The Empire Strikes Back - Part 4

[Idhrendur]

Alvértos still used his non-regnal name with his family and close friends. And in those circumstances he still thought of himself with that name, even as he thought of himself as Michael elsewhere. Of course, there were yet other names.

“Babás, what’s this?” asked Elisábet, almost 11 now.
“This is a special ring. You must take very good care of it. You must never lose it or allow it to be taken. You should keep it hidden as much as you can, too.”
“Why, what’s it for?”
“See how it’s similar to my ring? The two of them together open a secret room in the palace. The emperor and the heir always have these rings, and they’re the ones that have access to the room.”
“What’s in the room, Babás?”
“I don’t know, louloudi mou. I wasn’t the heir while grandpa was alive, and then your uncle was fighting me instead of treating me as his heir. We’ll find out what’s in the room when I have more time. But for now, keep it secret, keep it safe.”

 

[TheButterflyComposer]

Is the discord stilla thing? I don't have access anymore?

 

[Idhrendur]

Is the discord stilla thing? I don't have access anymore?

(( It is! I know Discord has been acting up the last few days, but let me send you a fresh invite. ))

 

[Idhrendur]

The remainder of the year would be as lively as the year had been thus far for Timon. Even with the absence of a separate State of the Empire session, he would find himself invited to meetings by the anti-Imperialist camp, some involving the newly-crowned Emperor, others not. He largely iterated the same point he had since the very start: he was supportive of the introduction of general elective seats for the Senate, which he continued to frame with the selfist attitude of being able to return home whilst someone more competent took his seat. This would result in some ruffled feathers, mainly by some from the Kleinoí, which did prompt some open debates with the young Thaddai, questioning why he didn't just resign from his seat and declared it an elective seat, as some had done in the past.

In his responses, Timon would note that this would only solve the issue for himself, and those bold enough to go through such an option, but he doubted that he was the first to have such mixed feelings over inheriting a seat in the Senate when such a thing wasn't official, and he doubted he would be the last. And he shared too his feelings that the notion of a senator declaring their seat elective felt like a half-measure, as it put the impetus of such a thing occurring on someone who had functionally no reason to give up what was essentially a consistent position of power - whether that be in the context of inherited seats as pined for by the Imperialists, or in the context of appointed seats, especially in the context of Constantinople or state governors appointing said seats, since he viewed it as a means of stacking seats, or influence would-be senators to lean in the interests of the appointers and not the citizens, either which could undermine the rights of citizens. But after each debate, he ultimately presented himself as conciliatory, as, regardless of all the debates, he viewed the camp as the best chance for him to achieve his goals, no matter what solution was reached. Even if his ideal solution wasn't reached, it would be better than nothing, he argued to himself. Regardless, he wasn't willing to admit that another reason why he didn't just resign was because he viewed it as a coward's way out, and that he didn't want to disappoint his mother by going that route. If his father destined him to go on this path, than he would make sure those after him, those like him, aren't forced to go down this path too.

Soon, it was December. At the estate, Timon could tell that preparations were underway to make sure that his first birthday since moving to Constantinople would be a fun and festive one. It got to the point where everyone involved made sure that he wasn't being made to come to any meetings, partially because it was clear what his stance was, but also because it meant he would be a lot more free to partake in festivities, especially those around the city. Some time away from the business of politics would be nice, he reckoned, especially as he reflected on how much his strategy had to change since that first senatorial session. He was initially planning to lay low, make sure to build up his own base before speaking up, but the explosiveness of that session had buoyed him into action and recognition, fast-tracking everything. Even if things took time, things were progressing faster than he had ever imagined.

---

Elsewhere in Constantinople, meanwhile, the politics of the common folk were in full swing. The rise of the farmers signaled a development that had occurred with the end of the Black Rebellion and with the first senatorial session following the war, that being ever further prominent mass politics, especially extrasenatorial politics, concentrating on far more regional, local or even personal or international issues than before. Local newspapers were growing for smaller parties, especially those who didn't caucus (form representative groups or electoral lists) with the senatorial parties, whether for one reason or another.

One rally that was going on displayed this dichotomy sharply. The speaker, who captivated the audience that had gathered, leveraged a lot of the hype generated by the rhetoric spoken by Timon Thaddas. Issues such as postcolonial politics, along with transnationalism, migrant and diaspora politics, were discussed with a leftist tang, same with, as well as calls for reforms the Empire should take to improve itself and represent the people more. But what captivated onlookers was the fact that the speaker was not a Greek, though he spoke it well, nor was the majority of his captive audience, not even half-Greek, consisting from non-Greek migrants from other parts of the wider Empire and immigrants such as the speaker himself.

The speaker was someone who had been known in the press for some time by his nickname, Pumbaa (Πούμπα / Poúmpa), which it had latched onto after he initially attempted to enter politics in the cities of Anatolia, only for some of his friends to reveal why he had gotten that nickname to the local press - it was derived from the Swahili verb "to be foolish, silly, weak-minded, careless, negligent", because he got caught advocating for the independence of Swahili-speaking territories from Ethiopian control, prompting authorities to deport him. Kibwe Kitumaini was his actual name, and while he eventually adopted the nickname fullheartedly, he maintained resentment from his fellow Swahili exilees.

Ultimately finding his way to Constantinople after the Black Rebellion, moving from Anatolia after he had initially moved there from the African Roman Dominion of the Kongo where he had been exiled to, Kibwe had previously largely failed to penetrate into the political scene due to the political environment not permitting it, as he would claim, and not totally because often his arguments would end with his wishes for the Empire to intervene in Ethiopia and free his people. Outside of the interventionism he wished though, it did not help that he viewed the KRA, the Koinonistikaí and I Koinotita with some disdain, though it was with the latter two that the greatest disdain existed - being a communist himself.

At his rallies he would make his opinions known, arguing that the Koinonistikaí and I Koinotita had learned nothing from the post-Autokrator Rebellion period and from the period around the Time of Troubles, being too stuck in the past to be able to move forward and confront the future, despite the fact that people wished to support socialism (citing recent election results). No matter how much he disliked the social democrats in the KRA's ranks, he argued that the failures of the Roman left, both in failing to prevent Grayism' disastrous effects as well as reinventing themselves for a new age (preferably using the rhetoric of international socialism/communism), enabled the social democrats in the KRA to rise to the top of the Roman left. Taiorism had overtaken the minds of his fellow folk in the Empire, and he viewed it as necessary to go beyond it.

As he would proclaim, if the Edict of Caracalla ended the exclusivity of Roman citizenship, then all could be Roman; and if all could be Roman, then none were. The people of the Empire needed to transition away from local issues and consider what was discussed internationally. If the Orthodox Church could recognize this in its autoseparation (a fact he disliked admitting as a former Miaphysite), then it was clear that the Roman people needed to do the same. And socialist politics would aid in this regard, he argued.

While previously his views garnered little attention, the heightened political discourse following the Black Rebellion and the rise of Timon enabled an environment where an audience that was interested in hearing what he had to say finally emerged (along with mentioning his interventionist views far less). At the rally, he would openly comment on the name given to folks such as him and his audience, the "Rhōmaióphrōnoi," calling it KRA agitprop, intent on drawing them in with white lies, calling on his audience to not be fooled in by those among them who adopt the name as their own.

For those in the parties he critiqued, they viewed him as safely ignorable, as he's a foreigner who wouldn't be able to vote regardless, and limited surveying showed that most who attended his rallies fell in the same boat, even if he gained a minor following among non-Greek Romans who migrated from other parts of the Empire, such as from the eastern borderlands. But some papers had started hyping him up as the next Aiden Gray, even as it was clear he would not achieve a fraction of his influence.

October

After that post-election Senate session, they had decided to forego more sessions. They would still discuss what they needed to during the constitutional convention. Attention shifted from the original Senate chamber to conference rooms in the other wings of the Great Palace. In addition to the expected politicians and civil service officials, they had invited political scholars, lawyers, academics, clergy, and other important figures from across the Empire to contribute to the constitution. The major dynatoi families also wanted their say in the document, especially to secure their own legal privileges, but Theodora and Ioannes managed to hold them at bay with some clever negotiations. A few nobles still ended up attending the convention, though with their small numbers they would only be one interest group among many in the Great Palace.

After each day was over, Theodora went back to the MSI headquarters to wrap up her business. As the leader of the party with the largest share of votes in the Senate, she was slated to become Sebastokrator ((prime minister)) once coalition negotiations with the Klenoi and either the Georgikoi or Koinonistikai were finished. Being both Sebastokrator and Megas Logothetes ((Minister of Security and Intelligence)) simultaneously would present a serious conflict of interest and set a negative precedent for her successors. Therefore, not only would she propose the constitution prevent such occurrences in the future, but upon her appointment as Sebastokrator she would relinquish the MSI to a trusted successor. There was a chance she could return to the MSI after her term, but at that point it was more likely she would retire altogether. Best to search for the most talented of the new generation to follow in her footsteps. Is that how they did things in your world, Wilhelm?

On to the matters at hand. The MSI continued to gain more intel on the state of the world, and new advances in technology and increases in budget allowed it to finally capitalize on that intel. The current operations in Burgundy and Italy would remain the highest priorities. But events in Asia needed attention as well.

Iran, officially "Eranshahr," had long been a rival to the Empire since the days of Caesar. Now their so-called Rahbar, Massoud Esfahani, was calling for a return to that bloody legacy, and the people lapped up his rhetoric. How could they not? Iran had suffered horribly in the last twenty years. Grayists had run the country for four years, promising a national revitalization after the country was devastated in the Great War, but they only made things worse. They were driven from power, but the fledgling Iranian democracy that replaced it was little better. On paper, its constitution was as developed as those of Baluchistan and Hindustan, but the institutions supporting it remained fragile and corrupt, and the economy that was supposed to have lifted the people out of the chaos of the wartime and Grayist years never fully restarted. So while elites partied in Tehran and Isfahan, inflation and resource shortages plagued the common people. They cried out for a savior to rescue them, to return them to the days when they were on equal footing with Rome as a superpower in their own right. And then came Massoud Esfahani, who promised all that, as long as the people gave him more and more power, which they gladly provided. One thing led to another, and now Esfahani was the undisputed leader of all Iran, having brought all facets of the government, military, and society under his control. All rivals and a concerning number of dissidents had been purged, and that number would only grow as long as he remained in power. Although he was still focused inward, that wouldn't last. Soon after the Black Rebellion, Iranian spies had been found in Konstantinoi circles, promising Iranian military support and political backing for Konstantinos. However, the Black Rebellion ended before any such spies gained access to Konstantinos himself or his inner circle, so most of them were recalled to Iran. Now they occasionally popped up to offer the same deal to various fascist organizations in the Empire and other countries, but they posed little threat outside Baluchistan. The bulk of Esfahani's foreign espionage operations targeted Baluchistan, which the Rahbar considered part of Iran. The small constitutional monarchy, made up of the diverse peoples living between the Arabian Sea coast and the Hindu Kush, had no desire to rejoin Iran, much less under the rule of the madman Esfahani. He didn't seem to have any westward ambitions at the moment, but Theodora couldn't be sure. Once his ambitions elsewhere were met, he would no doubt come after the Empire, the ancient enemy.

In Arabia, it seemed the status quo had prevailed. The government of Hedjaz had prevailed over their own fascist uprising. These fascists, possibly armed by Iran, had been inspired by older movements of Arabian pan-nationalism and wanted to unite Hedjaz and Oman into a single Arabian nation. Although they were Christian, they drew heavily on the symbolism and iconography of the Rashidun Caliphate, which had united the warring tribes of pre-Islamic Arabia into a large empire that took on both the Empire and old Iran. A march on the Hedjazi capital failed, as did an armed insurrection in the deserts of the south. Some of the Bedouin tribes rallied under their flag, having been promised influence in the new regime, and their mastery of the desert terrain led to some early victories against government forces. But most of the tribes knew little of politics in the cities, to say nothing of the concepts of the Arabian nation, the symbolism of a long gone empire and a religion that had been mostly dead in Arabia for centuries, and the finer details of fascism. Having retained full control of the oil refineries, government forces regrouped and launched a counterattack. The fascists' Bedouin cavalry proved no match for tanks, close air support, long range artillery, and machine guns. By October, the insurrection petered out, and those who hadn't surrendered or been captured fled deeper into the desert, where they wouldn't be able to do anything more.

Hindustan had gone in the opposite direction as its rival, China, in embracing democracy and not absolutism. Both the Peshwa, Uyyalawada Kattabomman, and the Badshah Ventkatadri I were in agreement on that. Ventkatadri I had long been a patron of democratic movements within Hindustan, while Kattabomman had presided over a massive liberalization of both the government and society at large. Hindustani cities were centers of culture and commerce. Hindustani scientists were making remarkable discoveries lately. The military was interested in new designs for rockets and jet engines, which they believed could give them an edge against the looming Chinese and Iranian threats. They would make for a good ally once the Empire's internal affairs had been fully sorted out. Niketas had spent time in Hindustan during his self-imposed exile from the Empire, and he had nothing but good things to say about it.

On the other side of Eurasia lay the current hegemon and Hindustan's greatest rival, China. The Ming Dynasty had reigned supreme over Asia for centuries, following in the footsteps of many previous imperial dynasties, much as the Empire and its own imperial dynasties before the current Doukai had presided over Europe. The current emperor, Zhu Wei, was officially referred to as the Tianguang Emperor. That name would also be used for timekeeping within China, with years in the Tianguang Era being counted from his coronation. Perhaps it was fitting, then, that tianguang could be translated as "radiant heaven." Zhu Wei had chosen that era name to represent a new dawn for China. As opposed to his father and predecessors, he took a far more active stance in governing China instead of leaving administration to the palace eunuchs and bureaucrats. As a prince, Zhu Wei had both attended universities within China and in the Empire—a first for any Ming royal—and went through the officers' academy, earning a commission as colonel in the Imperial Chinese Army while forcing his superiors to deny him special treatment. Recognizing that China's centuries of hegemony were under threat in a rapidly changing world and seeing the instability in the Empire since the Time of Troubles providing an opportunity, the Tianguang Emperor declared a massive reorganization and "self-strengthening" of the ancient empire along modern lines. The military was rapidly modernized in the years following the Great War. The Imperial Chinese Army, long the largest in the world in terms of raw manpower, now fielded modern tanks and equipped its men with the latest guns. The Imperial Chinese Navy, which for centuries had stuck to coastal patrols, now fielded massive blue-water fleets that could traverse large swathes of the western Pacific. The Imperial Chinese Air Force, which didn't exist twenty years ago, could now conduct bombing raids as far south as Yangon, Bangkok, Saigon, and possibly even Dhaka by Hindustani estimates. Backing up this war machine was an equally terrifying industrial effort centered in the cities around Shanghai and Nanjing, where factories propped up by the imperial court's direct investment constantly churned out more materiel for the military to use. The economy was increasingly being geared around military production, as if in preparation for future wars.

Politically, Zhu Wei was a Chinese nationalist. He had made speeches and published manifestos espousing the ideology he called Tianxia ("All Under Heaven"), which was translated as "Sinocentrism" and at times "Chinese Social Absolutism" in the Empire. It was a modernization of ancient Chinese beliefs—including the use of the name Tianxia, which came from those ideas—that put China, the emperor, and the Han people at the center of the world, ruling all under heaven. The very name of China itself, Zhongguo ("Middle Kingdom"), came from that belief. Zhu Wei believed it was time for China to live up to its name and become the center of the world. With the Empire in chaos, now was the time to reshape the world in China's image. To that aim, he build up what he called the Greater Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, an alliance of Asian nations all united, ostensibly, to fight imperialism from the Empire and other outside nations. But this alliance's economic and military organization revealed its true purpose: to modernize the old tributary system with a new legal framework that would place China at the center of the world. Fortunately, Zhu Wei didn't seem like he would directly confront the Empire anytime soon. Niketas had barely hidden his imperial citizenship and even his name when traveling in China. The people themselves were nice enough, though there were obviously those who had bought into the government's ideology and acted hostile towards him. Though those quickly shut up once Niketas drew his sword. But Theodora knew it wouldn't last. Like with Iran, China would eventually directly challenge the Empire, and they had to be ready.

