, but I think it was a smart move to realise that all resistance is futile. Now I guess all you have to do is to follow the path of Scipio Africanis, Caesar and Hadrian - and of course chase down all the remaining bishoprics to go for the final prize...

Could you please show us a "global map" of the Empire and tell how many little bishoprics are there? I find it a bit confusing why Bohemia's land is not cored if they previously bordered Roman territory?
 
Rome resurgent. It's... Beautiful.

France, Castille and England are still in your path to reclaim Galia, Hispania and Britania, thought. I am looking forward for their demise.
Thanks! And you should. Although the real obstacle will be someone else....

Oh shit
So how're you going to become Holy?
Oh, yeah! According to the challenge, I get my first Holy point when I become the papacy.

Sick :D

Totally awesome Renovatio! I can't believe that Bohemia agreed to succumb to your authority, but I think it was a smart move to realise that all resistance is futile. Now I guess all you have to do is to follow the path of Scipio Africanis, Caesar and Hadrian - and of course chase down all the remaining bishoprics to go for the final prize...

Could you please show us a "global map" of the Empire and tell how many little bishoprics are there? I find it a bit confusing why Bohemia's land is not cored if they previously bordered Roman territory?
Bohemia had +200 relations by the time I passed the bills. In fact, I made sure everyone did. That war was really for a little bit more Authority before the final reforms. Caesar and Hardrian are upcoming... Stay tuned!

As for the bishoprics, I absorbed them all with the Empire. The only one left is the Pope himself...

woah
new rome, so strong...
your enemies reaction must be like:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=scv-7Xzw7GI
:rofl:
:rofl::rofl::rofl:

The next update is written, I am just obsessing over maps and such of the Bohemian war. Look for it in the next couple of days!
 
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I love the sound of all three elements of that sentence :D

This should be good
Hope it lives up to expectations!

Legend
Both Ioannes, particularly Ioannes VII, had a distinctive personality that defined their respective reigns. Ioannes VII, despite lacking in many of the finer qualities that make for a good ruler, seems to have been a genuinely nice person. His campaigns against the Berber Pirates, while economically sound and offering opportunity for political expansion, which are no doubt the reason the Advisory allowed them to happen, were steeped in language of philanthropy. He wanted to rescue christian slaves, to keep the pirates from kidnapping or killing more of his subjects, and, if he could, to save the souls of the Heathen. Similarly, his Imperial legal reforms were, as far as he seemed to be aware, entirely for the greater good of the Empire and its members. For example, his early reforms improved cultural fluidity and established courts to resolve conflicts in place of wars. Ioannes also instituted important military reforms establishing a meritocratic system for officer promotion in the Army, believing, perhaps ironically, that birth was an insufficient prerequisite to lead. This last reform would have important consequences in coming wars, as Roman armies were led by some of the most competent generals in the world (National Idea: battlefield commissions).

The reasons of Ioannes' sympathetic reign can probably be traced back to his early childhood. Konstantinos allowed his son a great deal of freedom (many would say neglect). The young boy often slipped out of the palace to play with his 'friends' in the servant quarters of the Emperor's palace in Rome, where he spent most of his childhood prior to his father's death. One boy, named Marcos, Ioannes mentioned frequently throughout his life. He even attempted to organize several searches for him. According to Ioannes, Marcos was an older orphan boy. His mother had been taken in an attack by Berber pirates, and his father had died in 'the war' in Germany. Which war is unclear but probably irrelevant. Many historians argue that Marcos was a story made up by the Advisory to justify their actions, but I believe he was a real person. Young Ioannes' trips to the servant quarters are corroborated by many sources, and it seems likely that he would have made friends there. Further, Ioannes' insistence on searching for Marcos later in life and the consistency of his stories suggests that this friend, in particular, was real. His experience growing up as an equal among people of lower status, especially someone who had experienced so much of relevance to Roman policy, is probably what made him so sensitive during his reign.

UnknownLady26_zps7611b752.jpg

Image: Ioannes VII as a child (left). He was not much for court functions, and enjoyed playing with servant children more than his tutors and guardians.

