XVII: Death Grip
+ + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + +
As momentary calm descended on the Elbe, Bohemian and Bavarian sectors, OKH continued apace with its reorganization of the army. By June, most German forces, about 110 divisions, were allocated to the west with the White Ruthenian and Ukrainian regions being entrusted to other Reichspakt members. The loss of much of its population placed great strains on further force generation, resulting in a widening of the conscription brackets to include men in their mid-40s and boys as young as 17.
The need to expedite the creation of formations able to cover gaps along the front also meant the downsizing of the standard size of German divisions. Where the standard rifle division had around 11,000 men before the war, OKH restructured the template around which regular infantry divisions were formed, leaving a new typical size of these units at around 8,900 strong (though often newly formed divisions were formed and sent into battle with less than this).
Disposition of German armies as of June 1st – Army Group Witzleben along the Kiel Canal was the smallest. South of these forces, covering half of the Elbe front, was Army Group Model. In charge of center of the line and guarding the approaches to Berlin was Army Group Falkenhorst. Army Group Manstein held the lines south of Berlin and north of the great Bohemian bulge, with their defenses pivoting around the city of Dresden. Capping the bulge was Army Group Kesselring, who’s left flank was met by Army Group Ritter (Franz von Bayern). Lastly, King Rupprecht of Bavaria had taken up command of the smallest force on the extreme south in the Alps *
By June, German losses stood in stark contrast to those of the Internationale. Though a large proportion of these casualties were from the partial collapse of the center of the German lines in ‘The Black Month of the German Army’, the offensive actions in 1938 and the subsequent retreat under fire in March – May resulted in equally bloody tolls. However, the strong defensive footing the armed forces now found themselves in offered them the opportunity to equal the odds.
Germany Is Not Yet Lost: June – December, 1939
Around this time, the consensus on the overall strategy of the Comité Militaire Mixte began to fracture. The leaders who had shown admirable unity in decision making since the decision to pursue Action XIII, namely Commune Marshal Delestraint and the British Field Marshal Ronald Forbes Adam, began to differ in their opinions of how to reach Berlin. Delestraint wished to use the Bohemian salient to swing north and avoid the German defences on the Elbe while Field Marshal Adam had concluded that with the Germans digging in along defensible locations all along the front, only attrition could defeat them if attacked overland. In consultation with Admiral Herbert Richmond of the Republican Navy and Hugh Dowding of the Republican Airforce, Adam pushed for a joint amphibious and parachutist assault somewhere along the northern coast of Germany, or perhaps in the Balkans to cut off the vital Austro-Hungarian industries that were acting as Germany’s lifeline. Richmond assured the CMC that the High Seas Fleet was being attrited of its screening craft faster than they could be produced, especially with the occupation of the shipyards at Wilhelmshaven, Bremen and the incapacitation of those at Kiel. Delestraint, growing overconfident in his successes thus far, politically outmanoeuvred Adam, stating that the continued land offensive allowed them to retain options for both lunging toward Berlin or Vienna. Further, he convinced Marshal Edmondo Rossoni of the Socialist Republic of Italy and the Norwegian high command that such an undertaking could only be possible through the combination and subordination of all the Internationale’s fleets under what was most likely to be British control. When the time came, the CMC voted in favour of Delestraint’s strategy, though Adam too would have his day before the war was over.
Though orders from Berlin to maintain defensive postures along the line had strongly emphasised, Erich Manstein and a group of similarly ambitious generals foresaw an opportunity for a limited strike at the enemy. The French had overextended in their drive through Bohemia. Their flanks were insecure and the body of their forces, estimated to be some 125,000 – 175,000 strong, were vulnerable to encirclement. Manstein was at first rebuffed by Oberkommando Heer. On May 19th, he travelled by train to the General Staff Headquarters in Königsplatz, Berlin to convince the General Staff himself. Though cautious give the precarious state of the Heer, he was given the green light.
On 29th May, ‘Operation Konstriktor’ began. The ultimate intent was to snip off the head of the Bohemian bulge to help even the troop counts across the line and hopefully set the stage for a general offensive across the Elbe. Striking at known weak spots in the line, 10 German divisions, supplemented by 6 further Reichspakt allied divisions broke through and briefly cut off the advanced Internationale formations just as they reached the outskirts of Brno.