Then there was Japan, the last stop on Niketas' journey. It was in this quiet and isolated country on the edge of Asia, steeped in tradition, that Niketas learned his final lessons and, in his words, "reached enlightenment" when it came to the way of the sword. The Tachibana clan had enjoyed prestige and influence in Kyoto since the 8th century, even before becoming shoguns. Their authority was absolute, second only to their Emperor himself. In a way, their 1200-year existence meant they were almost synonymous with Japan itself, just as the imperial house was. Long admired in Europe for many reasons—the skill of the samurai class, the elegance of their art and music, their beautiful natural landscapes—Japan had long fallen behind the rest of the world. In its adherence to the old ways, it had forgotten the new. It had not cut off contact with the outside world, but the shogunate didn't seem to care much for it either way. That had been changing in recent years as the shogunate began modernizing the military and inviting foreign investors to fund industrialization, but many entrenched factions within the bakufu, including many within the Tachibana clan itself, resisted change. The samurai class itself was split between those who eagerly embraced modern weaponry and those who thought it would lead to an erosion of traditional Japanese culture. The current shogun Yoshimine backed the reformists, annoying many traditional power brokers in Kyoto. There were rumors the Emperor himself, who had long done little but ceremonially grant each new shogun his authority, also supported the reformists, as did Chinese political advisors Yoshimine had invited. Indeed, the shogunate had been one of the first countries to join the Tianguang Emperor's GACPS.

The Turtle Alliance made its first aggressive moves by targeting Cuba with what the UTA called an "armed intervention" to topple the dictatorial regime in Habana and stop its purging of ethnic minorities. It was no surprise, even to the average imperial citizen, since the UTA had done little to disguise the massive invasion fleet it had been assembling in the southern port of Bulbancha. Theodora predicted the invasion would end quickly in a Tsalagi victory, provided the UTA could ship troops over fast enough.

Meanwhile in her regular working hours, the Empire's constitution, which some had taken to calling the Alvértinos Constitution after the Emperor's given name (since there were so many emperors named Michael already), was starting to take shape. They agreed that there would be at least four branches.

The executive branch would consist of the monarchy, which would appoint a cabinet headed by the Sebastokrator to represent the various ministries and civilian leadership over the military. The emperor would naturally retain significant power, but people disagreed on what exactly that "significant power" would be. Theodora suggested that all powers not directly stated in the constitution as belonging to either the emperor or Sebastokrator would be delegated to one of them depending on the situation. There was also the matter of political sovereignty. Those who favored greater imperial power wanted sovereignty to remain vested in the emperor, while the anti-imperialists wanted it to be vested in the people, according to the spirit of SPQR. Theodora lent her support towards the latter.

The legislature would be a bicameral legislature, with a mostly appointed Senate and an elected House. The main issues here revolved around appointed Senate seats. The imperialist faction wanted to maintain the current system of appointments, if not formalize the hereditary nature of the Senate to keep it in the hands of the nobility. They did make some good points, and there was some benefit in keeping around the appointed seats, but Theodora knew the old system was prone to abuse. The emperor, or whoever would be appointing seats in the future, could just appoint people they personally liked or politically agreed with, increasing polarization and leading to political gridlock. It would also incentivize senators to listen more to the interests of their appointers instead of those of their constituents. That wasn't to say elected seats didn't have the same problems, but she felt like elected seats could have more accountability when it was the people themselves choosing their own senator. That said, she did not want to fully dispose with the old system. Perhaps they could find a compromise by having the appointed seats remain as they were, but all new seats would be elected, and should any appointed seat be left vacant without a replacement appointee chosen by either the emperor or the previous holder, then an election would be held.

The current judiciary would be formalized in the constitution with little changes, other than expanded powers to check and balance out the other branches. The same went for the bureaucracy, aside from a clause in the constitution to formally outline the process by which new civil servants were tested on their skills and talents to ensure they ended up in a role best suited for them.

The imperialists and anti-imperialists then couldn't agree on how these branches would interact with each other. The former wanted the Senate to take priority over the House, keep the Senate a chamber of nobles, maintain the monarchy's current powers, and grant the capital sweeping power over the provinces. On the other hand, Theodora threw in with the anti-imperialists. She called for the Senate to be equal with the House in terms of legislating and to have a mix of appointed and elected seats that would eventually shift towards all elected. Such seats would be tied to each province, so no province would be underrepresented—which would surely appeal to the western provinces. Provincial governors would gain expanded authority over their province, and they would be chosen by popular elections. Theodora also wanted each province to retain enough autonomy so that they could keep running things their way, provided they acknowledged imperial rule and abided by a set of common regulations. Finally, she had been drafting a code of inviolable rights for citizens, which she dubbed the Romanitas Code. In keeping with the spirit of the Edict of Caracalla and the ancient idea of Romanitas, citizenship would be extended to all Romans within the Empire as well as foreigners who wanted it, regardless of gender, religion, political ideology, or cultural background. The rights in the Romanitas Code would be afforded to all people within the Empire, both citizen and not, and could not be infringed on by the government, military, or any other imperial institution. It was a lot to ask for, but Theodora hoped they could discuss the finer details over the next few weeks.


December

December rolled around, and progress was slowly being made. Occasionally, Theodora decided to go on walks around the city, trying to see if there were any public sentiments that others in the Great Palace might have missed.

One particularly noteworthy ideologue who had gained prominence lately was a man known as Kibwe Kitumaini, or "Pumbaa" as he was known to some. He was a communist from Ethiopia who called for the independence of the Swahili-speaking regions of that empire, among others, from Ethiopian control, ideally by Roman armed intervention along the lines of what the UTA was currently doing in Cuba. Although many of his ideas overlapped with Theodora's, he very clearly disliked the KRA and other left-wing political organizations, which was a shame. From the tone of his voice and the disdain she could hear, there was probably no convincing him otherwise. Even an invitation to join the constitutional convention and help contribute—something that would certainly benefit him—would be ignored, most likely because he'd be crowded out and ignored by everybody else there.

This man also appealed to many within the growing Rhōmaióphrōnoi demographic, though he urged his followers against use of that term as KRA "agitprop." Well excuse me, I merely suggested the term to the papers as a replacement for "Timonist," though he's not wrong in that it ties them to the KRA. The average person in that demographic, though, didn't care for such distinctions, seeing only the recognition and political influence granted by the name. Rage as Kibwe would against it, there was no stopping the growth of this group, even if a small minority broke off and rejected the name.

All in all, he was just another ideologue on the streets of the capital, one who was lucky enough to be hyped up by some of the major newspapers as the next Aiden Gray, although he would never reach that man's level. He posed no threat to the new government Theodora aimed to build. If anything, she appreciated his criticism, as it gave her a new perspective on her actions and policies. And such a man deserved a right to vote, along with the rest of the Romans in this Empire. Why should she deny someone a right to vote based on their political beliefs? If he wanted to become a citizen, that right would be his. Though at the current rate, that looked unlikely.

Whatever the case, Theodora continued on her walk. She did a loop around the various districts of downtown and then returned to her office. The next day would be full of work on the constitution, then preparations at the MSI to smooth over the transition to her successor, whoever that might be.

---

((This will probably be the last substantial post from me for about 3 weeks as I'll be on vacation. Merry Christmas everybody!))

Constantinople - January

Timon had passively engaged with the previous country report, as Asia did not inspire much curiosity from him, at least in the space of geopolitics. Iran, Iraq and Hedjaz continue to maintain interest in Southeast Asia, what with their former colonial holdings in the region (most having been swooped up by the Empire, albeit now independent). Meanwhile, China continues to push their interests too, what with Japan siding with them. He wondered what the reaction back home would be, as Japan had previous economics dealing with Aotearoa - it's why they have Japanese migrant workers now. Oman and Iraq did always capture the imagination of the Aotearoan populace, given their communist leadership, the latter having even previously sent gifts of friendship due to Aotearoa's place in the Internationale.

With the enroaching 4 Day Forefeast of the Nativity of Christ and the Christmastide season, he expected to similarly engage with the newest report that had been delivered to him on the 1st of January, only to find himself surprised by the topic at hand - Southeast Asia and Oceania. Passing over Aotearoa in the report as he knew there would be nothing to report there, his eyes focused in on Aotearoa's immediate neighbors - those being Australia, Java, Makassar, the Lazarines, and the Iranian Eastern Islands.

Reading what was said on Australia and Java, he was reminded of the post-Election Day session when he shared the experience of Church influence during colonial rule. With the fracturing of the colonial era Archeparchy, many members were given the option of which archbishopric they wanted to join. Due to South Island being built up as the model colony, many opted to join the Archbishopric in Aotearoa. Those that remained in the newly-established Archbishoprics in Australia and Indonesia found themselves immensely weakened, and resentful of the Archbishopric in Aotearoa. From what he recalled Father Angelarios telling him, this would influence what direction the churches there would head in. In Australia's case, due to the island having a longer history of secular administration, the church had to cooperate extensively with the colonial administration in a fashion similar enough to the mainland. That isn't to say they didn't experience their own corruption ala Aotearoa, but it was far more constrained. Java's church, in contrast, leaned more into jealousy. Though he could not remember his name, he did recall hearing that the first Archbishop in Indonesia resented the sway Aotearoa's church had so much that he made sure his own brother took power of the secular colonial administration, and as a result, with the exception of the government which ruled during the Time of Troubles, the secular administration was held in the power of the first Archbishop's family, with the church still being under the family's sway to a great degree. Dictator Leonidas Katsimiros is even speculated to be part of the wider family, albeit not bearing their surname as a distant relative, with the "King" of Java suspected to be from the family. One can't imagine what sort of corruption and abuses go on there, especially with the religious and ethnic diversity of Indonesia in mind.

Further north was the Lazarines. United during Empress Veronica's rule, the Islands of Saint Lazarus (more commonly called the Lazarine Islands, or just the Lazarines) was one whose church status Father Angelarios was less familiar with, though it shared similar religious and ethnic diversity as with Indonesia, thanks to the colonial heritage of Iraq, Hedjaz and Iran, especially so when considering the island of Jamila (or as known by its natives, Taiwan) which the Lazarines similarly held control over, still bearing its Hedjazi name (جزيرة الجَمِيلَة). Angelarios was sure that there was likely church shenanigans going on there too. Timon wondered how His Holiness would confront the messy legacy of the Church in the Insular Pacific.

Shifting his mind back to geopolitics, Australia, Java and the Lazarines were unlikely to cause trouble for either the Empire or Aotearoa. It wasn't surprising to find all three effectively independent as Aotearoa with the Black Rebellion occurring, nor was it surprising to see Australia focusing inward. The Lazarines, Timon suspected, are wondering whether China plans to act upon them, especially with the proximity of Jamila. Java, meanwhile, could easily descend into autocracy, especially if a conflict erupts between it and Makassar, one to finally see who will unite the Indonesian Archipelago - though it seems peace will prevail for now, given consolidation in Makassar, according to the report.

The only neighbor he wasn't sure over was the Iranian Eastern Islands. Still bearing the name they had back when Iran maintained colonies in Southeast Asia (or, as they called them, the Western Islands), they were just the remnants of a Pacific realm long dismantled by the Empire. They could prove threatening, but simultaneously, if Iran focuses its efforts entirely on its homeland, as indicated by the last report, it was likely there would be no reason to fear escalation. The only thing fueling such fears was either Iran or the colonial administration under Reza Shirazi rejecting a proposed economic deal from Aotearoa earlier in the decade, though he couldn't remember who it was that rejected it.

Beyond that, however, his interest waned. Indochina continued to be a complicated mess, likely to remain a marginal place of interest overshadowed by Hindustan and China. He laid the report down, and returned to the festive preparations, as he would be spending his first Christmastide as Senator in Constantinople, as well as see whether or not he could be allowed to temporarily head to Aotearoa for the one year anniversary of his father's death. He would have to leave by boat on January 26th, so that he could arrive February 19th, and spend the weekend with family and friends, before heading back that next week.

 

[Idhrendur]

Over the next two months the government came into form. Theodora was able to lead the KRA in forming a coalition with enough other groups to hold a majority position within the government. While this was an indication that the Imperialist position would be rejected, neither she nor Emperor Michael wanted the Imperialists to feel left out of the constitution. If nothing else, that would just ensure another civil war in the future. So there was plenty of wheeling and dealing left to be done.

In the end, nobody was fully happy. Some cynics considered this the very definition of compromise. Michael considered it good enough. And in these turbulent times, good enough would have to do until they have breathing room to do better.

And so on the 26th of February 1937, Michael held the first address to his new constitutional government. Immediately preceding it was a radio address where he and Theodora explained the new constitution to the people of Rhomaion. The four branches of government - executive, legislative, judicial, and bureaucratic. That Senators were a mix of appointed positions, selected by the provinces and approved by the Emperor, or a handful of others such as hereditary positions and the Church’s Senator. That Representatives were elected at large. How either the Senate or House of Representatives could originate laws and both houses needed to approve a law. That the Emperor had a veto, but that a large enough majority could override it. That the Emperor appointed provincial governors, but that in all current he was choosing to appoint ones who won local elections. The enumerated powers of the government, and that a committee was still working on a list of some of the most important inviolable freedoms of the people.

The radio address took quite some time, but in the end the constitution had been ratified, and Rhomaion had a new government.

“Welcome, Senators and Representatives! We now have a constitution! You all know the details quite well, so I will not review it further. Instead I will give quick summary of the other events of the past two months.”

“On 18 December the standard infantry division was again modified to include a group of cavalry to provide reconnaissance.”

“Two days after that, the Black Sea Fleet finished training and began sailing back to port for repairs and rest.”

“Then at the end of the year, a research team finished designs for better shells and began a report summarizing all the construction technique improvements found by different crews so that all could share in the knowledge.”

As was traditional, Michael left out the work of the MSI. How they had finished the new curriculum in their cyper school and were now working on more effective interrogation techniques. Not torture, insisted the MSI. Torture only convinced people to tell you what they thought you wanted to hear and didn’t produce good information. Michael had been relieved that this matched the morality of the situation but somewhat disturbed that morality wasn’t their first reason for avoiding torture. He had resolved to ensure outside oversight of the MSI.

“In late January, another research team finished their work on other improved shells for the navy and began research into better fuel refining techniques, ensuring a more stable supply of fuel.”

“This is about the time that Tsalagi intervention led Cuba to surrender to Hayti. There is one less fascist nation in the world.”

It was also around this time that the MSI began work on developing counterintelligence techniques that didn’t require the active intervention of an agent.

“In mid-February yet another research team finished designing communications gear for the legions. They began researching further improvements to the nation’s dispersed industry while signal companies were added to all infantry divisions.”

“Within a few days, Picardie informed me the Air Force had developed dive bombing techniques that will allow them to better support the legions.”

“And the Eastern Mediterranean Fleet has begun training exercises to bring them up to par with the Black Sea Fleet.”

“Over the last few days, major diplomatic events have taken place. First, as expected, Germany has joined the Baltic Axis.”

“Next, Ming declared war on Manchuria.”

((There should have been a screenshot of the war declaration, but I for got to take it.))​

“Third, Hagios Lazarou has followed Jolof’s lead in expelling Greek administrators. As before, it seems it was only administrators that were expelled, but again many newspapers are reporting it as much more extreme an action than it is.”

“Finally, Miedzymorze has announced an international conference in Dresden to discuss the fate of territories held by Hungary. We will be sending a representative.”

Michael had also taken this opportunity to redirect the MSI a little. There was as much information from Italy as could be gained by passive spycraft. So the MSI agents would be more active in their infiltration, after which one would return to Köln to continue gaining information from Burgundy and the other would depart for Pozsony to start gathering intelligence on Hungary.

"As I wrap up, do take note of the maps on the walls of the Grand Palace’s audience chamber. These are regularly updated for the Senate and House of Representatives. The first shows official ownership of all lands in the world."

"The next shows what territory is occupied by which nations. It is mostly the same, but indicates the progression of the two current wars in the world."

"The third superimposes colors representing the major alliances in the world on top of the ownership colors, showing the power of these factions."

"The final one superimposes the faction colors on controlled territory, showing how they are progressing when at war."

"After any final comments or questions, I invite you all to look at the maps more closely to note any details that are unclear from your current seats."
((If you don’t know, you can click on the maps to get bigger images to examine))

"As always, thank you all for attending."

 

[TheButterflyComposer]

[Will be writing the church part of the constitution over Christmas
Could actually give the rest of the constituon, or at leas the major articles, a go as well?]

 

[Damian0358]

Constantinople - January

The festive season would be a refreshing one for Timon. Much of his senatorial duties were relieved during the 4 Day Forefeast of the Nativity of Christ and following Christmastide season, with an additional day of grace on the family saint day, the 20th of January for John the Baptist. He would have the opportunity to travel along the coast of Hellada, visiting cities for the holidays and attending the seasonal markets, a tradition developed in Germany during the middle ages which had spread far and wide, including here in the Empire. During his travels, he would be joined by many associated with the Thaddai household, though that mainly consisted of the friends he had brought with him. Depending on where he went, he would also be joined by those of the older guard, to share in facts and stories about the land.

At the end of it all, he found himself exhausted, but in a way where he felt simultaneously reinvigorated. The streets filled by the merry, sharing in communal delight in remembrance of the Lord, with the poor and well-off bumping shoulder to shoulder. What he would not anticipate, however, was what awaited him on the 20th.