Ioannes VIII's motivations were not so altruistic. He recognized the authority that the strength of his nation provided and was confident in the diplomatic success of the Advisory. He also had excruciating patience - he seems to have viewed the ultimate unification of the two empires as a lifelong project, and, ascending to the throne at 22, was willing to use his entire life to ensure its success. Still, he moved quickly, uniting the Empire in just over 20 years. The reasons for his success are varied. First, the machinations of the advisory combined with his personal charisma meant that Ioannes was able to play a fabulous diplomatic dance within his realm, pitting princes against one another, forging alliances, supporting the ambitions of some princes while undermining those of others, paying carefully timed visits to important polities, and, when all else failed, liberally placing Byzantine funds into carefully chosen hands. The latter mostly involved gifts to the princes themselves, but in certain situations these involved bribes to important officials or even bread distribution to local populations, using some of the flimsier clauses in one of Ioannes VII's reforms to gather support for a power higher than the local duke or count. These expensive reforms required a major overhaul of the Greek banking system, but once undertaken these reforms allowed the Greeks to fund almost unlimited carefully placed gifts. In fact, even with the Advisory in such a powerful position, Ioannes is said to have often complained that competent diplomats were a bigger hindrance to his efforts in Germany than money. Second, and even more importantly, was the image that Ioannes VIII's predecessors had fostered. Konstantinos had worked to present himself as a protector of faith and the Empire despite the conquests that had alienated most of the non-elector states of the Empire. However, the policy he set was largely followed by the advisory, and his grandson Ioannes VII energetically preached simple-minded altruism, so by the time Ioannes VIII was crowned Emperor decades of relatively benevolent and protective rule had established the Greek Emperors as acceptable, if not necessarily loved, rulers.

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Image: The Bohemian War, showing the 4 major campaigns of the war.

The final hurdle in the unification of the two Empires was the Bohemian War. The war is worth mentioning in some detail because it is often described, even (or perhaps particularly) in primary school education, as a triumph of Roman superiority against overwhelming odds - tactical, technological, and, sometimes, theological superiority all play their parts. Stories abound of Roman Armies sweeping enemies off the battlefield and clever Roman commanders accomplishing cunning ambushes against overwhelming enemy forces. Brave soldiers and citizens alike united to halt the Protestant menace in a glorious feat of a 16th Century version of total war. Loyalists led the Roman armies through hostile territory to meet their enemy at the battle of Altmark, where the Romans finally halted the Bohemian and Polish advances into northern Germany and kept the Protestants there from fully joining the war effort. The Tagmata bravely held against Bohemian heavy cavalry at Second Bessarabia. Georgios Mikrulakes escaped the advancing enemy to warn the Army of Greece of an ambush, setting the stage for the great victory at Belgrade which ended Bohemian ambitions into Greece. But more than anything else, this war began the myth of Roman infallibility.

But early battles were far from universally in Constantinople's favor. At the battle of Sopron, a Roman army 11,000 strong was completely eliminated by a larger Bohemian force. At about the same time, at the battle of Banat, the Romans enjoyed a full 2:1 advantage, but suffered 4:1 casualties and lost control of the field. Indeed, Rome's early and mid-war victories, even the famous ones such as Altmark, were won with at least 2:1 numerical superiority.

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Image: The Battle of Sopron. Bohemian forces engage the Roman army across the front, attempting to pin it into place and draw out the Roman reserve. The cavalry, hidden in reserve, seizes advantage of the situation and sweeps around the Roman left flank, encircling and destroying the army. Each unit represent approximately 1000 men.


These early setbacks led to a radical restructuring of the Roman Army. Formerly made up of levies thrown together according to the needs of a particular campaign, units in the latter part of the war became increasingly standardized. In addition, large quantities of artillery became standard for Roman field armies, although 'light divisions' were maintained to counteract the strategic mobility of the Bohemian cavalry. The new organization was highly effective. Strategically it allowed for greater command coordination because higher-level commanders had a more accurate idea of the forces their subordinates wielded, while the artillery gave Roman infantry the staying power they needed to stand fast against the Bohemian knights. Now famous battles such as Cherson, where the Ukrainians were routed from the field and driven from the war, or Second Bessarabia, where the outnumbered Roman Army turned the tide of the Eastern Front and, in the eyes of most of the Empire, redeemed the catastrophe of Sopron. In other parts of the continent, the battles of Berlin and Hinterpommern decimated the Protestant armies, effectively winning the German campaign and cleared the path to Warsaw and Prague. Ironically, while these changes largely arose as a result of the innovative atmosphere brought about by Ioannes VII reform of the officer corps, they would form the organizational foundation of the Roman Army for nearly two centuries before the demands of a new style of warfare forced the Army to adapt once again.



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Image: The Second Battle of Bessarabia. Phase 1: The Romans push back the Bohemian center, inflicting heavy casualties, while the Bohemians attempt to flank the Roman line with a detachment of cavalry. Phase 2: the Bohemians continue their attacks at the flank and counterattack with their powerful cavalry in the center, while the Romans make an orderly withdrawal. Phase 3: Roman counterattack in the center, backed by their plentiful artillery, turns back the Bohemian cavalry, breaking the center. Phase 4: Routing the Bohemian army.
 
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try picassaweb
i'm just wondering, is imperial greece larger than imperial germans? or territories like egypt and east of holy land considered only colonies? or do you count in entire bohemia and its allies as part of imperial germans?