Opening stages of Operation Konstriktor, 29th May, three days after the offensive’s beginning
The attack stunned the CMC. Such aggression had not been expected from an enemy the CMC considered all but defeated. Delestraint had placed his most aggressive generals up front in Bohemia with the intent of punching north out of the mountains and onto the other side of the Elbe to cut off the defenders of Dresden from the rest of the German rump. Instead, 18 divisions worth of his mobile forces and most experienced infantry had been encircled. The CMC ordered an immediate offensive to reconnect the land bridge to this pocket just as General Kesselring’s armies began their attacks on its eastern extremities.
German forces in the thin corridor between Internationale troops could not sustain their positions under the heavy attack, especially in the air where Franco-British airpower ruled the skies. Within several days the siege in the pocket was lifted, though the rail lines that had been supplying the enemy remained severed.
Despite the setback, the German offensive had yet to culminate. Further reserves had been drawn (much to OKH’s hesitation) from Army Group Model and Falkenhorst and were thrown into the fight. As May passed into June, the Germans had achieved local numerical superiority at the head of their push. To supplement this, the 5th Fliegerkorps formation was repositioned south to degrade the enemy’s close air support.
The following month saw a grinding battle with the Internationale, overextended as it was, unable to properly reinforce or supply their forces.
Efforts around nearly the entire salient to recreate the pocket were undertaken, with success being achieved around north of Budejovice where the syndicalists were attempting to rotate out shattered units to replace them with fresh ones. Simultaneous, albeit ineffective and ill-coordinated attacks were launched on the outskirts of Prague. Nonetheless, as July passed into August the French bridgehead grew ever more precarious. On 17th July Delestraint gave the order for a partial withdrawal but constant German attacks on the neck of the salient hampered movement.
With what the CMC presumed (correctly) was the last of Germany’s mobile reserves tied down in the center sector, the CMC cancelled plans for offensives from the salient. Instead, they opted for a more direct course of action. In their effort to win in Bohemia, Germany had left its Elbe defenses afront Berlin precariously undermanned. Over July, the syndicalists built up a new force north of Dresden, accumulated bridging equipment, then in August launched “Action XXVIII: Dantès”.
On August 9th, six divisions of French, Batavian and British troops pressed forward across the Elbe, smashing aside the German defenders. Earlier in the previous month, the spy agency, R.E.D., had identified the location chosen for the attack as the hinge between two of the army groups defending Berlin. As the highly concentrated syndicalist attack went ahead it was the German’s time to be shocked. The belt of fortifications across the Elbe were hastily breached – the road to Berlin, it seemed, was once again open.
It was the moment of supreme danger, as was later recorded by Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck. The advanced scouting units of the syndicalists were now amidst the hills and forests outside Berlin – only about 45 kilometers from the capital, with the 11th Army’s headquarters being stationed momentarily in the city of Brandenburg. In fact, one scouting unit led by Lieutenant Colonel Marcel Caron of the XXXXIV Reconnaissance Battalion, claimed in their after-action report to have been able to see the spires of the capital through their field glasses while on a mission that led them to scale a hill near Potsdam. This unassuming moment would later be recognized as the syndicalist high-water mark of the war.
The Kaiser and many of the government offices began to pack up and prepared to leave the capital for Kreuz. As this was being done however, the Reichskanzeler went to see Kurt von Hammerstein-Equord.
“Can the city be held?” the Reichskanzeler asked the supreme warlord of the German army. Famously, the Chief of the General Staff relpied
“Zweifellos!” (Undoubtedly). Hammerstein-Equord outlined a plan of immediate counteroffensive using the forces all around the breakthrough, including a strong contingent currently garrisoning Dresden. It might mean the loss of that city if the syndicalist attacks developed into an offensive in that direction, but the invader’s bridgehead could and would be dislodged and thrown back over the Elbe. A further five divisions of green troops, even now still in training camps north of Berlin, would be deployed. Lastly, blocking detachments were employed to round up the routing troops who had been so badly beaten along the Elbe. The typical Prussian punishment of death by firing squad for the offense was foregone due to the need for every bullet and man who could fire one.