With the core festivities having wound down, he had anticipated this day to be one of contemplation and casual fun, a largely private gathering at the Thaddai estate where he would likely meet those few relatives he had from the Septiadis family. He remembered the list he had been handed containing the names and relations to those Nestorius maintained ties with, and how he had been told to be careful if any others appeared. As the day began, those few slowly arrived, gave their greetings and, this being their first time seeing Timon in person since Nestorius' passing, their apologies. With all supposedly arrived, the day went on... but an errant knock on the door would stop this.

"Who might that be?" Delyth Cecil wondered aloud, prompting Franco to swiftly respond.

"Could be the postman," Franco suggested.

"I'll go check it," Timon offered, with everyone nodding.

Approaching the door, Timon looked through the glass and noticed that the silhouette was not that of the postman, and proceeded with caution. He opened the door at a conspicuous angle just in case.

"Hello?" he asked.

"Ah, you must be Timon!" the person outside bellowed, "It's great to meet you today!"

"...and you might be?" Timon looked blankly at them and the woman behind them.

"Oh, Nestorius must not have mentioned me! I'm Panteleimon! And this is my sister, Elli!" Panteleimon gestured towards her.

Timon squinted. Neither of these two were on the list.

"...wait just a moment here," Timon said, before closing the door and locking it just in case.

Timon rushed over to the living room, bringing the news.

"Does anyone here know a Panteleimon and Elli Septiadis?" he asked aloud.

"Oh god, not those two," one of the Septiadis relatives, uncle Gerasimos (proper relation, first cousin to Nestorius) exclaimed.

"I don't have much experience with those two personally," another, aunt Anastasia (proper relation, second cousin to Nestorius) commented.

"It's fucking Spyridon's kids," Gerasimos added, referring to a distant relative on another branch of the family, related to them through their great grandfather.

"Oh, Spyridon, the hack," another relative, Yiannis (proper relation, second cousin to Timon) remarked, "last I remember, the bastard was pulling a grift down near Katakolo in the south."

"What was it, selling 'ambrosia' or whatever?" Gerasimos asked.

"Yeah, but last I recall, it was just dyed pond water," Yiannis commented with disgust.

"So I just tell them to sod off?" Timon asked.

"Nothing good comes with those two, especially since they took his business after he died," Yiannis explained. With a nod, Timon returned to the door.

Opening the door, Timon was surprised to find that the two were still standing there, chatting between themselves.

"You two," he drew their attention, "leave."

"Why?!" Panteleimon asked.

"My father wouldn't have wanted you two here," he explained.

"But had he had some of our amazing ambro-" he was about to pitch before having the door slammed in his face.

Timon was mortified. And on the family saint day too...

---

Komnenion - February

With everyone properly informed and permissions granted, Timon was able to organize a solo trip with the Tyche to visit home for the one year anniversary of his father's death. Franco, Konstas and Halia would attend the next session in his stead, though Halia protested him heading back by himself, being her bodyguard, before explaining that there's no reason for concern now that the civil war was over. She would be more useful protecting those two, he explained.

As planned, he would depart on the 26th, and arrive in Aotearoa on the 19th of February. Upon his arrival, he would speak with Captain Vikéntios Kaísarídis over the ship's planned schedule, to see if he could organize to return with the ship too, as the Tyche would be departing with the next few days. The Captain would, however, insist that Timon spend the full week in Aotearoa, recommending his colleagues for a return trip on the 27th instead. When asked what the purpose of this was, Kaísarídis explained it was just to ensure his peers got compensated for their work too, as while the Tyche was one of the ships which ran the whole route, there were others who ran through parts of the route. Transferring from ship to ship might be tedious, but it might be fun and worth seeing the sights, the Captain remarked, with it only taking two or three days longer than usual (likely then arriving anywhere between the 23rd and 26th of March). Timon would agree to the recommendation.

Timon would be picked up by his mother privately, and spend the week in the capital. On the 21st, nearly all that had gathered last year for Nestorius' funeral gathered in remembrance of him on the first year anniversary of his death. As it was last year, it would be a private, quiet affair. And as per last year, Kyrene permitted the public to do their own remembrance, though limited to the day of this time.

Later in the week, Timon followed the news on the radio, listening to affairs in the region;

"...today, in the north, the Lazarines announced an expulsion of Imperial administrators from its borders, following in Jolof's lead earlier this year. In a public address, Iason Nikolaos commented: 'There is a lot we can thank the Empire for. Empress Veronica unified our precious archipelago and guided our people through their formative years, but just as children must leave their parents one day, we too must find our own path in this world. We have long since passed the need to rely on the Empire. Today, it is the mga Lasari that will lead their own path!'", the news report mentioned, with an audio clip of Nikolaos speaking, "One anonymous source claiming to be one such administrator commented that he believed that 'this was only the first step towards erasing the memory of the Empire', pointing to new laws enabling those born with Greek names to bear Lazaroi ones, and that he accused the Lazarines of looking towards China."

Timon shook his head at the report, just knowing what might be reported back in the Imperial mainland.

Later, on the 26th, he would be at home with the estate staff, listening to the radio address featuring the Emperor and Theodora through the Imperial radio station, where they explained the new constitution to the masses.

---

Constantinople - February

As agreed, in attendance at the Senatorial session were Franco, Konstas and Halia as the Thaddai representation. Per Franco's suggestion, Konstas would be the one to lead the representation on that day.

The fall of Cuba to the hands of Hayti brought assurance to the delegation, as they could breath slightly more calmly that at least fascism was being resisted in other parts of the world, even if Europe seemed to struggle in that regard, with the Germans siding with the Polish-Lithuanians, and them forcing Hungary's hand with a conference. Though none of them were too phased that Hungarian expansionism might be curtailed by this, as it was clear the Hungarians had an interest in Pannonia, Dalmatia, and the Moesias, the weakening of Hungary would only bolster the fascists in the north, and Konstas would be sure to exclaim as such.

"Though Hungary remains a contentious enemy of ours, given their designs on former Imperial territories, we cannot allow the fascists of Europe to pressure their neighbors and make themselves stronger," Konstas stood up and commented, "no enemy of our enemy is our friend if they are a fascist."

 

[Michaelangelo]

Constantinople
February 26, 1937

Senator Donatello Favero listened carefully to the emperor’s address. The Empire had been focused internally over the past few months with forming a new government and writing a constitution. It had been a trying effort, with so many disparate views, but it was necessary to push forward the much-needed reforms. The outcome was a mishmash of the various opinions, but that at least earned the support of enough of the Senate and House of Representatives to ensure the constitution wouldn’t be opposed or reworked the moment someone else came into power.

Now with that delicate matter dealt with, the government could focus on more pressing matters abroad, and Donatello felt a growing pressure now that he served as foreign minister. With Theodora appointed prime minister, it was only natural that as the leading member of the second largest party in the governing coalition that he be given a cabinet position. The foreign ministry felt somewhat like coming home, bringing back memories from his youth when he served as an imperial diplomat. It had been a brief tenure, cut short by the Time of Troubles and the death of his father, but it had been his calling at the time. The last few decades that the Empire had spent licking its wound had dampened his interest in foreign affairs as his ambitions for imperial restoration were thwarted, but now was his chance to make a difference, not just for the Empire but the world as a whole.

As the Emperor finished up his speech, it became clear that fascism was proving a key source of conflict across the globe. The Cuban fascists had stirred up trouble but were fortunately dealt with by the UTA. A promising outcome but overshadowed by the growing ambitions of the Baltic Axis. Germany succumbing to fascism had been distressing enough, but it seemed with the help of Miedzymorze the fascists of Europe were flexing their muscles. He was surprised though that they had called for a conference of all things. It seemed an unusual strategy when force seemed the modus operandi of fascists. Perhaps they did not believe they could win a prolonged war with Hungary, or more likely they were confident that international pressure and a fear of a continental war would see them granted their desires without bloodshed. This conference could see lines drawn across Europe and the Empire would need to be careful when deciding who to side with.

The first comment on the Dresden conference came from Konstas, one of Timon’s stand-ins. Understandably, he openly opposed the Baltic Axis, noting the danger of allowing the fascists to grow any stronger. Donatello shared in such fears but knew that there were many other factors at play. They needed to be careful with what approach the imperial representatives should take at this conference. When the Thaddai representative was finished speaking, Donatello stood up and decided to share his thoughts on the matter.

“I concur that we should avoid allowing these fascists to grow in strength. We more than most know the dangers of fascism, for we all witnessed how Konstantinos and his followers sparked war and violence across the Empire. That aggression is just as dangerous when it is an entire nation directing it at another. It is quite possible that enabling them to liberate Silesia from Hungarian rule will just encourage them to ask for more. It is just as likely that denying their claims may just result in war too if they feel this conference will not give them what they want. We should tread carefully going into this conference.”

Donatello paused a moment, reading the room. He could see the expression of concern on more than one face. They knew the danger these fascists presented. Donatello shared those concerns, but there was far more to this than just ideology.

“However, while this Baltic Axis is a threat to peace in Europe, we must also consider that Hungary has expansionist ambitions of their own, ones that may involve our former provinces. Strengthening their position may also enable them to continue on this path, and thus counter to our interests. The fate of Silesia is less of a concern to the Empire than its former provinces. We may need to consider that a weaker Hungary benefits us more than a stronger Baltic Axis.”

There were a few murmurs in the room, and Donatello knew that his comments likely had attracted some opposition, or at least the interest of those who thought similar but had not wanted to say it. He had to be careful here since he was representing the foreign ministry, and it would not do to commit to one path.

“The field of international relations is a complicated one, and I fear that there are far more factors than those already presented that must be considered. There is also the fact that several other powers have been invited to this conference and their opinion will impact the outcome just as much as ours. It may be to our benefit to side with the majority, for the more nations backing an outcome will better ensure it is followed through with. On paper, Hungary has more friends and allies amongst those attending, and may be able to gather the needed support for their cause, yet Miedzymorze should know this and still called for a conference anyway. There may be hidden agendas at work, and we should be prepared for anything. The outcome is not predetermined.”

Returning to his seat, Donatello looked around the room. He had given them much to think about. “My recommendation is that we should go into this conference with a great level of flexibility. We need to listen to the arguments of all sides and feel out the opinions of the other powers attending. Once we have a better understanding of who will side with whom and have considered how the outcome will impact the Empire and Europe as a while, then we can commit to a side.”

 

[zenphoenix]

Constantinople - autumn

The nights were growing longer, and the air was growing colder. Leaves fell from the cypress trees of Kyparades Park and swirled across the sidewalks in the light breeze. Old-timers sat on benches, watching ducks swimming in ponds without a care in the world. Young couples shared scarves and huddled together for warmth. Carolers gathered by the fountains, singing popular holiday songs, both old folk tunes and new jingles from popular singers. Streetlights and storefronts had been done up in red and green, with accompanying imagery of the Nativity and birth of Christ. It was a sign that the holiday season had begun.

For Theodora, it was another regular day at work. With the sounds of traffic coming from the window and more holiday tunes coming from her radio even though she was tuned to the news, she continued reading the intelligence reports Aggelike and her other agents had sent her. This time, she had sought a second opinion.

“Hmmm…Aotearoa…” Wilhelm flipped through the report on the Far East and Pacific regions. “Surprisingly similar to how it was in my world. My Reich only settled the northern island, though.”

“What about the southern island?”

“The Chinese of Penglai—er, Australia.”

“China…” Theodora made a note in her book. “If that’s so, then Zhu Wei may make a play for our Aotearoa and Australia eventually.”

“Unlikely,” Wilhelm said, “He’d have to get through the rest of Southeast Asia first.”

“Unless Australia and Andreas Pangalos decide to join the GACPS.”

“Yes, a possibility. You’ll have to mark that one down.”

“You can’t just tell me?”

“You know the rules, Theodora.”

Theodora furrowed her eyebrows, then returned to reading her reports. Best not to push her luck. “Anyways, next is Kampuchea ((Cambodia)). A minor regional power. Still mainly agricultural, though the cities of Kampot and Prey Nokor are decently urbanized. It’s the most stable country in Southeast Asia right now. Both China and Hindustan are heavily investing in its economy.”

“Is it something you’re interested in?”

“No. Its politics are stable and focused on internal issues. It’s got few disputes with its neighbors. It’s formed an alliance with Shan, which is similarly stable. There’s a potential for internal unrest coming from the Vietnamese or Thai minorities, but I don’t see it happening anytime soon. King Thommo treats them well enough.”

She flipped to the next page. “Speaking of the Vietnamese, they do have potential for nationalist unrest elsewhere in the region.”

“How so?”

“They lost their own country a while ago. Partitioned between China and Makassar. The southern part is administered as a colony by Makassar, geared towards resource extraction, which no doubt would anger the locals. The northern part has been integrated as a Chinese province, with Chinese culture and language imposed. Vietnam has a long history of animosity with China, and there are already reports of independence movements organizing in Thang Long. They could be a useful nuisance in Zhu Wei’s side.” She thought a little bit. “Can I ask how they were in your world?”

“In my world, the Tran Dynasty of Vietnam was a major power in its own right,” Wilhelm said, “They were the masters of Southeast Asia for centuries, but in the last century they were eclipsed by China and eventually became part of it. The Vietnamese, Khmer, Cham, Burmese, Hmong, and others never fully accepted Chinese rule.”

“So in a world where Chinese rule is even less established, they’d be even more hostile to foreign takeover and occupation. I can already see that in Myanmar and Pattani, though the anger is directed against Hindustan and Makassar, respectively, and those are both fascist regimes. Still, the sentiments are there. I’m loathe to work with fascists, though, so I’d rather find other organizations that are more ideologically acceptable. Perhaps the exiled royal dynasty of Burma and the supporters of the exiled King Alaungphaya would work, though it does claim land held by Hindustan.”

After that, she looked to Maritime Southeast Asia. “I see more reason for concern from the Principality of Hagios Lazarou. Zhu Wei has designs on the Lazarine island of Jamila, which its Chinese inhabitants call Taiwan. The people of Jamila themselves, both Chinese and not, have been at odds with the Principality for years now for a variety of reasons. The natives are tired of being ignored in favor of the peoples of the main islands. The Hedjazi of Jamila never felt like they belonged in the Principality as much as their cultural brethren in the main islands. The Chinese are divided between those who want Jamila to be annexed by China and those who preferred the status quo. The Rhomaioi make up the upper class but aren’t particularly liked by Prince Iason. We may be looking at another Jolof here.”

Wilhelm nodded. “A good assessment.”

“To the south, we have Java and Makassar, the two major powers of Maritime Southeast Asia. Dictator Leonidas Katsimiros and King Muabidin both have ambitions to conquer the other’s islands and unite the islands of Nusantara, but the former is more foused on internal matters at the moment and probably won’t cause trouble for us. But if Makassar attacks, its control of the Straits of Malacca could drastically affect trade in the region. Our economy could suffer as a result. Though I also see the possibility of conflict between China and Makassar erupting over Vietnam.”

“How about the islands of Jazayir-e Sarqi?”

“Iran has few options to project power that far east. It lacks a blue-water navy, and its primary interests lie in its immediate vicinity. I doubt the Rahbar has time to think about his country’s former Pacific colonies. They’re on their own, and as it stands they won’t amount to much.”

Theodora reached the end of the report and closed the file. “I think that just about wraps it up. And in time for dinner, too.”

“Irene and Heraclius would appreciate that,” Wilhelm said.

Theodora had been spending so much time in between MSI work and the constitutional convention that she had little time for herself afterward. She found herself looking down at the floor, lips quivering and her hands clenched. “They…they would.”

“You shouldn’t push yourself too hard, Theodora. It’s okay to slow down.”

“Slow down?” Theodora focused her eyes on Wilhelm’s. The angel didn’t flinch. He just looked back with his usual expression. “How can I slow down when I hold the very future of the Empire in my hands?”

And then, suddenly, Gavrilo was in control. “Because your family is important to you.” He took a seat opposite her. “Take it from me.”

“Same issue with your family?”

“Going around time and space being the vessel of an angel isn’t good for your family,” Gavrilo said, “I don’t think I’ve seen Nat and Mihailo in a long time.”

“Why did you agree to be a vessel to begin with?” Theodora asked. “If you already had a family, why’d you leave them?”

Gavrilo looked ashamed of himself. “I had my reasons, noble and not. But the fact is, I left my family behind. Even before I ended up here, there were many years when I only stopped by Vrhbosna for a few days. Every time I visited, Mihailo always looked so much older, and I regretted not being in his life more often. I’m his father. I should be there for him. You should be there for Irene and Heraclius. Remember, you’re Theodora as much as you are Sebastokrator. Your family needs you as much as the Empire does. Don’t make the same mistake I did.”


Athens - December

Senatorial duties were traditionally relieved during the latter half of December for the religious holidays surrounding the birth of Christ. Under the new constitution, these would be enshrined as official national holidays of a secular nature. In honor of the Savior’s birth, all Romans would receive time off from work to spend time with their families. Some businessowners grumbled about the loss of revenue, but Theodora promised them it would be made up for by an increase in Christmas shopping as people would have more time to spend money outside of work. Not only did this get most of the major names in business on her side, but she also saw a frenzy in downtown Constantinople as the major brands scrambled to one-up each other with bigger and bigger discounts.

Taking heed of Gavrilo’s words, Theodora decided to go home to Athens, but she decided to take the long way around. Instead of an airship or airplane flight out of the capital, she took a slow train and disembarked at each stop through Thrace, Macedonia, and Hellas. Gradually, the suburbs of Constantinople gave way to small towns and scattered villages. Even as she got farther from the capital and the very commercialized holiday season she had inadvertently created there, she could still feel the holiday spirit no matter where she stopped. There were many villages which still celebrated Christmas the old ways, with traditional religious services in the local chapel and a procession down the main street. Some had adopted the commercialization of the capital—Theodora bought a couple hand-made souvenirs to share with her family. A lot showed cultural influences from outside the Empire. Many of the larger towns featured seasonal markets, a German tradition that had been brought south of the Alps by immigrants from Germany. Along the way, she held impromptu town hall meetings where she explained the work she was doing in the capital and talked with townspeople about local issues. The Black Rebellion was firmly in the past now, and the signs of healing could be seen everywhere. Most damaged buildings were fully repaired, with only a few still needing another couple weeks. A few new buildings, taking the place of fully destroyed ones, had even started construction. Markets were alive with activity, their stalls filled with food and wares. While many shared concerned looks, she saw plenty of smiles or at least hopeful expressions. The year had been rough for everybody, but the worst was behind them, hopefully. They could all look forward to the next one.

Late on Christmas Eve, after fighting her way through the worse than usual traffic jam around the train station, Theodora arrived at the gates of the branch Doukai estate. She had not been here in many long months, but it looked just as she remembered—grand and imposing, a symbol of the branch family’s own power. When the main branch secluded itself in the palace in the years before Veronica emerged, the cadet branches based outside the capital were left without guidance. Many of them fell apart or lost their wealth and power for a variety of reasons. By 1836, only the Athens branch remained, and it endured for the next hundred years.

I just hope the maids did a good job of cleaning the blood from the carpets.

“Lady Theodora, welcome home.” The gates swung open. Theodora stepped through and waved to the gate guards, who waved back. “Merry Christmas, my lady.”

“Thank you.” She continued to the main building. The door before her was decorated much like her Constantinople neighbors’ were, with a deep green wreath and velvet bow. Her hand raised to knock, but she paused. Why was she here again? Did she forget something back at the MSI? Did Aggelike send another report from Rome? Had the Baltic Axis made its move? Was the constitution ready to go as it was? Damnit, Theodora, it’s Christmas, just— She impulsively knocked before her mind could be overwhelmed with the thoughts.

The door swung open with a light creak. It was one of the maids. She smiled and curtsied. “Welcome home, Lady Theodora.”

Then all hell broke loose.

“Is that Theodora?”

“Auntie?”

“Mom?”

“Sis?”

Suddenly, the foyer was filled with people. Irene and Heraclius ran in first, followed by Niketas and then many others.

“Oh, thank goodness you made it!” Heraclius said, throwing up his sauce-covered hands. “The cooking isn’t doing so well. Niketas convinced Irene they could cook the food instead of the maids, and now they’re—”

Irene bopped Heraclius on the head. “It’s good, isn’t it?”

“Who thought it was a good idea to cut vegetables with a goddamn sword?!”

“Hey, sis.” Niketas was still wearing his usual cloak and uniform, with tomato sauce dripping from the sword in his hand. The only thing different about his outfit was the festive red hat that was slowly dropping over his eyes. “You made it.”

“I swear, if that tomato sauce gets on the carpet…” Theodora muttered through gritted teeth. “But it’s good to see you, Brother.”

“Likewise.”

“I hope you don’t have to cut up any fascists while we’re here.”

“I’d like to stick to tomatoes.” He held his blade closer to Theodora, who angrily swatted it away.

“Please use an actual knife!”

She walked into the living room to greet the rest of her guests. John-Loukas Picardie was sipping a cup of hot chocolate while reading a book.

“Evening, Domestikos ton Aeras,” she said, “Congratulations on your promotion.”

John-Loukas shook her hand. “Thank you, ma’am.”

“Please, you’ve always called me Theodora.”

“You’re now my direct superior.”

“We’re not at work, though.”

“You sure act like it.”

Theodora pointed at the book in John-Loukas’ hands. “So do you. What’s that, a report on the latest test of our new dive bomber prototype?”

“Look, some people enjoy reading reports in their free time!” John-Loukas snapped back, flipping a page in the process.

“I suppose they do,” Theodora said, “I’m glad you made it.”

“Thanks for inviting me, ma’am.”

Oh, for the love of… Before she could continue that thought, she decided to leave him to his reading. She went towards the kitchen now, only to find Admiral Paul Angelos lounging in the hallway with a glass of hot chocolate. Paul saluted. “Ma’am. Glad to see you here.”

“Me too, Admiral Angelos,” Theodora said, “You served the country well in the Black Rebellion.”

“Thank you, ma’am. Though much of the credit should go to the Megas Domestikos.”

“Nonsense. You were an instrumental part of our strategy. Without your ships, we couldn’t have push across the straits.”

“Our Sebastokrator-to-be’s right, Paul!” Wearing an older Imperial Army dress uniform than the one Theodora remembered Niketas wearing, Ioannes sauntered over, a cup of beer in his hand. His other arm wrapped around Paul’s shoulders. “Stop apologizing so much!”

“You’re still going on about that?” Paul rolled his eyes. “Can’t you let that go?”

“Also, I don’t think I’ve been officially sworn in as Sebastokrator yet,” Theodora said, “Details are still being hashed out.”

“Eh.” Ioannes shrugged. “It’s all just appearances and ceremony. You’re already doing the job. But enough of that, it’s Christmas! Let’s all relax! Oh, almost forgot. Hey, Mara, Markos!”

Mara entered the hallway, dressed in her Sunday best. When she saw Theodora, her jaw dropped. So did Theodora’s.

“Theodora? Oh my god, it’s you!”

“Mara!” Theodora wrapped her in a close hug. “I haven’t seen you in so long! I should’ve visited your place!”

It’s literally ten minutes away from here!

“No worries, we knew you were busy,” Mara said, “But let’s arrange something for next year. The Dalassenos estate is ready if you need to hold any social events.”

“Thanks for the offer.” But it could be a conflict of interest. Have to tread carefully. I don’t want to set any bad precedents.

A younger man in a newer Imperial Army dress uniform walked in behind Mara. He reminded Theodora a little of Niketas, only he seemed a lot skinnier, and his hair was a light blond.

“Ah, Markos Dalassenos.” She shook the man’s hand. “You’ve grown a lot since I last saw you. What rank are you now?”

“Major, ma’am,” Markos replied.

“Major…amazing.” Theodora smiled and ruffled his hair. “It seems like yesterday you were just taking the entrance exam to the officers’ academy. You’re making your parents proud.”

Markos looked awkwardly at his mother, who looked at Ioannes, who was just confused. The younger Dalassenos finally spoke up. “Uh…yes, ma’am.”

“Please, Auntie is fine.” At that moment, Theodora could feel Irene’s eyes locking on her. But she didn’t mind. Everything felt a world away from the high-stakes politics of the capital and the work of the MSI. Tonight, she didn’t have to worry about coalition negotiations, MSI succession, the constitutional convention, Giuseppe Lombardi, or anything else. She was surrounded by her friends and family. She could always continue her work tomorrow, but today could never be replaced.

The door swung open again, and suddenly everybody was assaulted by a loud booming voice in heavily accented German, and another thankfully more understandable voice in Romaike.

“GUTEN ABEND, MEINE FREUNDE!” Professor Albrecht von Habsburg shouted. “Ich have finally arrived! Merry Christmas!”

“Professor, can you please tone it down?” Doctor John Stavridis had already gotten a glass of wine, knowing what he would have to put up with for the next few hours. “It’s the evening.”

“IST ABEND, JA! So we make merry und be jolly, ist holiday spirit!” Albrecht launched into what apparently was a German Christmas carol and was immediately tackled by Niketas, John, Ioannes, and Mara. Food ingredients—and Niketas’ tomato-stained sword—scattered on the floor, though thankfully they stayed on the wood and didn’t hit the carpet.

Theodora felt amused by the sight and burst into laughter. “It really is great to be home!”


Constantinople - February 26, 1937

The next two months passed by at a leisurely pace. Theodora spent her holiday break with her friends and family. Her tongue savored all of the good food she remembered from the Doukas estate, and she and Niketas got in a competition over who cooked better food for everybody. Somehow, Irene won that one. She also had to pay her staff to replace two countertops Niketas had accidentally sliced up with his sword, but that was an acceptable expense for her. Heraclius volunteered at hospitals in downtown, while Irene took long walks in the estate’s farmlands and pastures. Ioannes and Mara caught up with Albrecht and John, while Paul and John-Loukas debated which military jurisdiction the air force would fall under. Niketas and Markos shared stories from the service. Nobody needed to bring up politics or the state of the world or anything outside Athens. Here, they could all take a break.

Then the holiday break ended, and it was time for everybody to return to work. Albrecht surprisingly stayed in Athens, saying he had taken up a temporary teaching job at the university. John offered to take Heraclius under his wing as his protege at a hospital in Thessaloniki. The Dalassenoi, Paul, and John-Loukas returned to the military. And Theodora, Niketas, and Irene went back to Constantinople.

On February 26, Theodora found herself in the palace’s radio room, about a couple hours before the Senate session. Next to her was Alvértos, who was nearly done with his part of the address. She looked down at her script and a copy of the finalized imperial constitution. The constitutional convention had finished its work and decided on a constitution after months of debates, negotiation, and compromise. Eventually, they settled on something that satisfied the most people, including herself. Now came the moment to unveil it before the people.

They’ll be talking about this generations from now, she thought, It’ll be written about in the books, taught in class. So you better not mess this up, Theodora.

“And without further ado, I would like to turn things over our new Sebastokrator, Theodora Doukas.” Alvértos nodded in her direction.

It’s time. Theodora took a deep breath and began.

“Since last autumn, we have been hard at work drafting a document that will guide our Empire for the centuries to come. The Time of Troubles, Great War, and Black Rebellion had shown the world just how flawed our old system was. Change was necessary. If we stick to the old ways, then Alithiní Anástasi will remain but a dream, forever out of reach. The Empire would be known as a sick old man clinging to past glories he could never hope to return to.” She paused for a moment, trying to find the right words for the next part. “Let me make it clear, though, that we did not act in haste to draft this constitution. His Majesty enlisted the help and advice of more than a thousand academics, legal sholars, attorneys, judges, clergy, political figures, union and business leaders, and many others for this great effort of reform. We were all aware of the importance of our work. Not just to pull our Empire off the path the Black Rebellion pushed us down, but also to secure the rights of all imperial citizens and to ensure our future is one of our choosing.

“It has been 2690 years since Romulus’ founding of the city of Rome. But those 2690 years have not been peaceful ones. It is said that Romulus killed his brother, Remus, right at the very beginning. Since then, we’ve fought many, including ourselves, for many reasons. Religion. Greed. Land. Resources. Broken treaties. And yet, despite it all, the Empire endured until today. Why, I ask? After everything we’ve been through and everything we’ve done, why is this Empire still standing? Why hasn’t it collapsed under its own weight or been carved up by its neighbors yet? Is it because of the Imperial Throne’s leadership? Is it because of the Church? The military? The nobility? Sure, you can give each of them their due credit, but I’d like to point out one commonality in all of them. Who sits on the throne? A Roman. Who sits in the pews and leads services from the altar? Romans. Who enlists in the army and studies at the officers' academy? Romans. All are Romans, and there is the indisputable fundamental truth at it all. Rome endures not because of any one group, but because of the Roman people altogether.”

She took a deep breath and looked ahead. Although she saw only radio equipment, she imagined a rapt crowd standing before her, listening intently to her words.

“Our togetherness—our shared Romanitas—is the reason we overcame all of the crises that plagued this Empire in those 2690 years. Today, we are faced with a new crisis. The Empire has been a shadow of its former self for the last thirty years, since the Time of Troubles. The western provinces declared their independence, some even propping themselves up as the rightful Roman state.” She couldn’t resist taking a jab at Giuseppe Lombardi, if only to see how he and Italy would react. “Our old enemies watched the recent Black Rebellion with interest, hoping they could capitalize on our weakness to usurp our place as hegemon.

“But there is still hope. The Empire has been through far worse before. Yet we have always called on our shared spirit of Romanitas and overcame the challenges in our way. We drove Hannibal back. We saved Constantinople from every enemy threatening it, whether it be the old caliphate or cultists. The Empire lived to see another day. And God willing, we can do the same again. The challenges before us cannot be overcome individually. It is folly to assume a single person—even myself—can do it all alone. We can only meet them with unity and our combined strength. With cooperation and understanding between each citizen, not distrust and rivalry. Because we are more than just Hellene, Macedonian, Thracian, Anatolian, Constantinopolitan, and so on. We are all Romans. We either rise up together, or we fall together. We share our triumphs and our defeats, our hopes and fears. We will do it all together because we must.” She rapped the wood counter to mimic the pounding of a fist. “And together, we will triumph! We can achieve Alithiní Anástasi! Long live the Empire and its people!”

---

((I'm back! Still recovering from my trip and some sickness, but I wanted to catch my characters up to where they would be in February 1937. I'm going to post the preamble to the Constitution in the next post, and then later on I'll post Theodora's responses in the Senate.))

 

[zenphoenix]

((Preamble to the Imperial "Alvértinos" Constitution of 1937))​

"We the people, carrying out the wish of His Majesty Michael VII of the Imperial House of Doukas, Autokrator of the Romans, etc., etc. that we form a more perfect Empire, restore Justice, and secure the dream of Alithiní Anástasi for ourselves and our Posterity, do hereby ordain and put forth this Constitution of the Empire of the Romans..."

 

[zenphoenix]

Over the next two months the government came into form. Theodora was able to lead the KRA in forming a coalition with enough other groups to hold a majority position within the government. While this was an indication that the Imperialist position would be rejected, neither she nor Emperor Michael wanted the Imperialists to feel left out of the constitution. If nothing else, that would just ensure another civil war in the future. So there was plenty of wheeling and dealing left to be done.

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In the end, nobody was fully happy. Some cynics considered this the very definition of compromise. Michael considered it good enough. And in these turbulent times, good enough would have to do until they have breathing room to do better.

And so on the 26th of February 1937, Michael held the first address to his new constitutional government. Immediately preceding it was a radio address where he and Theodora explained the new constitution to the people of Rhomaion. The four branches of government - executive, legislative, judicial, and bureaucratic. That Senators were a mix of appointed positions, selected by the provinces and approved by the Emperor, or a handful of others such as hereditary positions and the Church’s Senator. That Representatives were elected at large. How either the Senate or House of Representatives could originate laws and both houses needed to approve a law. That the Emperor had a veto, but that a large enough majority could override it. That the Emperor appointed provincial governors, but that in all current he was choosing to appoint ones who won local elections. The enumerated powers of the government, and that a committee was still working on a list of some of the most important inviolable freedoms of the people.

The radio address took quite some time, but in the end the constitution had been ratified, and Rhomaion had a new government.

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“Welcome, Senators and Representatives! We now have a constitution! You all know the details quite well, so I will not review it further. Instead I will give quick summary of the other events of the past two months.”

“On 18 December the standard infantry division was again modified to include a group of cavalry to provide reconnaissance.”

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“Two days after that, the Black Sea Fleet finished training and began sailing back to port for repairs and rest.”

“Then at the end of the year, a research team finished designs for better shells and began a report summarizing all the construction technique improvements found by different crews so that all could share in the knowledge.”

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As was traditional, Michael left out the work of the MSI. How they had finished the new curriculum in their cyper school and were now working on more effective interrogation techniques. Not torture, insisted the MSI. Torture only convinced people to tell you what they thought you wanted to hear and didn’t produce good information. Michael had been relieved that this matched the morality of the situation but somewhat disturbed that morality wasn’t their first reason for avoiding torture. He had resolved to ensure outside oversight of the MSI.

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“In late January, another research team finished their work on other improved shells for the navy and began research into better fuel refining techniques, ensuring a more stable supply of fuel.”

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“This is about the time that Tsalagi intervention led Cuba to surrender to Hayti. There is one less fascist nation in the world.”

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It was also around this time that the MSI began work on developing counterintelligence techniques that didn’t require the active intervention of an agent.

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“In mid-February yet another research team finished designing communications gear for the legions. They began researching further improvements to the nation’s dispersed industry while signal companies were added to all infantry divisions.”

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“Within a few days, Picardie informed me the Air Force had developed dive bombing techniques that will allow them to better support the legions.”