Refugees crowding central Berlin were conscripted to help build several belts of defensive fortifications in return for food and shelter for them and their families (damage from aerial bombardment is visible in the background)
The Reichskanzeler once more took to the airwaves to broach for an air of calm as refugees fled from the city. He was accompanied by General Rundstedt of OKW who gave a frank assessment of the situation but assured the citizens of Berlin that everything would be done to defend the city. He implored citizens to turn out to help establish new trench lines, blockade roads, donate to the troops and help ferry or carry supplies about. The Field Marshal signed off with the now infamous pledge,
“Germany is not yet lost!”
Once more, Lettow-Vorbeck was able to convince the Kaiser to remain. The efforts and those of the army paid off. After intense fighting through the villages on Berlin’s approaches, the French were first held then pushed back.
By 1st September, the breakthrough had been pushed back though at the cost of the bulwark of Dresden which had been left largely in ruins by urban fighting over the last two months.
Dresden, ‘Florence of the Elbe’, wrecked in incessant artillery duels between French and German forces that included incendiary ammunition used to drive out or destroy troops garrisoning buildings – the city’s sacrifice bought time for the Reich to mobilize
Dresden was abandoned in order to utilize the 6th Army, under General Paulus, to save Berlin
After months of positional fighting in the valleys of Bohemia, the Heer had finally achieved their goal of cutting off some of the French troops there. Much of the Internationale’s forces had been withdrawn but not all had been able to escape the slow developing trap. At last, the Reich had scored a decisive victory by saving Brno from occupation and the Bohemian government a likely collapse.
While the situation had been slow to develop thus far, now events began to accelerate. Weakened by the repositioning of forces toward the Berlin axis, the hasty retreat from the siege of Brno and the surrounding of six divisions, syndicalist cohesion collapsed as local panic and disorder overtook the units in western Bohemia. Some units had to be left behind to besiege the cauldron but other Reichspakt forces moved forward, probing for weak spots. Several were found. Desperate assaults to try to break open the whole line pressed forward and achieved yet another encirclement.
As a result of Operation Konstriktor, nearly 100,000 syndicalist troops were surrounded and forced to surrender in the Reichspakt’s first great victory of the war. The triumph could not have come at a better time, for other events around Europe required the swift attention of Germany’s armed forces.
With a new threat to the south and the Austro-Hungarians already committed fighting the Moscow Accord in Serbia and the eastern front, Oberkommando Heer was now able to afford sending General Kesselring’s army detachment of fourteen divisions south and deal with the Italian National Republic.
As German units finished their clearing actions in the pockets in Bohemia and returned to the frontline, it had become clear that the actions of the previous months had seriously degraded syndicalist power in the central sector of the front. Sensing blood in the water, the Konstriktor was now deemed a success and its planned successor, ‘Kobra’, began. A broad offensive against the reeling syndicalist units in Bohemia now began.
While the CMC remained fixed on Berlin and attempted to identify areas where they could cross the Elbe further north or routes which might yield the encirclement of Munich, the slow, grinding drive through the Bohemia’s lowlands continued through October. Prague was liberated on the 1st November. Despite some fighting in the center of the ancient capital it was left mostly unscathed, savings its architectural heritage where Dresden and Munich’s had been utterly obliterated.
As the year ended, the lines on the western front began to solidify once more, effectively ending Operation Kobra within sight of Pilsen. The syndicalists had been driven back nearly 230 kilometers from the gates of Brno. A new Internationale bulge had appeared in the central sector of the western front and with it, new opportunities for encirclements.
This time the syndicalist salient had been of the Reichspakt’s making – new opportunities to strike south outflanking Budejovice had been made apparent and would soon result in the next German punch
The Siege of Munich entering its sixth month
The year ended with 138 German divisions stationed on the western front, seven still fighting in the Pacific (the GEA’s forces not included), with 38 further divisions exploiting Russian weaknesses in the Baltics
The Destroyer Campaign: October 1938 – August 1939
Even as battles raged in front of Berlin, the war at sea had begun to reach a new phase. Whereas rough parity had been the order of the day for over a year, the High Seas Fleet’s effectiveness had begun to slip as first its primary Baltic and North Sea bases were seized then its screening components were targeted.