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“And the Eastern Mediterranean Fleet has begun training exercises to bring them up to par with the Black Sea Fleet.”

“Over the last few days, major diplomatic events have taken place. First, as expected, Germany has joined the Baltic Axis.”

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“Next, Ming declared war on Manchuria.”

((There should have been a screenshot of the war declaration, but I for got to take it.))​

“Third, Hagios Lazarou has followed Jolof’s lead in expelling Greek administrators. As before, it seems it was only administrators that were expelled, but again many newspapers are reporting it as much more extreme an action than it is.”

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“Finally, Miedzymorze has announced an international conference in Dresden to discuss the fate of territories held by Hungary. We will be sending a representative.”

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Michael had also taken this opportunity to redirect the MSI a little. There was as much information from Italy as could be gained by passive spycraft. So the MSI agents would be more active in their infiltration, after which one would return to Köln to continue gaining information from Burgundy and the other would depart for Pozsony to start gathering intelligence on Hungary.

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"As I wrap up, do take note of the maps on the walls of the Grand Palace’s audience chamber. These are regularly updated for the Senate and House of Representatives. The first shows official ownership of all lands in the world."

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"The next shows what territory is occupied by which nations. It is mostly the same, but indicates the progression of the two current wars in the world."

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"The third superimposes colors representing the major alliances in the world on top of the ownership colors, showing the power of these factions."

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"The final one superimposes the faction colors on controlled territory, showing how they are progressing when at war."

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"After any final comments or questions, I invite you all to look at the maps more closely to note any details that are unclear from your current seats."
((If you don’t know, you can click on the maps to get bigger images to examine))

"As always, thank you all for attending."

The Senate

Theodora had said most of what she needed to say in that radio address, so there was little point repeating it in the session. A few heads turned in her direction, no doubt confused or concerned by the words she chose. Timon was absent, having returned to Aotearoa to commemorate the one year anniversary of his father’s death. Franco and Konstas, guarded by Halia, sat in his place, and they were probably assessing how the consequences of her words would relate to Aotearoa. Donatello was probably thinking about her thinly veiled challenge to Lombardi, even if he didn’t outwardly show it. He and the rest of them could approach her after the session ended. But for now, she had some information to digest.

There was always a point in the address where it was clear Alvértos was skipping over reports from the MSI, or trying to speak around them. Obviously they would never be disclosed in an open session, but the reports had been included with those from other fields for the sake of comprehensiveness. Perhaps she should inform her incoming successor that MSI reports to His Majesty should be delivered separately from everything else in the interest of national security.

Her choice to replace her as MSI head was Omar Mukhtar. Born to a Hedjazi family in Jamila, he had served as chief of the MSI’s Pacific branch, based out of Karydopolis, until the Black Rebellion happened and the colonies broke off. While most of the Pacific branch dissolved or was absorbed into separate colony-run agencies, Omar returned to the Empire and remained loyal to the MSI. Over the last year, he remained in the background while Theodora personally ran most things, leaving anything she missed to him. He had a reputation for being particularly thorough when planning operations, and he had the same eye for talent recruitment and allocation that she did. Omar also had similar morals as her. His first independent act as MSI head was to officially remove torture from the agency handbook due to not being an effective interrogation tool. The MSI would be in good hands under him, though he could work on his wording in the official reports—he only mentioned effectiveness, not morality, as his reason. Still, it was something that could be fixed with better outside oversight which would request clearer wording. They would need that for their next operations. Aggelike had successfully built an imperial spy network with prime access to Lombardi’s inner circle, and with her work done she was ready to move on to the Hungarian capital of Pozsony to do the same there. It would be the first operation with Omar in charge, but Theodora knew he could do it.

On to foreign affairs. The UTA invasion of Cuba had ended in a swift and decisive Tsalagi victory. The Tsalagi invasion fleet destroyed what was left of the Cuban navy off the coast of Habana, and Tsalagi ground forces then overran the city. The fascist regime surrendered within hours, and the island was placed under Haytian occupation. No surprises there, but this short conflict had demonstrated to the world the strength, size, and competence of the UTA military.

In Asia, Zhu Wei turned his ever growing military machine to bear on the rump Manchu state. Theodora predicted it would go much like the Cuba conflict, due to the Manchus’ situation. The country was split in two, with the western portion spread over miles of Mongolian steppe and the eastern part confined to a sliver of the coast around Haishenwai. It was in an even worse position than Cuba, with little manpower, nearly no industry or natural resources, and no way of standing up to an industrialized major power. If anything, the Empire should hopefully see a day’s worth of combat out of the Imperial Chinese Army, and like the UTA they could start building a profile of specs, strategies, and logistics.

To the south, Hagios Lazarou followed Jolof’s lead in announcing it would expel Rhomaioi administrators and bureaucrats. Like with the previous incident, the newspapers had been exaggerating the whole matter as being more extreme as it was, with some insinuating the government was going to align with China next. She rolled her eyes. The constitution may have guaranteed press freedoms, but the specific article was written with the implied assumption that the press would strive towards the honest truth. Maybe they should be more specific.

Back in Europe, the Baltic Axis was making headlines. First, Germany had joined the fascist alliance. Then, Miedzymorze had used its newly expanded clout to call for a diplomatic conference in Dresden. This conference would specifically discuss the status of certain territories held by Hungary but which did not have majority Hungarian populations or were historically part of Hungary proper. The specific focus was Silesia, though there were plans to look at other regions should discussions about Silesia go well. But everybody saw what this conference really was about. The Baltic Axis didn’t care about the liberation of Silesians or Bohemians or Germans or whoever they were talking about. They just wanted to weaken Hungary and take its land for themselves. Yet Hungary itself wasn’t innocent either, as it was well known to all that Pozsony had ambitions on Pannonia, Dalmatia, and the Moesias. So it seemed like the Empire had to choose between supporting fascists or a rival power with designs on imperial territory. Theodora refused to work with fascists, but she didn’t want to help Hungary either. She listened to Konstas and then Donatello speaking, finding that they shared similar sentiments. Once Donatello was done, she spoke up.

“I concur with both of you. Understandably, working with fascists should be out of the question, but we must assess the situation and see if the threat of Hungarian expansion against imperial territories is worse or more immediate than that of the Baltic Axis, which is farther away from our borders.”

As head of government, she had to speak even more carefully than Donatello, her new foreign minister. She had to be sure not to take a side too soon and lock the Empire onto one path, potentially undermining Donatello.

“It is curious that the Baltic Axis called for an international conference on Silesia instead of simply attacking to take the land by force. Perhaps they believe not only achieve can their goals bloodlessly, but they can also legitimize fascism as a governing ideology on the field of diplomacy.”

Theodora stood up and looked around. “Which is why when we go to Dresden, we must not play into their hands or Hungary’s. Both sides will bring their allies and attempt to outmaneuver each other, using the rules and customs of diplomacy as their battlefield. They will try to sway us, but we must remember what both sides are. Fascists on one end, and Hungary on the other. We must be patient there. We must watch how things play out, and when the time is appropriate, we should make our own play, not necessarily aligned with either side, but one that is most ideal for both the Empire and the people of Silesia, who are being coldly used as pawns.”

 

[Idhrendur]

Constantinople - January

The festive season would be a refreshing one for Timon. Much of his senatorial duties were relieved during the 4 Day Forefeast of the Nativity of Christ and following Christmastide season, with an additional day of grace on the family saint day, the 20th of January for John the Baptist. He would have the opportunity to travel along the coast of Hellada, visiting cities for the holidays and attending the seasonal markets, a tradition developed in Germany during the middle ages which had spread far and wide, including here in the Empire. During his travels, he would be joined by many associated with the Thaddai household, though that mainly consisted of the friends he had brought with him. Depending on where he went, he would also be joined by those of the older guard, to share in facts and stories about the land.

At the end of it all, he found himself exhausted, but in a way where he felt simultaneously reinvigorated. The streets filled by the merry, sharing in communal delight in remembrance of the Lord, with the poor and well-off bumping shoulder to shoulder. What he would not anticipate, however, was what awaited him on the 20th.

With the core festivities having wound down, he had anticipated this day to be one of contemplation and casual fun, a largely private gathering at the Thaddai estate where he would likely meet those few relatives he had from the Septiadis family. He remembered the list he had been handed containing the names and relations to those Nestorius maintained ties with, and how he had been told to be careful if any others appeared. As the day began, those few slowly arrived, gave their greetings and, this being their first time seeing Timon in person since Nestorius' passing, their apologies. With all supposedly arrived, the day went on... but an errant knock on the door would stop this.

"Who might that be?" Delyth Cecil wondered aloud, prompting Franco to swiftly respond.

"Could be the postman," Franco suggested.

"I'll go check it," Timon offered, with everyone nodding.

Approaching the door, Timon looked through the glass and noticed that the silhouette was not that of the postman, and proceeded with caution. He opened the door at a conspicuous angle just in case.

"Hello?" he asked.

"Ah, you must be Timon!" the person outside bellowed, "It's great to meet you today!"

"...and you might be?" Timon looked blankly at them and the woman behind them.

"Oh, Nestorius must not have mentioned me! I'm Panteleimon! And this is my sister, Elli!" Panteleimon gestured towards her.

Timon squinted. Neither of these two were on the list.

"...wait just a moment here," Timon said, before closing the door and locking it just in case.

Timon rushed over to the living room, bringing the news.

"Does anyone here know a Panteleimon and Elli Septiadis?" he asked aloud.

"Oh god, not those two," one of the Septiadis relatives, uncle Gerasimos (proper relation, first cousin to Nestorius) exclaimed.

"I don't have much experience with those two personally," another, aunt Anastasia (proper relation, second cousin to Nestorius) commented.

"It's fucking Spyridon's kids," Gerasimos added, referring to a distant relative on another branch of the family, related to them through their great grandfather.

"Oh, Spyridon, the hack," another relative, Yiannis (proper relation, second cousin to Timon) remarked, "last I remember, the bastard was pulling a grift down near Katakolo in the south."

"What was it, selling 'ambrosia' or whatever?" Gerasimos asked.

"Yeah, but last I recall, it was just dyed pond water," Yiannis commented with disgust.

"So I just tell them to sod off?" Timon asked.

"Nothing good comes with those two, especially since they took his business after he died," Yiannis explained. With a nod, Timon returned to the door.

Opening the door, Timon was surprised to find that the two were still standing there, chatting between themselves.

"You two," he drew their attention, "leave."

"Why?!" Panteleimon asked.

"My father wouldn't have wanted you two here," he explained.

"But had he had some of our amazing ambro-" he was about to pitch before having the door slammed in his face.

Timon was mortified. And on the family saint day too...

---

Komnenion - February

With everyone properly informed and permissions granted, Timon was able to organize a solo trip with the Tyche to visit home for the one year anniversary of his father's death. Franco, Konstas and Halia would attend the next session in his stead, though Halia protested him heading back by himself, being her bodyguard, before explaining that there's no reason for concern now that the civil war was over. She would be more useful protecting those two, he explained.

As planned, he would depart on the 26th, and arrive in Aotearoa on the 19th of February. Upon his arrival, he would speak with Captain Vikéntios Kaísarídis over the ship's planned schedule, to see if he could organize to return with the ship too, as the Tyche would be departing with the next few days. The Captain would, however, insist that Timon spend the full week in Aotearoa, recommending his colleagues for a return trip on the 27th instead. When asked what the purpose of this was, Kaísarídis explained it was just to ensure his peers got compensated for their work too, as while the Tyche was one of the ships which ran the whole route, there were others who ran through parts of the route. Transferring from ship to ship might be tedious, but it might be fun and worth seeing the sights, the Captain remarked, with it only taking two or three days longer than usual (likely then arriving anywhere between the 23rd and 26th of March). Timon would agree to the recommendation.

Timon would be picked up by his mother privately, and spend the week in the capital. On the 21st, nearly all that had gathered last year for Nestorius' funeral gathered in remembrance of him on the first year anniversary of his death. As it was last year, it would be a private, quiet affair. And as per last year, Kyrene permitted the public to do their own remembrance, though limited to the day of this time.

Later in the week, Timon followed the news on the radio, listening to affairs in the region;

"...today, in the north, the Lazarines announced an expulsion of Imperial administrators from its borders, following in Jolof's lead earlier this year. In a public address, Iason Nikolaos commented: 'There is a lot we can thank the Empire for. Empress Veronica unified our precious archipelago and guided our people through their formative years, but just as children must leave their parents one day, we too must find our own path in this world. We have long since passed the need to rely on the Empire. Today, it is the mga Lasari that will lead their own path!'", the news report mentioned, with an audio clip of Nikolaos speaking, "One anonymous source claiming to be one such administrator commented that he believed that 'this was only the first step towards erasing the memory of the Empire', pointing to new laws enabling those born with Greek names to bear Lazaroi ones, and that he accused the Lazarines of looking towards China."

Timon shook his head at the report, just knowing what might be reported back in the Imperial mainland.

Later, on the 26th, he would be at home with the estate staff, listening to the radio address featuring the Emperor and Theodora through the Imperial radio station, where they explained the new constitution to the masses.

---

Constantinople - February

As agreed, in attendance at the Senatorial session were Franco, Konstas and Halia as the Thaddai representation. Per Franco's suggestion, Konstas would be the one to lead the representation on that day.

The fall of Cuba to the hands of Hayti brought assurance to the delegation, as they could breath slightly more calmly that at least fascism was being resisted in other parts of the world, even if Europe seemed to struggle in that regard, with the Germans siding with the Polish-Lithuanians, and them forcing Hungary's hand with a conference. Though none of them were too phased that Hungarian expansionism might be curtailed by this, as it was clear the Hungarians had an interest in Pannonia, Dalmatia, and the Moesias, the weakening of Hungary would only bolster the fascists in the north, and Konstas would be sure to exclaim as such.

"Though Hungary remains a contentious enemy of ours, given their designs on former Imperial territories, we cannot allow the fascists of Europe to pressure their neighbors and make themselves stronger," Konstas stood up and commented, "no enemy of our enemy is our friend if they are a fascist."

Constantinople
February 26, 1937

Senator Donatello Favero listened carefully to the emperor’s address. The Empire had been focused internally over the past few months with forming a new government and writing a constitution. It had been a trying effort, with so many disparate views, but it was necessary to push forward the much-needed reforms. The outcome was a mishmash of the various opinions, but that at least earned the support of enough of the Senate and House of Representatives to ensure the constitution wouldn’t be opposed or reworked the moment someone else came into power.

Now with that delicate matter dealt with, the government could focus on more pressing matters abroad, and Donatello felt a growing pressure now that he served as foreign minister. With Theodora appointed prime minister, it was only natural that as the leading member of the second largest party in the governing coalition that he be given a cabinet position. The foreign ministry felt somewhat like coming home, bringing back memories from his youth when he served as an imperial diplomat. It had been a brief tenure, cut short by the Time of Troubles and the death of his father, but it had been his calling at the time. The last few decades that the Empire had spent licking its wound had dampened his interest in foreign affairs as his ambitions for imperial restoration were thwarted, but now was his chance to make a difference, not just for the Empire but the world as a whole.

As the Emperor finished up his speech, it became clear that fascism was proving a key source of conflict across the globe. The Cuban fascists had stirred up trouble but were fortunately dealt with by the UTA. A promising outcome but overshadowed by the growing ambitions of the Baltic Axis. Germany succumbing to fascism had been distressing enough, but it seemed with the help of Miedzymorze the fascists of Europe were flexing their muscles. He was surprised though that they had called for a conference of all things. It seemed an unusual strategy when force seemed the modus operandi of fascists. Perhaps they did not believe they could win a prolonged war with Hungary, or more likely they were confident that international pressure and a fear of a continental war would see them granted their desires without bloodshed. This conference could see lines drawn across Europe and the Empire would need to be careful when deciding who to side with.

The first comment on the Dresden conference came from Konstas, one of Timon’s stand-ins. Understandably, he openly opposed the Baltic Axis, noting the danger of allowing the fascists to grow any stronger. Donatello shared in such fears but knew that there were many other factors at play. They needed to be careful with what approach the imperial representatives should take at this conference. When the Thaddai representative was finished speaking, Donatello stood up and decided to share his thoughts on the matter.

“I concur that we should avoid allowing these fascists to grow in strength. We more than most know the dangers of fascism, for we all witnessed how Konstantinos and his followers sparked war and violence across the Empire. That aggression is just as dangerous when it is an entire nation directing it at another. It is quite possible that enabling them to liberate Silesia from Hungarian rule will just encourage them to ask for more. It is just as likely that denying their claims may just result in war too if they feel this conference will not give them what they want. We should tread carefully going into this conference.”

Donatello paused a moment, reading the room. He could see the expression of concern on more than one face. They knew the danger these fascists presented. Donatello shared those concerns, but there was far more to this than just ideology.