The strategy, decided at the London War Rooms by, as always, Chairman Mosely himself, had been initially cooked up by the Republican Admiralty in Whale Island, Portsmouth. In the initial battles the thick armor of the German battle fleet had negated the relatively weak and dysfunctional torpedoes of the British dive bombers. While new air-to-sea torpedo designs were being created and production switched over, the Admiralty had decided to focus on the escort ships of the High Seas Fleet to make it easier for British submarines to sneak in close to the heavy ships and destroy them.
The campaign against the German light ships began slowly but picked up steam over the first half of 1939, whittling away dozens of destroyers. The greatest victory of this effort came on August 14th when the Republican Grand Fleet, loitering off the Swedish coast, launched a submersible and air attack on the High Seas Fleet as it lay in anchor at Stettin.
In a single hour, much of the remaining light ship contingent of the German fleet in the Baltic was wiped out. The High Seas Fleet was paralyzed in port.
The Italian Front Opens: September – December 1939
The Italian unification, the Risorgimento, carried out between the revolutions of 1848 and the Franco-Prussian war of 1871 had been a geopolitical disaster for the empire of Austria-Hungary. Where once they had largely controlled the north of a fractious and backwards peninsula a powerful new great power stood.
Despite initially standing with Austria-Hungary and Germany in the Triple Alliance, Italy had drifted toward the Entente, affording the Habsburg empire the chance to rectify one of their greatest failures of the 19th century. It took millions of killed and wounded in the Alpine front during the Weltkrieg, but by 1919 the Italians had been defeated. The subsequent months after the peace treaty was signed, Italy devolved into revolutionary chaos as nationalists and syndicalists (inspired by the French) ravaged the land. The Italian Civil War lasted nearly a year, by which time the old kingdom had either split or been split into multiple competing factions. The Austrians oversaw the ‘unification’ of all anti-syndicalist factions into the de-centralized, largely aristocratic Italian Federation. The Federation itself proved an unworkable failure and lapsed in 1930. This fragmentation of a single unified entity into many gave rise to the term ‘Italinization’. As Italy ‘Italianzied’, the Austro-Hungarian puppet state of Republic of Venetia-Lombardy was reformed into the Italian Republic.
As the Black Monday economic crisis rocked Europe, the Austro-Hungarians, attempting to cut spending, withdrew the garrison units and closed military bases in the fledgling Italian Republic. With Austrian oversight suddenly gone, the nationalists emerged from the woodwork of the republic’s political system. Snap elections were held in 1936 which saw the election of the nationalist populist Associazione Nazionalista Italiana (ANI), headed by Italo Balbo, come to power. Balbo immediately began reforming the republican government into a single party dictatorship with his ’greenshirt’ followers fanning out across the countryside to crackdown dissidents and imprison political opponents, especially any outspoken folk with left-of-center beliefs and Austrian settlers. These unfortunates were incarcerated in camps with deplorable conditions, leading to mass death from disease outbreaks and starvation.
Balbo was an Italian ultranationalist who ensured that revanchist propaganda was constantly spewed from the rapidly centralized media across the former republic. Though the Veneto region rebelled in ‘36, the greenshirt paramilitary and the newly renamed ‘Italian National Republic’s’ (INR) military quickly crushed the revolt (adding yet more thousands of political prisoners to Balbo’s camps).
As with Japan and Serbia, as the Reichspakt was handed defeat after defeat in the early stages of the Second Weltkrieg, Balbo steered his country towards a war he hoped to use to regain Italian territory in the Alps and forever end Austro-Hungarian pretensions to hegemony over the peninsula. Over the course of August, 1939, INR troops massed along the borders with Austria. The Austrians attempted to placate Balbo, but on the 5th of September, 1939, the INR ambassador in Vienna was ordered to burn his documents and deliver a final note to the Austrian government: the INR had declared war.
The Italian plan was a multifaceted and overly complex one – seize Trieste’s Dalmatian coast, storm the Alpine passes and take Innsbruck (using it and its proximity to the Munich supply lines to threaten the Germans into not intervening). Finally, a defensive line was to be built in the mountains between Villach and Salzburg preventing a counterattack.
A thin, tripwire force of Austrian units had been positioned along the Italian border to take up position in the old fortifications along the Alps. These managed to hold back the diversionary Italian assaults in the north while the main body of the INR’s forces pushed toward and captured Trieste. Follow up attacks in the Alps managed to break through the Austrian defenses and capture Trient just as the Germans began detraining to help stiffen the line.
The hostile presence of the Italians south of the Alps stood to threaten thee supply lines for Munich which ran through Innsbruck. To Berlin, the Italians had to be dealt with. A quick campaign could also enable the Reichspakt to either open a new front against the Red Italians to draw off their forces from Germany, or possibly to even knock them out of the war.
With the Internationale now on the backfoot in Bohemia, OKH transferred Army Group Kesselring to the Alps where their mission would be to drive south on Balbo’s lair in Milan. On 2nd October, with his forces now in place, Kesselring initiated
Operation Edelweiss. 124,000 Germans smashed against the Italian defenses. While the German military reputation had suffered since the collapse of Mittelafrika and especially since the beginning of the Second Weltkrieg, it did not mean that the quality of their forces was lessened. Against the Germans, Italo Balbo’s greenshirt militias and substandard regulars crumbled.
Frontlines as of 10th October
Kesselring’s forces sliced through northern Italy like a knife through butter, reaching the Brenta river in less than a week and Verona in under two.
Realizing his mistake, Balbo secretly offered “status quo ante bellum” peace terms. These were quickly rejected by the Viennese and Berlin governments. Vienna published the offer which, as expected, undermined confidence in Balbo’s will to ‘fight to the death’ as he always claimed.
On the 16th of October, fourteen days after the initiation of
Operation Edelweiss, German cavalry was marching down the Corso Venezia while infantrymen scoured the city searching for Balbo. The ‘Il Duce’ had fled, escaping, as so many others would over the course of the war, to Switzerland.
Italian prisoners being escorted to internment camps
Despite their leader’s abandonment, some Italian forces clinging to the Venetian coast continued to fight on into November, but by the 24th of that month, the final holdouts of Balbo’s ill-fated attempt at a glorious national restitution surrendered.
The fighting had cost the Italians between 30,000 – 40,000 killed and wounded with around 149,000 made prisoners of war. Many of these prisoners were transported north to be used as laborers in factories and the farming fields alongside those surviving Polish soldiers who had been forcibly employed as such the previous year.
Emperor Karl I’s government set about re-establishing the old Italian Federation, stating that they would release the governments of the Republics of Venice and Lombardy ‘as soon as circumstance allows’. Immediately the Austro-Hungarians found themselves in lobbied by the delegates of the exiled government of the Two Sicilies, who, the cafes of Vienna, had been formulating the idea of a centralized Italy under the court of King Ferdinand. The delegates would argue that a reunified Italy under an aristocratic government modelled after Austria-Hungary’s own was a more viable and stable option than the helter-skelter, humiliating Federation which would only create more Italo Balbos.
For now, the Reichspakt stood across the Po River from the Italian Social Republic, necessitating the Internationale to withdraw troops from various locations to defend the homeland of one of their constituents.
No Grand Alliance: June – December, 1939
At this stage of the war, the eastern front now possessed the mobility that the western front had lost. It was not the last time that this flip would happen, for while they both warred with the Reichspakt, the leaders of Moscow Accord and the Internationale never truly developed a working relationship with one another.
There was some communication of intentions between the two factions, but no bargain or working relationship ever truly developed. There was no love lost between the syndicalists and the coterie of ultranationalist, neo-reactionary regime of Boris Savinkov. Savinkov was viewed almost as a demonic figure by many in the west for his endorsement of multiple well-known massacres of socialists and former Bolshevik intelligentsia and party members as well as former Red Army officers and commissars. Unable to escape the Savinkovist ire too were the extended family members of these condemned. Though it was never confirmed, at least 198,000 of these piteous figures had been tortured and executed in various ways with some half a million others worked to death in the mines and factories of the ‘Siberian colonies’. Indeed, the tales of horror had been carried west by a second generation of ‘Red Émigrés’ who fled, much as the senior Bolsheviks such as Mikhail Tukhachevsky, Ioseb Dzhugashvili and Konstantin Rokossowski had a generation before. Likewise, Savinkov viewed the syndicalists with distrust, blaming all forms of socialism for the downfall of Russian greatness. He had spilled far too much blood, treasure and too many words to back down from his promises of never working with the syndicalists to countenance doing so now.