“However, while this Baltic Axis is a threat to peace in Europe, we must also consider that Hungary has expansionist ambitions of their own, ones that may involve our former provinces. Strengthening their position may also enable them to continue on this path, and thus counter to our interests. The fate of Silesia is less of a concern to the Empire than its former provinces. We may need to consider that a weaker Hungary benefits us more than a stronger Baltic Axis.”

There were a few murmurs in the room, and Donatello knew that his comments likely had attracted some opposition, or at least the interest of those who thought similar but had not wanted to say it. He had to be careful here since he was representing the foreign ministry, and it would not do to commit to one path.

“The field of international relations is a complicated one, and I fear that there are far more factors than those already presented that must be considered. There is also the fact that several other powers have been invited to this conference and their opinion will impact the outcome just as much as ours. It may be to our benefit to side with the majority, for the more nations backing an outcome will better ensure it is followed through with. On paper, Hungary has more friends and allies amongst those attending, and may be able to gather the needed support for their cause, yet Miedzymorze should know this and still called for a conference anyway. There may be hidden agendas at work, and we should be prepared for anything. The outcome is not predetermined.”

Returning to his seat, Donatello looked around the room. He had given them much to think about. “My recommendation is that we should go into this conference with a great level of flexibility. We need to listen to the arguments of all sides and feel out the opinions of the other powers attending. Once we have a better understanding of who will side with whom and have considered how the outcome will impact the Empire and Europe as a while, then we can commit to a side.”

Constantinople - autumn

The nights were growing longer, and the air was growing colder. Leaves fell from the cypress trees of Kyparades Park and swirled across the sidewalks in the light breeze. Old-timers sat on benches, watching ducks swimming in ponds without a care in the world. Young couples shared scarves and huddled together for warmth. Carolers gathered by the fountains, singing popular holiday songs, both old folk tunes and new jingles from popular singers. Streetlights and storefronts had been done up in red and green, with accompanying imagery of the Nativity and birth of Christ. It was a sign that the holiday season had begun.

For Theodora, it was another regular day at work. With the sounds of traffic coming from the window and more holiday tunes coming from her radio even though she was tuned to the news, she continued reading the intelligence reports Aggelike and her other agents had sent her. This time, she had sought a second opinion.

“Hmmm…Aotearoa…” Wilhelm flipped through the report on the Far East and Pacific regions. “Surprisingly similar to how it was in my world. My Reich only settled the northern island, though.”

“What about the southern island?”

“The Chinese of Penglai—er, Australia.”

“China…” Theodora made a note in her book. “If that’s so, then Zhu Wei may make a play for our Aotearoa and Australia eventually.”

“Unlikely,” Wilhelm said, “He’d have to get through the rest of Southeast Asia first.”

“Unless Australia and Andreas Pangalos decide to join the GACPS.”

“Yes, a possibility. You’ll have to mark that one down.”

“You can’t just tell me?”

“You know the rules, Theodora.”

Theodora furrowed her eyebrows, then returned to reading her reports. Best not to push her luck. “Anyways, next is Kampuchea ((Cambodia)). A minor regional power. Still mainly agricultural, though the cities of Kampot and Prey Nokor are decently urbanized. It’s the most stable country in Southeast Asia right now. Both China and Hindustan are heavily investing in its economy.”

“Is it something you’re interested in?”

“No. Its politics are stable and focused on internal issues. It’s got few disputes with its neighbors. It’s formed an alliance with Shan, which is similarly stable. There’s a potential for internal unrest coming from the Vietnamese or Thai minorities, but I don’t see it happening anytime soon. King Thommo treats them well enough.”

She flipped to the next page. “Speaking of the Vietnamese, they do have potential for nationalist unrest elsewhere in the region.”

“How so?”

“They lost their own country a while ago. Partitioned between China and Makassar. The southern part is administered as a colony by Makassar, geared towards resource extraction, which no doubt would anger the locals. The northern part has been integrated as a Chinese province, with Chinese culture and language imposed. Vietnam has a long history of animosity with China, and there are already reports of independence movements organizing in Thang Long. They could be a useful nuisance in Zhu Wei’s side.” She thought a little bit. “Can I ask how they were in your world?”

“In my world, the Tran Dynasty of Vietnam was a major power in its own right,” Wilhelm said, “They were the masters of Southeast Asia for centuries, but in the last century they were eclipsed by China and eventually became part of it. The Vietnamese, Khmer, Cham, Burmese, Hmong, and others never fully accepted Chinese rule.”

“So in a world where Chinese rule is even less established, they’d be even more hostile to foreign takeover and occupation. I can already see that in Myanmar and Pattani, though the anger is directed against Hindustan and Makassar, respectively, and those are both fascist regimes. Still, the sentiments are there. I’m loathe to work with fascists, though, so I’d rather find other organizations that are more ideologically acceptable. Perhaps the exiled royal dynasty of Burma and the supporters of the exiled King Alaungphaya would work, though it does claim land held by Hindustan.”

After that, she looked to Maritime Southeast Asia. “I see more reason for concern from the Principality of Hagios Lazarou. Zhu Wei has designs on the Lazarine island of Jamila, which its Chinese inhabitants call Taiwan. The people of Jamila themselves, both Chinese and not, have been at odds with the Principality for years now for a variety of reasons. The natives are tired of being ignored in favor of the peoples of the main islands. The Hedjazi of Jamila never felt like they belonged in the Principality as much as their cultural brethren in the main islands. The Chinese are divided between those who want Jamila to be annexed by China and those who preferred the status quo. The Rhomaioi make up the upper class but aren’t particularly liked by Prince Iason. We may be looking at another Jolof here.”

Wilhelm nodded. “A good assessment.”

“To the south, we have Java and Makassar, the two major powers of Maritime Southeast Asia. Dictator Leonidas Katsimiros and King Muabidin both have ambitions to conquer the other’s islands and unite the islands of Nusantara, but the former is more foused on internal matters at the moment and probably won’t cause trouble for us. But if Makassar attacks, its control of the Straits of Malacca could drastically affect trade in the region. Our economy could suffer as a result. Though I also see the possibility of conflict between China and Makassar erupting over Vietnam.”

“How about the islands of Jazayir-e Sarqi?”

“Iran has few options to project power that far east. It lacks a blue-water navy, and its primary interests lie in its immediate vicinity. I doubt the Rahbar has time to think about his country’s former Pacific colonies. They’re on their own, and as it stands they won’t amount to much.”

Theodora reached the end of the report and closed the file. “I think that just about wraps it up. And in time for dinner, too.”

“Irene and Heraclius would appreciate that,” Wilhelm said.

Theodora had been spending so much time in between MSI work and the constitutional convention that she had little time for herself afterward. She found herself looking down at the floor, lips quivering and her hands clenched. “They…they would.”

“You shouldn’t push yourself too hard, Theodora. It’s okay to slow down.”

“Slow down?” Theodora focused her eyes on Wilhelm’s. The angel didn’t flinch. He just looked back with his usual expression. “How can I slow down when I hold the very future of the Empire in my hands?”

And then, suddenly, Gavrilo was in control. “Because your family is important to you.” He took a seat opposite her. “Take it from me.”

“Same issue with your family?”

“Going around time and space being the vessel of an angel isn’t good for your family,” Gavrilo said, “I don’t think I’ve seen Nat and Mihailo in a long time.”

“Why did you agree to be a vessel to begin with?” Theodora asked. “If you already had a family, why’d you leave them?”

Gavrilo looked ashamed of himself. “I had my reasons, noble and not. But the fact is, I left my family behind. Even before I ended up here, there were many years when I only stopped by Vrhbosna for a few days. Every time I visited, Mihailo always looked so much older, and I regretted not being in his life more often. I’m his father. I should be there for him. You should be there for Irene and Heraclius. Remember, you’re Theodora as much as you are Sebastokrator. Your family needs you as much as the Empire does. Don’t make the same mistake I did.”


Athens - December

Senatorial duties were traditionally relieved during the latter half of December for the religious holidays surrounding the birth of Christ. Under the new constitution, these would be enshrined as official national holidays of a secular nature. In honor of the Savior’s birth, all Romans would receive time off from work to spend time with their families. Some businessowners grumbled about the loss of revenue, but Theodora promised them it would be made up for by an increase in Christmas shopping as people would have more time to spend money outside of work. Not only did this get most of the major names in business on her side, but she also saw a frenzy in downtown Constantinople as the major brands scrambled to one-up each other with bigger and bigger discounts.

Taking heed of Gavrilo’s words, Theodora decided to go home to Athens, but she decided to take the long way around. Instead of an airship or airplane flight out of the capital, she took a slow train and disembarked at each stop through Thrace, Macedonia, and Hellas. Gradually, the suburbs of Constantinople gave way to small towns and scattered villages. Even as she got farther from the capital and the very commercialized holiday season she had inadvertently created there, she could still feel the holiday spirit no matter where she stopped. There were many villages which still celebrated Christmas the old ways, with traditional religious services in the local chapel and a procession down the main street. Some had adopted the commercialization of the capital—Theodora bought a couple hand-made souvenirs to share with her family. A lot showed cultural influences from outside the Empire. Many of the larger towns featured seasonal markets, a German tradition that had been brought south of the Alps by immigrants from Germany. Along the way, she held impromptu town hall meetings where she explained the work she was doing in the capital and talked with townspeople about local issues. The Black Rebellion was firmly in the past now, and the signs of healing could be seen everywhere. Most damaged buildings were fully repaired, with only a few still needing another couple weeks. A few new buildings, taking the place of fully destroyed ones, had even started construction. Markets were alive with activity, their stalls filled with food and wares. While many shared concerned looks, she saw plenty of smiles or at least hopeful expressions. The year had been rough for everybody, but the worst was behind them, hopefully. They could all look forward to the next one.

Late on Christmas Eve, after fighting her way through the worse than usual traffic jam around the train station, Theodora arrived at the gates of the branch Doukai estate. She had not been here in many long months, but it looked just as she remembered—grand and imposing, a symbol of the branch family’s own power. When the main branch secluded itself in the palace in the years before Veronica emerged, the cadet branches based outside the capital were left without guidance. Many of them fell apart or lost their wealth and power for a variety of reasons. By 1836, only the Athens branch remained, and it endured for the next hundred years.

I just hope the maids did a good job of cleaning the blood from the carpets.

“Lady Theodora, welcome home.” The gates swung open. Theodora stepped through and waved to the gate guards, who waved back. “Merry Christmas, my lady.”

“Thank you.” She continued to the main building. The door before her was decorated much like her Constantinople neighbors’ were, with a deep green wreath and velvet bow. Her hand raised to knock, but she paused. Why was she here again? Did she forget something back at the MSI? Did Aggelike send another report from Rome? Had the Baltic Axis made its move? Was the constitution ready to go as it was? Damnit, Theodora, it’s Christmas, just— She impulsively knocked before her mind could be overwhelmed with the thoughts.

The door swung open with a light creak. It was one of the maids. She smiled and curtsied. “Welcome home, Lady Theodora.”

Then all hell broke loose.

“Is that Theodora?”

“Auntie?”

“Mom?”

“Sis?”

Suddenly, the foyer was filled with people. Irene and Heraclius ran in first, followed by Niketas and then many others.

“Oh, thank goodness you made it!” Heraclius said, throwing up his sauce-covered hands. “The cooking isn’t doing so well. Niketas convinced Irene they could cook the food instead of the maids, and now they’re—”

Irene bopped Heraclius on the head. “It’s good, isn’t it?”

“Who thought it was a good idea to cut vegetables with a goddamn sword?!”

“Hey, sis.” Niketas was still wearing his usual cloak and uniform, with tomato sauce dripping from the sword in his hand. The only thing different about his outfit was the festive red hat that was slowly dropping over his eyes. “You made it.”

“I swear, if that tomato sauce gets on the carpet…” Theodora muttered through gritted teeth. “But it’s good to see you, Brother.”

“Likewise.”

“I hope you don’t have to cut up any fascists while we’re here.”

“I’d like to stick to tomatoes.” He held his blade closer to Theodora, who angrily swatted it away.

“Please use an actual knife!”

She walked into the living room to greet the rest of her guests. John-Loukas Picardie was sipping a cup of hot chocolate while reading a book.

“Evening, Domestikos ton Aeras,” she said, “Congratulations on your promotion.”

John-Loukas shook her hand. “Thank you, ma’am.”

“Please, you’ve always called me Theodora.”

“You’re now my direct superior.”

“We’re not at work, though.”

“You sure act like it.”

Theodora pointed at the book in John-Loukas’ hands. “So do you. What’s that, a report on the latest test of our new dive bomber prototype?”

“Look, some people enjoy reading reports in their free time!” John-Loukas snapped back, flipping a page in the process.

“I suppose they do,” Theodora said, “I’m glad you made it.”

“Thanks for inviting me, ma’am.”

Oh, for the love of… Before she could continue that thought, she decided to leave him to his reading. She went towards the kitchen now, only to find Admiral Paul Angelos lounging in the hallway with a glass of hot chocolate. Paul saluted. “Ma’am. Glad to see you here.”

“Me too, Admiral Angelos,” Theodora said, “You served the country well in the Black Rebellion.”

“Thank you, ma’am. Though much of the credit should go to the Megas Domestikos.”

“Nonsense. You were an instrumental part of our strategy. Without your ships, we couldn’t have push across the straits.”

“Our Sebastokrator-to-be’s right, Paul!” Wearing an older Imperial Army dress uniform than the one Theodora remembered Niketas wearing, Ioannes sauntered over, a cup of beer in his hand. His other arm wrapped around Paul’s shoulders. “Stop apologizing so much!”

“You’re still going on about that?” Paul rolled his eyes. “Can’t you let that go?”

“Also, I don’t think I’ve been officially sworn in as Sebastokrator yet,” Theodora said, “Details are still being hashed out.”

“Eh.” Ioannes shrugged. “It’s all just appearances and ceremony. You’re already doing the job. But enough of that, it’s Christmas! Let’s all relax! Oh, almost forgot. Hey, Mara, Markos!”

Mara entered the hallway, dressed in her Sunday best. When she saw Theodora, her jaw dropped. So did Theodora’s.

“Theodora? Oh my god, it’s you!”

“Mara!” Theodora wrapped her in a close hug. “I haven’t seen you in so long! I should’ve visited your place!”

It’s literally ten minutes away from here!

“No worries, we knew you were busy,” Mara said, “But let’s arrange something for next year. The Dalassenos estate is ready if you need to hold any social events.”

“Thanks for the offer.” But it could be a conflict of interest. Have to tread carefully. I don’t want to set any bad precedents.

A younger man in a newer Imperial Army dress uniform walked in behind Mara. He reminded Theodora a little of Niketas, only he seemed a lot skinnier, and his hair was a light blond.

“Ah, Markos Dalassenos.” She shook the man’s hand. “You’ve grown a lot since I last saw you. What rank are you now?”

“Major, ma’am,” Markos replied.

“Major…amazing.” Theodora smiled and ruffled his hair. “It seems like yesterday you were just taking the entrance exam to the officers’ academy. You’re making your parents proud.”

Markos looked awkwardly at his mother, who looked at Ioannes, who was just confused. The younger Dalassenos finally spoke up. “Uh…yes, ma’am.”

“Please, Auntie is fine.” At that moment, Theodora could feel Irene’s eyes locking on her. But she didn’t mind. Everything felt a world away from the high-stakes politics of the capital and the work of the MSI. Tonight, she didn’t have to worry about coalition negotiations, MSI succession, the constitutional convention, Giuseppe Lombardi, or anything else. She was surrounded by her friends and family. She could always continue her work tomorrow, but today could never be replaced.

The door swung open again, and suddenly everybody was assaulted by a loud booming voice in heavily accented German, and another thankfully more understandable voice in Romaike.

“GUTEN ABEND, MEINE FREUNDE!” Professor Albrecht von Habsburg shouted. “Ich have finally arrived! Merry Christmas!”

“Professor, can you please tone it down?” Doctor John Stavridis had already gotten a glass of wine, knowing what he would have to put up with for the next few hours. “It’s the evening.”

“IST ABEND, JA! So we make merry und be jolly, ist holiday spirit!” Albrecht launched into what apparently was a German Christmas carol and was immediately tackled by Niketas, John, Ioannes, and Mara. Food ingredients—and Niketas’ tomato-stained sword—scattered on the floor, though thankfully they stayed on the wood and didn’t hit the carpet.

Theodora felt amused by the sight and burst into laughter. “It really is great to be home!”


Constantinople - February 26, 1937

The next two months passed by at a leisurely pace. Theodora spent her holiday break with her friends and family. Her tongue savored all of the good food she remembered from the Doukas estate, and she and Niketas got in a competition over who cooked better food for everybody. Somehow, Irene won that one. She also had to pay her staff to replace two countertops Niketas had accidentally sliced up with his sword, but that was an acceptable expense for her. Heraclius volunteered at hospitals in downtown, while Irene took long walks in the estate’s farmlands and pastures. Ioannes and Mara caught up with Albrecht and John, while Paul and John-Loukas debated which military jurisdiction the air force would fall under. Niketas and Markos shared stories from the service. Nobody needed to bring up politics or the state of the world or anything outside Athens. Here, they could all take a break.

Then the holiday break ended, and it was time for everybody to return to work. Albrecht surprisingly stayed in Athens, saying he had taken up a temporary teaching job at the university. John offered to take Heraclius under his wing as his protege at a hospital in Thessaloniki. The Dalassenoi, Paul, and John-Loukas returned to the military. And Theodora, Niketas, and Irene went back to Constantinople.

On February 26, Theodora found herself in the palace’s radio room, about a couple hours before the Senate session. Next to her was Alvértos, who was nearly done with his part of the address. She looked down at her script and a copy of the finalized imperial constitution. The constitutional convention had finished its work and decided on a constitution after months of debates, negotiation, and compromise. Eventually, they settled on something that satisfied the most people, including herself. Now came the moment to unveil it before the people.

They’ll be talking about this generations from now, she thought, It’ll be written about in the books, taught in class. So you better not mess this up, Theodora.

“And without further ado, I would like to turn things over our new Sebastokrator, Theodora Doukas.” Alvértos nodded in her direction.

It’s time. Theodora took a deep breath and began.

“Since last autumn, we have been hard at work drafting a document that will guide our Empire for the centuries to come. The Time of Troubles, Great War, and Black Rebellion had shown the world just how flawed our old system was. Change was necessary. If we stick to the old ways, then Alithiní Anástasi will remain but a dream, forever out of reach. The Empire would be known as a sick old man clinging to past glories he could never hope to return to.” She paused for a moment, trying to find the right words for the next part. “Let me make it clear, though, that we did not act in haste to draft this constitution. His Majesty enlisted the help and advice of more than a thousand academics, legal sholars, attorneys, judges, clergy, political figures, union and business leaders, and many others for this great effort of reform. We were all aware of the importance of our work. Not just to pull our Empire off the path the Black Rebellion pushed us down, but also to secure the rights of all imperial citizens and to ensure our future is one of our choosing.

“It has been 2690 years since Romulus’ founding of the city of Rome. But those 2690 years have not been peaceful ones. It is said that Romulus killed his brother, Remus, right at the very beginning. Since then, we’ve fought many, including ourselves, for many reasons. Religion. Greed. Land. Resources. Broken treaties. And yet, despite it all, the Empire endured until today. Why, I ask? After everything we’ve been through and everything we’ve done, why is this Empire still standing? Why hasn’t it collapsed under its own weight or been carved up by its neighbors yet? Is it because of the Imperial Throne’s leadership? Is it because of the Church? The military? The nobility? Sure, you can give each of them their due credit, but I’d like to point out one commonality in all of them. Who sits on the throne? A Roman. Who sits in the pews and leads services from the altar? Romans. Who enlists in the army and studies at the officers' academy? Romans. All are Romans, and there is the indisputable fundamental truth at it all. Rome endures not because of any one group, but because of the Roman people altogether.”

She took a deep breath and looked ahead. Although she saw only radio equipment, she imagined a rapt crowd standing before her, listening intently to her words.

“Our togetherness—our shared Romanitas—is the reason we overcame all of the crises that plagued this Empire in those 2690 years. Today, we are faced with a new crisis. The Empire has been a shadow of its former self for the last thirty years, since the Time of Troubles. The western provinces declared their independence, some even propping themselves up as the rightful Roman state.” She couldn’t resist taking a jab at Giuseppe Lombardi, if only to see how he and Italy would react. “Our old enemies watched the recent Black Rebellion with interest, hoping they could capitalize on our weakness to usurp our place as hegemon.

“But there is still hope. The Empire has been through far worse before. Yet we have always called on our shared spirit of Romanitas and overcame the challenges in our way. We drove Hannibal back. We saved Constantinople from every enemy threatening it, whether it be the old caliphate or cultists. The Empire lived to see another day. And God willing, we can do the same again. The challenges before us cannot be overcome individually. It is folly to assume a single person—even myself—can do it all alone. We can only meet them with unity and our combined strength. With cooperation and understanding between each citizen, not distrust and rivalry. Because we are more than just Hellene, Macedonian, Thracian, Anatolian, Constantinopolitan, and so on. We are all Romans. We either rise up together, or we fall together. We share our triumphs and our defeats, our hopes and fears. We will do it all together because we must.” She rapped the wood counter to mimic the pounding of a fist. “And together, we will triumph! We can achieve Alithiní Anástasi! Long live the Empire and its people!”

---

((I'm back! Still recovering from my trip and some sickness, but I wanted to catch my characters up to where they would be in February 1937. I'm going to post the preamble to the Constitution in the next post, and then later on I'll post Theodora's responses in the Senate.))

The Senate

Theodora had said most of what she needed to say in that radio address, so there was little point repeating it in the session. A few heads turned in her direction, no doubt confused or concerned by the words she chose. Timon was absent, having returned to Aotearoa to commemorate the one year anniversary of his father’s death. Franco and Konstas, guarded by Halia, sat in his place, and they were probably assessing how the consequences of her words would relate to Aotearoa. Donatello was probably thinking about her thinly veiled challenge to Lombardi, even if he didn’t outwardly show it. He and the rest of them could approach her after the session ended. But for now, she had some information to digest.

There was always a point in the address where it was clear Alvértos was skipping over reports from the MSI, or trying to speak around them. Obviously they would never be disclosed in an open session, but the reports had been included with those from other fields for the sake of comprehensiveness. Perhaps she should inform her incoming successor that MSI reports to His Majesty should be delivered separately from everything else in the interest of national security.

Her choice to replace her as MSI head was Omar Mukhtar. Born to a Hedjazi family in Jamila, he had served as chief of the MSI’s Pacific branch, based out of Karydopolis, until the Black Rebellion happened and the colonies broke off. While most of the Pacific branch dissolved or was absorbed into separate colony-run agencies, Omar returned to the Empire and remained loyal to the MSI. Over the last year, he remained in the background while Theodora personally ran most things, leaving anything she missed to him. He had a reputation for being particularly thorough when planning operations, and he had the same eye for talent recruitment and allocation that she did. Omar also had similar morals as her. His first independent act as MSI head was to officially remove torture from the agency handbook due to not being an effective interrogation tool. The MSI would be in good hands under him, though he could work on his wording in the official reports—he only mentioned effectiveness, not morality, as his reason. Still, it was something that could be fixed with better outside oversight which would request clearer wording. They would need that for their next operations. Aggelike had successfully built an imperial spy network with prime access to Lombardi’s inner circle, and with her work done she was ready to move on to the Hungarian capital of Pozsony to do the same there. It would be the first operation with Omar in charge, but Theodora knew he could do it.

On to foreign affairs. The UTA invasion of Cuba had ended in a swift and decisive Tsalagi victory. The Tsalagi invasion fleet destroyed what was left of the Cuban navy off the coast of Habana, and Tsalagi ground forces then overran the city. The fascist regime surrendered within hours, and the island was placed under Haytian occupation. No surprises there, but this short conflict had demonstrated to the world the strength, size, and competence of the UTA military.

In Asia, Zhu Wei turned his ever growing military machine to bear on the rump Manchu state. Theodora predicted it would go much like the Cuba conflict, due to the Manchus’ situation. The country was split in two, with the western portion spread over miles of Mongolian steppe and the eastern part confined to a sliver of the coast around Haishenwai. It was in an even worse position than Cuba, with little manpower, nearly no industry or natural resources, and no way of standing up to an industrialized major power. If anything, the Empire should hopefully see a day’s worth of combat out of the Imperial Chinese Army, and like the UTA they could start building a profile of specs, strategies, and logistics.

To the south, Hagios Lazarou followed Jolof’s lead in announcing it would expel Rhomaioi administrators and bureaucrats. Like with the previous incident, the newspapers had been exaggerating the whole matter as being more extreme as it was, with some insinuating the government was going to align with China next. She rolled her eyes. The constitution may have guaranteed press freedoms, but the specific article was written with the implied assumption that the press would strive towards the honest truth. Maybe they should be more specific.

Back in Europe, the Baltic Axis was making headlines. First, Germany had joined the fascist alliance. Then, Miedzymorze had used its newly expanded clout to call for a diplomatic conference in Dresden. This conference would specifically discuss the status of certain territories held by Hungary but which did not have majority Hungarian populations or were historically part of Hungary proper. The specific focus was Silesia, though there were plans to look at other regions should discussions about Silesia go well. But everybody saw what this conference really was about. The Baltic Axis didn’t care about the liberation of Silesians or Bohemians or Germans or whoever they were talking about. They just wanted to weaken Hungary and take its land for themselves. Yet Hungary itself wasn’t innocent either, as it was well known to all that Pozsony had ambitions on Pannonia, Dalmatia, and the Moesias. So it seemed like the Empire had to choose between supporting fascists or a rival power with designs on imperial territory. Theodora refused to work with fascists, but she didn’t want to help Hungary either. She listened to Konstas and then Donatello speaking, finding that they shared similar sentiments. Once Donatello was done, she spoke up.

“I concur with both of you. Understandably, working with fascists should be out of the question, but we must assess the situation and see if the threat of Hungarian expansion against imperial territories is worse or more immediate than that of the Baltic Axis, which is farther away from our borders.”

As head of government, she had to speak even more carefully than Donatello, her new foreign minister. She had to be sure not to take a side too soon and lock the Empire onto one path, potentially undermining Donatello.

“It is curious that the Baltic Axis called for an international conference on Silesia instead of simply attacking to take the land by force. Perhaps they believe not only achieve can their goals bloodlessly, but they can also legitimize fascism as a governing ideology on the field of diplomacy.”

Theodora stood up and looked around. “Which is why when we go to Dresden, we must not play into their hands or Hungary’s. Both sides will bring their allies and attempt to outmaneuver each other, using the rules and customs of diplomacy as their battlefield. They will try to sway us, but we must remember what both sides are. Fascists on one end, and Hungary on the other. We must be patient there. We must watch how things play out, and when the time is appropriate, we should make our own play, not necessarily aligned with either side, but one that is most ideal for both the Empire and the people of Silesia, who are being coldly used as pawns.”

 

[Idhrendur]

((Preamble to the Imperial "Alvértinos" Constitution of 1937))​

"We the people, carrying out the wish of His Majesty Michael VII of the Imperial House of Doukas, Autokrator of the Romans, etc., etc. that we form a more perfect Empire, restore Justice, and secure the dream of Alithiní Anástasi for ourselves and our Posterity, do hereby ordain and put forth this Constitution of the Empire of the Romans..."

 

[Idhrendur]

The next ten weeks were as busy as the Constitutional Convention had been. Michael now had a government that managed most of the day-to-day governance, but now his time was spent on diplomacy. Fortunately the governing coalition had appointed Donatello Favero as Logothetes tou Dromou (Foreign Minister). But even with a dedicated Foreign Minister, one of Micaheal’s main roles was as the diplomatic face of Rhomania.

The Dresden Conference was the first diplomatic event of concern. It was easy to look at a map and recent history and conclude that Silesia should go to Germany. After all, Hungary had taken the predominantly-German Lower Silesia by force, and plenty more territory from both Germany and Miedzymorze. But now the fascists in both countries were also demanding Upper Silesia, which was predominantly-Hungarian and an age-old holding of Hungary’s. Beyond that, they were fascists, and there was little desire to make fascist nations even more powerful. But then Hungary had proven itself to be expansionist and there were all those Roman provinces lying vulnerable on its borders.

Michael, Donatello, and Theodora had many a late night discussion to figure out their stance and try to pressure the conference into more mediated solutions. But by March 8th it all came to a head. Italy and Britain supported Germany. Burgundy and Scandinavia supported Hungary. No one was willing to consider splitting Silesia or making it an independent state. Now Russia insisted Rhomania make a choice before Russia’s pick was revealed.

And so Rhomania found itself supporting Hungary.

In the following days, Russia gave their support for Germany, and everyone waited for Hungary’s official response.

On the Fifth of May Hungary’s answer came. They would cede Silesia to Germany.

Two days after that was another address.

—

“Senators, Representatives, welcome!”

“I am pleased to say that Rhomania has returned to world diplomacy. In addition to our role in the Dresden Conference, we have sent embassies to all breakaway territories.”

“Our initial goals are for a loose coalition, from there we can work on reintegration.”

“Already Britain has taken the opportunity to establish some formal, if basic, relations.”

“Unfortunately before we could establish an embassy in Belgica, they insisted on expelling the administrators with closest ties to our current government. The radical press yet again is interpreting this as a far more extreme event.”

“In other international news, Manchuria surrendered to China and was completely annexed.”

“Our own military has continued to grow stronger. Two infantry divisions finished training. One was sent to the Armenian border, which is now fully covered and the second began guarding the Georgian border. A research team assembled the needs for logistics companies, and these were immediately added to all existing and future infantry divisions.”

“The navy saw some minor reorganization of task forces. Several commanders were promoted to Admiral to ensure all fleets has a commander. And a small submarine force is being built to ensure we have these capabilities.”

“The Eastern Mediterranean Fleet finished their current round of training exercises when our oil reserves dropped low enough to only allow for one more week of fuel. All crews are able to operate at an improved level of capability.”

“However, the air force uses less fuel and our Close Air Support wings have been fully reinforced. So they began training exercises to bring the new pilots to full combat capability, a goal completed today.”

“In civilian matters, knowledge gained during our current construction boom has been formalized. The responsible research team has sought to formalize any new lessons in resource extraction. And the team that had been researching logistics companies is now investigating improved machine tools for use in our factories.”

Michael left out the rapid improvements the MSI had made in passive espionage defenses and their breaking of the Italian ciphers. The former was known to the Senate and House Committees on Intelligence, but there was no need to say it in an open room. The latter was a deeper secret, to be saved for when it mattered. Because as soon as Italy knew they would rapidly switch to new ciphers and any advantage would be lost.

As he wrapped up, Michael allowed his eyes to wander over the updated Senate maps as he prepared to explain the event of just a few hours ago. "One question we had during the Dresden Conference was what Miedzymorze was getting from this conference. They were the ones who called it in support of Germany, but it wasn't so long ago that Germany had attacked them and seized Posen. This morning, it was revealed that they had been negotiating behind the scenes. Germany has returned Posen to Miedzymorze, and Germans are being encouraged to move to Germany proper. Germany gave up a rural unindustrialized state for a somewhat industrialized state with industry and plenty of natural resources, and Poland begins to satisfy their revanchist ambitions." Indeed, if one paid attention to the maps they could see the wet paint on a hastily-redrawn border.

“Are there any questions or comments on the events of the last ten weeks?”

Ownership

Control

Faction Ownership

Faction Control

 

[Michaelangelo]

Rome
February 26, 1937

Consul Giuseppe Lombardi sat at the head of a semi-circle table in the gaudiest room in Palazzo del Quirinale, hosting a meeting with his ministers. As he leaned back, nearly sinking into the cushions of his seat, he regretted once again allowing Paolo Favero to redecorate the room. The room was lined with gold paint and an exceptionally exquisite chandelier hung over the table, the lighting fixture so big that it nearly dropped down enough to obscure the view of whomever sat across the table. The table itself was nicely polished, and Giuseppe suspected that Paolo had purposely chosen a semi-circle so only he and his supporters would sit at the head of the table while everyone else faced him. As for his chair, it had a back noticeably higher than everyone else’s, making it clear who was in charge in this room. It also was so heavily cushioned that Giuseppe felt like he would disappear into the chair if he sat completely still for too long. This contrasted heavily with the hard wooden chairs everyone else had, which seemed to force everyone to sit up straight as if they were caught on his every word.

The scenery aside, Giuseppe had called this meeting with his ministers to discuss the matter of the Dresden conference. While the dynamic of his government meant that he would be the one making the final say on their approach, it was useful to have a sounding board for ideas and to get various opinions before making his own decision. He also knew that regardless of what he decided on, all his ministers would go along with it, for they had been heavily cowed at this point.

Indeed, the only outspoken person in this room sat to Giuseppe’s left, Paolo. While not a minister, he had been appointed as his public relations representative to improve his image. The man really had no business being at these meetings, but he insisted on attending anyway. Beside him sat Artemisia Favero, who while also not a minister had been informally appointed by Paolo to be his secretary. She never said anything during the meetings, but she paid close attention to everything said and would follow up with Giuseppe directly after each meeting, providing startling insight into everyone’s opinions and guidance that was usually more helpful than whatever was said in the room. Besides those two, to Giuseppe’s right was Giovanni, his right-hand man and head of security, along with Giovanni’s secretary who took minutes for all the minister meetings. He didn’t pay much attention to her, for she always just quietly did her duties, but perhaps he should have because unbeknownst to Giuseppe and everyone else in the room, she was an imperial spy and every word said in this room would be passed on to the MSI back in Constantinople.