“The supposed progressivism and welfarism of the Bolsheviks and those of their ilk tore out the struts which held up our Motherland. Without the guiding mission of the Orthodox Church, without the brotherly love between the toilers of Slavic soil, without the memory of our common heritage, our Third Rome was torn asunder and trampled in the dirt. Never again will Holy Russia succumb to such tribulation. Never shall I, as God’s divine agent, deal with the snakes in Paris or Milan! If ever Russia suffers these bastards in her bosom, then the fires of Armageddon will be near.” – Boris Savinkov in an election speech, 1933
Russian Reorganization: May – August 1939
After the climactic destruction of Boris Shaposhnikov’s
‘Northern Front’, Russia had begun to mobilize her second and third brackets of conscripts to hurriedly make up for the shortfall. With the loss of so many, the northern frontiers had been stripped of the men needed to defend such a wide front. Even before the destruction of the Northern Front a widescale reorganization of her armed forces had begun to take place.
Vyacheslav Naumenko was placed in charge of the remnants of Shaposhnikov’s armies while the new 1st Reserve Front was activated from the Central Military District. It was placed in the hands of the young and energetic Feliks Egorov who had proven his merit as an army commander in the south under Denikin and earlier during the Civil War as a staff officer for Pyotr Wrangle.
Komanduyushtchi Fronta (Front Commander) Feliks Egorov **
Further south, Front Commander Vladimir Kappel continued the preparation of his Western Front for a renewed offensive into White Ruthenia. Unlike his predecessor, who simply tossed men into battle under equipped and without proper combined arms coordination, Kappel would seek success through deep operations tactics.
Lastly, Denikin’s victorious Southern Front was split in two with a semi-subordinate ‘Front’ placed in Crimea to support the coming invasion of western Ukraine.
Frontlines as of June 15th, 1939 *
Russia’s war efforts were not confined to eastern Europe however. The war against the Ottomans continued even after the quick collapse of the Caucuses front. The Sublime Porte had failed too against the Arabs and Egyptians of the Cairo Pact, but their surrender and withdrawal from war against their former subjects left them more to fight the Russians with. As the war proceeded into the Armenian highlands, the general commanding that front, Sergey Markov, found that now that the war had been brought to the Ottoman homeland, Turkish spirit began to rise just as major changes in their government and military began to bear fruit on the battlefield. As the war ground back and forth across the Anatolian Plateau, Savinkov surmised that though they had yet to conquer the Ottomans, this enemy was incapable of pushing them back.
The Anatolian Front as of 10th July, 1939
Ottoman leadership changed much in this time period – Abdülmecid II’s death left his son Osman IV on the throne, however defeat in the Desert War infuriated many military officers who saw Osman’s reforms as weaking the empire – the military, led by the general, Refet Pasha, instigated a coup d'état to seize the state and ‘correct its path’
Around late January, when it seemed as if Germany was in rapid collapse, Savinkov ordered that some forces of Deniken’s grouping as well as those of Markov’s be siphoned off to begin the formation of an entirely new force – one intended to overthrow the government of the Socialist Republic of Iran. The Iranian Revolution of ’36 had seen the coming to power of a radical socialist government friendly to those of the Internationale. There had even been discussions of extending membership of the Phalanstre Internationale to Iran to support its economic development and integration into the ‘Red West’.
Stavka and Field Marshal Wrangle stringently disagreed with attacking a neutral country at this time, calling it a ‘needless dilution of our strength’, but Savinkov made the decision to allocate 300,000 men to do so anyway. For him, it was a political expedient intended to cement his name as an anti-syndicalist at a time when his forces were attacking the arch-anti-syndicalists, the German Reich, as well as to prevent a syndicalist neighbor on his southern border in case of Germany’s conquest by France. Lastly, and most cynically, Saviknov coveted control of Iran’s oilfields, which would make his country the single greatest producer of the resource in the world.
Exploitation: June – December, 1939
All of this meant that when the Germans struck back in April – June ’39, there were few forces to halt their counteroffensive. Heinz Guderian saw this opportunity all too clearly. After clearing the remnants of Shaposhnikov’s forces, he received the go-ahead from Field Marshal Goltz to advance across all axes. The only major German force on the eastern front sped across the Baltic with Guderian’s characteristic speed.
After taking Jelgava, Guderian split the 19th Army from his force and tasked it with trapping the remaining Russian forces on the coastline while the other three armies under his command advanced northwards. This was handled by General Blomberg, who had been subordinated to Guderian after much of his army group was transferred west. Blomberg handled the job with typical skill, blockading the stronger elements of Naumenko’s forces into the Courland Peninsula.
On the 1st of July, Riga was liberated after a successful crossing of the Daugava. Guderian arranged for a parade of 10,000 infantry, 178 horse-drawn artillery pieces and 62 Panzer IIIs down the historical center of the city. Fresh from various Russian oppressions, the populace, even the formerly anti-German Estonians in the city, cheered the troops as they marched on.
North of the city there was nothing but a ragtag collection of badly fazed Russian units.
“I intend to pursue the ground ahead of me until either resistance or exhaustion prevent us from seizing another kilometer,” Guderian wrote to Goltz at OKO. Goltz, having long served in the old Baltic Duchy, was elated at Riga’s recapture. He indulged Guderian’s ambition.
Several deep strikes were undertaken with the greatly weakened Russians falling back in disarray. By the end of November, German troops stood on the shores of the Baltic, with another 28,000 Russians being crushed outside Reval.
Through this momentous retreat, Naumenko himself was nearly captured on several occasions, managing to escape through the luck of not being recognized on one occasion and having to flee by plane across Lake Peipus on another.
Frontlines as of 30th November – two more Russian divisions were liquidated on Saaremaa Island
With the winter snows here and his own forces highly strung out, Guderian called for a halt along the Narva – Pskov – Polotsk axis. In the north, the year had been closed with the virtual unshackling of the Baltic from Russian domination. From the Russian perspective, the Northern Front had been one long, unfolding disaster since Shaposhnikov’s failure, but further south events were unfolding differently for the Russian cause.
The Pale Horseman Rides: August – December 1939
The Ruthenian and Ukrainian sectors had been handed over to non-German control in a graduated manner across the first half of 1939. Until summer there had been little movement of the frontlines as the Russians struggled to control the decaying situation in the Baltics. However, Russia’s most accomplished commander to date had no intention of ceding momentum over to Reichspakt.
Fierce air battles raged over Ukraine as the Russians slowly ground towards Kyiv. Each kilometer of the country’s black soil was dyed red with the blood of each side in warfare that was only a scintilla more mobile than that of the western front Weltkrieg. While the Austro-Ukrainian generals fretted about ways to defend Kyiv, General Anton Denikin was silently setting the stage for his next great advance.
On the 25th of May, nearly contemporaneously to Shaposhnikov’s fall, Kherson fell to the Russian forces under General Mikhail Drozdovsky. The bridgehead for the Crimean Front (newly split from the Southern Front) was now established. The only remaining domino that Denikin now waited for was the long-awaited Serbian entry into the war. The Balkan nation obliged him by launching three-pronged assault against both the Austro-Hungarians, the Bulgarians and even Albania on the 10th of August.
The collapse of the defensive lines in the Tauride opened the Crimean Front
On the 15th August Operation Belyy Grom (White Thunder) was launched across a thousand kilometers of frontage. From Kherson the Crimean forces stormed forward, easily capturing Nikolayev, paralyzing the Reichspakt forces around Krivoy Rog. Simultaneous spearheads were thrust by cavalry and tank units. Deep disruptions in the rear were achieved east of Kyiv by massive parachutist drops.
Russian parachutists and glider forces near Zhytomir, August 15th
The simultaneous attacks and the Serbian declaration of war paralyzed the eastern front for nearly two weeks until the Reichspakt eastern joint command managed to shake off the shock. By this time however, several dangerous holes had opened in the front across Ruthenia and Ukraine. The Austro-Hungarians decided that the Serbians, who had been rampaging southeastward toward Sofia, had to be dealt with first. The decision saw the sealing of three Reichspakt armies in the Krivoy Rog pocket.
Balkan frontline around 28th August: the capture of Sofia was the limit of Serbian expansion
Ukrainian front as of 23rd September with the remnants of the Reichspakt’s Army Group D
While several divisions escaped the encirclement, most did not. The fighting was bitter and drawn out with some Reichspakt forces in the Krivoy Rog pocket still struggled on heroically into early October. Their prolonged sacrifice helped slow the Russians who had to mop up these forces before advancing too far. Though Denikin was an excellent commander, he lacked the audacity of a Guderian who would have advanced onto Lviv in the time it took the Russians to clear out their rear (by Guderian’s own assessments as gleaned from his notebooks once they were published decades later).
Around this time the Russians completed the conquest of Iran. The fall of Tehran and the surrender of the syndicalist government there saw the freeing up of dozens of divisions to join in on Operation Belyy Grom and the second great push that was being assembled to the north along the borders with White Ruthenia.
Even as Serbia capitulated on the 3rd of October, Kyiv came under fire by Russian artillery once more.
Frontlines around November 30th
This time, however, Kyiv did not hold. With the great disaster taking place in the south Reichspakt units fled routed west. After only a brief fight the Second Battle of Kyiv concluded with Russian forces marching through the city in triumph on the 9th of December.
The fall of Serbia meant that the Reichspakt’s lines toward the combat zone in the east were once again freed up (discounting, of course, the heavy partisan fighting that the dispersed Serbian army provided for years longer). As these units reallocated east to help stiffen the Ukraine from total collapse, yet more forces joined them from the relative quiet of the Central Front in Ruthenia. As Russian spies and observation aviation picked up these movements, the second great punch of the Russian Autumn-Winter Offensive began.
For the entire year, General Vladimir Kappel had built up the forces under his Western Front command. Now he pushed forward. Under an apocalyptic creeping barrage launched by 1,200 guns on a 48-kilometer front, the Reichpakt defenses on the far side of the Dnieper and Daugava were pulverized. Kappel’s legions bridged the great rivers and began their westward march. Russian maskirovka had deceived the Reichspakt’s commanders into believing that no great force existed beyond the strongest defenses of the Ostwall, Kappel’s men washed over its steaming ruins. Mogilev fell on October 31st, the third day of the operation. The city had already been surrounded to a depth of eighty kilometers by the advancing Russian forces, leaving two divisions of the garrison to surrender.
Heroic holding actions by the Hungarians under General Hugó Sónyi along the banks of the Berezina River managed to halt the Russians for about a week while the situation was digested by Reichspakt command. Nonetheless, on the 9th of November the new defensive line was breached near Bobrusik, which fell the next day. Next was Borisov, which fell on morning of the 11th. That evening, Russian forces were on the outskirts of Minsk.
Ruthenian Sector frontlines as of 11th November
Eastern Front as of 15th November
Russian forces attempted to storm the capital of White Ruthenia but were savaged in their frontal and ill-coordinated assault. Kappel changed tack and focused on attempting to encircle the forces still on the banks of the northern Dnieper.
At this stage, the Reichspakt had reinforced the area, but remained heavily outnumbered and outgunned by the Russians. Minsk came under sustained bombardment through the rest of the year as Kappel attempted to disrupt any concentrations of troops that might be using the city to prepare for a counteroffensive.
Eastern Front as 31st December 1939*
As 1939 ended the war seemed no closer to resolution and had only intensified in brutality. Across the seas, however, watchful eyes studied the unfolding conflict with interest…and intent.
Phillipe Petain and MacKenzie King of the Republic of France and the Dominion of Canada
*
Base map from Reddit by DoctorSpaceIsTyping
****Feliks Egorov is this tale’s first entirely novel character. He was ‘butterflied’ into existence by surviving the Russian Civil War on the side of the Whites (imagine him, IRL, as one of those anonymous dead of that terrible war). I’m using the portrait of
Amet-Khan Sultan, an IRL Soviet flying ace and officer. He will have a similar background as a Crimean Tartar to Amet-Khan.