“Gentlemen, thank you for attending on such short notice,” Giuseppe said to his ministers, starting the meeting. “As you have been briefed earlier today, an international crisis has sparked in Europe and Miedzymorze has called for a conference of great powers to decide a land dispute between Germany and Hungary. We have been invited to attend the conference, and must therefore decide what stance we will take going into the conference. Should we side with Germany or Hungary?”

The room remained quiet for some time, no one seeming willing to be the first to present an opinion. It annoyed Giuseppe sometimes that his ministers were so whipped that they couldn’t think independently anymore. While it made it easier to get things done, it made it impossible to get a second opinion. In the end, it was predictably Paolo who spoke first, even though he shouldn’t have been at the meeting at all.

“Clearly we must side with Hungary,” Paolo said. “They hold strong ties to Burgundy, a natural ally of ours. We should be aligning with His Holiness and presenting a strong front in support of Hungary.”

Giuseppe was not surprised by Paolo’s support for Hungary, for he would favour whatever Burgundy, or more specifically the Pope, wanted. Fortunately, Paolo’s comments finally got the other ministers willing to speak. One cleared his throat as if ready to speak.

“Siding with Hungary would be the more prudent choice. Their leadership is much more stable and predictable, and we do not possess conflicting interests at this point.”

“That is not necessarily true,” another minister said from across the table. “It is known that Hungary has designs on the smaller states in the Balkans. If they continue expanding, we may eventually share a border, and they could become a competing power over dominance of the Adriatic.”

Giuseppe nodded his head slightly, giving credence to the argument. Hungary’s ambitions were indeed widely known. While those ambitions did not extend to any Italian land, a strong Hungary might dampen Italy’s ability to influence European affairs. It benefitted Italy that Europe remained divided and its nations malleable to outside influence.

“Germany is just as much of a threat to our interests,” a third minister said. “All that stands between us is Raetia, and Germany claims part of their land. We may soon find that buffer removed if we give in to Germany’s demand. First Silesia, then Raetia. Eventually they may desire our land as well.”

This time Giuseppe stroked his chin thoughtfully. Another strong argument. It was quite possible that Germany might soon share a border with Italy, and German ambitions could well interfere with Italy’s. While it was not an official policy, he had been privately contemplating how to best bring Raetia into the fold. Having it as a friendly buffer state or as part of Italy would be ideal, but that would be thwarted if Germany struck first.

“Indeed, we cannot ignore the aggressive nature of this new German government,” yet another minister said. “These fascists have shown a dangerous inclination for violence, both at home and abroad. We cannot encourage this aggression, or it will only escalate.”

Giuseppe scrunched up his nose, not missing the refence to his own Squadristi. It had not been so long ago that he had his own militant followers that could have well brought about his own dictatorial rule. He had deviated from that path in the end, preferring a more stable and peaceful path to power. The fact that there was so much hostility towards Germany spoke to how difficult it could have been for him in international relations if he had seized power by force. Perhaps it was best to curb the excess of German fascism before it went out of control.

“We’re ignoring the heart of the matter,” one minister said. “This dispute is over the fate of Silesia. The land in question is filled with mostly German-speaking people who live under Hungarian rule. Regardless of the disposition of either government, the people of Silesia deserve the right to decide their own fate. Would we not demand the same if there was a region of Italians not part of the Roman Republic?”

Giuseppe tried to lean back in his chair, at least as much as the cushions allowed. This argument more than most appealed to him. He had long argued that the Italian people should rule themselves, free from foreign rule. Could he fault the Germans for not standing by while their own people lived under foreign rule? If he was in that situation, he would not stand idle.

“We must also consider that Miedzymorze and Germany have requested this conference in good faith,” one of the senators who had spoken earlier said. “They could have resorted to war to achieve their aims, but instead sought the consensus of the international community. We must not be too hasty to paint them as aggressors when their first inclination was to host a conference.”

“Just because they have requested a conference does not mean war is inevitable,” another minister said. “They are merely seeking legitimacy for this blatant land grab. Even if we deny them their request, they will likely seek it by force. We need to stand up to them now or they will keep asking for more.”

“I agree that they may seek to take Silesia by force but disagree that we must stand up to them,” one of the ministers said. “Saying no to their request will only make an enemy of an already strong nation. Why risk war with Germany? If any conflict is sought by Germany after this, I do not believe it will be with us, so let the rest of Europe handle their own problems. We do not need to get involved.”

For once, Giuseppe’s ministers were giving him much to think about. The Roman Republic’s international relations and reputation were at stake. Siding with one side would inevitably make enemies with the other. Did he want to make enemies of Germany? Did he want to make enemies of Hungary? And as for potential German aggression, was it better to try stamping it out now or let it run its course knowing that Italy would likely not be the target? So many factors to consider.

Giuseppe was so deep in his thoughts that he almost didn’t notice that the room had gone quiet and the ministers were looking his way. It seemed they were looking for his input now and for a final decision. He wasn’t quite sure though if he had reached one yet. Leaning his arms against the table, Giuseppe addressed his ministers.

“You have all presented valid points. There are reasons to side with Hungary and reasons to side with Germany. I will admit that I do not favour one side over the other. I believe it would be best for us to remain pragmatic going into this conference. We must weigh the arguments of both sides and choose whichever one we eventually decide benefits the Roman Republic’s interests the most.”

The ministers eagerly nodded along, as if they had known this whole time what Giuseppe wanted and that it was absolutely the correct path to take. Sycophants, all of them. The consul suppressed a sneer, instead choosing to end the meeting. “I believe that is enough discussion for now. You are dismissed.”

As one, the ministers rose from their seats, bowed their heads toward their leader, and exited the room. Giovanni, after casing the room for potential security threats, followed after them, his secretary in tow with her typewritten notes. That left Giuseppe and the two Faveros. He looked their way, expecting this to be the time for Artemisia to provide her insight, but her look remained distant as if she were thinking about something entirely different. Paolo, however, was wrapping his fingers against the table and clearly had something to say.

“I think we should side with Hungary,” Paolo said, a statement that did not catch Giuseppe by surprise. Regardless of what the ministers had said, he did not suspect that Paolo’s viewpoint would have changed.

“It’s possible that is the best decision,” Giuseppe said. “We will be better able to determine that once we attend the conference.”

“We need to provide a united front with Burgundy,” Paolo said. “These fascists are dangerous, and you and His Holiness are the only thing standing between these warmongering Germans and the rest of Western Europe.”

“That may well be the case,” Giuseppe said, keeping his expression neutral. “We might also be the only thing keeping Hungary from rampaging through Eastern Europe. Neither nation is a saint.”

Paolo fiddled with something in his jacket pocket before finally pulling out an envelope. He handed it to Giuseppe. “Please read this before you decide your course.”

Giuseppe took the envelope. He was about to ask who it was from, but instantly recognized the over-the-top elegant handwriting on the front. “Why do you have a letter from the Pope for me?”

“He asked that I deliver it to you. He was hoping that I would pass on his concerns regarding this conference.”

Giuseppe scowled as he opened the envelope. “I sometimes wonder who you serve, me or ‘His Holiness’.”

“I will always serve you,” Paolo said without blinking. “I just believe that Italy is best served by strengthening ties with Burgundy. We are similar peoples who share the same faith, surrounded by enemies who would see us brought down. We should unite in common cause.”

Giuseppe waved off Paolo comments as he began to read through the Pope’s letter. With each line he read, his expression grew more furious, to the point where he was absolutely fuming by the end. When he finished reading, he scrunched up the letter and clutched it in his fist. He directed an angry grimace towards Paolo. “Did you know the contents of this letter?”

“No,” Paolo said, raising his hands up defensively, “only that His Holiness wished to coordinate a response at the Dresden conference.”

“‘Coordinate’,” Giuseppe said between clenched teeth. “That is certainly a polite way of saying he would subjugate us to his will.” Giuseppe slammed a fist down on the table, startling both Paolo and Artemisia. “The Burgundian fool has requested, no, demanded that we attend the conference as one party.” Giuseppe threw the crumpled letter across the room. “Indeed, he’s already taken the liberty of appointing a party of diplomats, Burgundian ones mind you, to represent us at the conference.”

Paolo cowered in his seat and gave a weak smile, his face layered in sweat. “Our position will come across much stronger if we stand as one party.”

That proved the wrong thing to say. Giuseppe’s eyes lit up in fury and it took all his restraint not to smack Paolo. “I will not be made a fool of by this posturing buffoon. We will be sending our own party, one that takes orders only from me.” Pushing his chair back with a loud screech, he began to stride around the table towards the door. “Moreover, our official position will be to support Germany, and I will be attending in person to ensure that is made very clear to the Burgundian representatives.”

“Germany!” Paolo jumped out of his chair and bolted after Giuseppe. He grabbed at his sleeve, stopping him from leaving the room. “You cannot be serious. We can’t dictate our foreign policy because of a small disagreement over power dynamics.”

Giuseppe spun towards Paolo and pointed a finger at his face. “I am not a puppet and I take orders from no one. Albrecht, Rhaban, or whatever the hell he wants to call himself will soon learn that the hard way.” With that statement made, Giuseppe left the room, slamming the door in Paolo’s face and thus settling exactly who the Roman Republic would side with at the Dresden Conference.

 

[Michaelangelo]

Dresden
March 8, 1937

The past two weeks had been a severe test of Donatello Favero’s patience as both a former diplomat and current foreign minister. The Dresden Conference had proved a battle of stubborn nations and headstrong men. Everyone had a hidden agenda or was trying to win the favour of one side. It seemed that only the imperial position favoured any sort of mediated solution, such as an independent or divided Silesia. Everyone else seemed dead set on an all-or-nothing approach, and the whole continent would surely suffer as a result.

Donatello’s focus over the past few weeks had been feeling out the intentions of each party and trying to find a way to gain their support for a more peaceful settlement, and then passing on that direction to the imperial diplomatic team. This had proved mostly fruitless though. Burgundy was committed to supporting their Hungarian friends, while the Roman Republic seemed equally committed to Germany’s cause without providing any sort of rationale. Britain was unwilling to risk getting dragged into a war on the continent and thus was willing to support Germany’s claims. Scandinavia, on the other hand, was wary of both Germany and Miedzymorze and feared that enabling them now would only serve to strengthen a growing threat so close to their borders. As for Russia, they only cared about being the one to give the final say. Donatello couldn’t tell if they were waiting for everyone else to commit to a side so they could side with the majority or pick the side that would cause the most chaos. There was also the possibility that they wished to sabotage the imperial position based on their insistence that they vote after the Empire. It was infuriating trying to figure out what each party was trying to accomplish.

In the end, after much discussion with the emperor and Theodora, they felt that the Empire had no choice but to side with Hungary. Despite old animosities with the kingdom, none of them, after everything the Empire had been through during the Black Rebellion, could in good conscience support the fascist position. He prayed that their support would make the difference and that war would be averted. Now that their position had been made final, they could only wait for Russia’s official vote and then it would be on Hungary to decide how willing they were to risk war over Silesia. Donatello silently cursed the fascists for bringing this crisis upon Europe.

This whole situation had also served as a heavy reminder that the days where the Empire could dictate the fate of Europe were long gone. If this conference had happened a century ago, no power would have dared to defy the imperial position. Now they could afford to ignore the Empire entirely, and that had been made blatantly obvious to everyone attending when the Empire’s call for a peaceful resolution was ignored by everyone and died on the conference floor. Regardless of the outcome of this conference, the blow to the Empire’s international standing had been severe.

Already Donatello had been thinking about how to recover from the conference. Rome did not possess the military or economic power it once did to dictate world affairs, but perhaps it could lean on old ties to restore some semblance of its former glory through diplomacy. Drawing back in the former provinces, or at least creating an alliance or union of both the more recent and older provinces could go a long way towards restoring the Empire’s position. They could no longer act on their own as they once did, but an alliance of former imperial provinces working together could accomplish what Rome alone could not. Perhaps it would also serve as the first step towards restoration. He had broached the idea to the emperor and Theodora, and once this matter was resolved, they would move forward with attempting to accomplish this new goal.

With most of the negotiations complete at this point, Donatello decided to take a break by going to grab some coffee from the hotel restaurant. The place was filled with diplomats from all the participating countries, the mix of languages being spoken making a cacophony of noise. As Donatello waited to be seated, he scanned the restaurant, his gaze passing over the myriad of faces he didn’t recognize. He hadn’t worked directly with most of the diplomats, having relied on the imperial diplomatic team. His gaze eventually settled on one young woman sitting nearby, one of the few women present, and he froze on the spot. Out of all the places in the world, he had not expected to find his beloved daughter Artemisia here in Dresden.

Artemisia was sitting with a gentleman who had his back to Donatello. They were deep in conversation, and Donatello was close enough to make out that their discussion was about the conference. She was smiling at the man between sips of coffee, and it brightened Donatello’s day to see his daughter so happy. He wanted to go over to her but didn’t know how to after their falling out. In the end that choice was taken away from him when Artemisia happened to look his way.

“Father?” Artemisia said, a mixture of surprise and sadness on her face as she lowered her cup of coffee to the table. The man sitting with her turned his head, and Donatello’s breath caught as he recognized the consul of the Roman Republic, Giuseppe Lombardi. He could see the resemblance to his father, a man Donatello had unfortunately known better than he would have liked, but the expression on this man’s face was much less smug and haughty than his predecessor’s. He shouldn’t have been surprised that his daughter was still in the company of the leader of Italy, but it still hurt knowing that she had chosen this man over her own father.

“Hello April,” Donatello said, walking over towards the table. He awkwardly wrung his hands, unsure how to proceed. Negotiating with all the other great powers of Europe paled into comparison to trying to figure out just what to say to get his daughter back into his life. Instead, he settled for silence, letting Artemisia to take the lead.

Giuseppe looked back and forth between the two family members before settling on Artemisia. “You didn’t tell me that your father would attending the conference.” Artemisia shrugged, clearly feeling just as uncomfortable as Donatello. Waving his hand at a free seat, he added, “Why don’t you join us.” Artemisia gave the consul a sharp look that he didn’t seem to notice.

“I wouldn’t want to impose,” Donatello said. Artemisia was fiddling with a strand of her hair.

“I insist,” Giuseppe said, getting up from his seat and pulling out the free chair so Donatello could sit down. Plastering on a polite smile, Donatello took the offered seat.

After Giuseppe had returned to his seat, he looked over at Donatello. The senator wanted to hate this man, a representation of everything he had lost, but it was hard to hold on to such animosity when the consul was being nothing but polite with him. Not to mention that they were in a room filled with diplomats and it would be unseemly to cause a scene. “April told me you serve as a senator in Constantinople. Are you one of the imperial representatives at the conference?”

Donatello tried to relax in his chair but found it hard to sit still. His daughter was doing everything she could not to look his way, and he was avoiding her by directing his attention to Giuseppe. “I’m actually here in my capacity as the Empire’s foreign minister. I lead and give direction to our diplomats.”

“Interesting,” Giuseppe said, crossing his legs and leaning back. “And has the conference gone as you had hoped? I just heard the official imperial position favours Hungary.”

Donatello did his best to suppress a laugh, giving an annoyed smirk instead. “It would be going better if everyone was as committed to peace as the Empire. Everyone else seems to be putting personal interests over the stability of Europe.”

“It may surprise you, but I am also trying to prevent a war, which is why the Roman Republic favours Germany’s position. As well as for various other reasons…,” Giuseppe said, his words trailing off as he took a sip of coffee. Anger flared in Giuseppe’s eyes, albeit briefly, and Donatello had a feeling that there was something more he was unaware of behind the scenes driving the consul’s position at the conference. Out of the corner of his eye, he also swore he saw Artemisia roll her eyes.

“These fascists are a dangerous element. I fear that giving in to Germany’s demands may just set us up for another conflict down the road,” Donatello said, trying his best to read Giuseppe’s expression for some insight into his thoughts. It was a bit late now that the imperial position had been set, but it would be good to get a better idea of what the Roman Republic was hoping to achieve at this conference.

“Perhaps,” Giuseppe said, his expression remaining neutral. “The results of this conference may placate them, or maybe it will encourage them to ask for more. Who are we to know? We aren’t fortune tellers, able to predict the future.”

Artemisia, who was in the midst of taking a sip of coffee, suddenly spat up her drink into her cup as if surprised by Giuseppe’s comment, letting out a series of coughs as she tried to expel the liquid from her lungs. Donatello turned to her, concern on his face, and Giuseppe went to get out of his chair to help her. She smacked her chest a few times and then waved them off. After she had cleared her throat, she said, “I’m fine. Just went down the wrong way.”

After he was certain that Artemisia was fine, Giuseppe turned his attention back to the Roman senator. “But enough about the conference. Artemisia mentioned that you have not been back to Italy since the independence war. I hope it is not pride keeping you from visiting your homeland.”

Donatello’s eyes narrowed, and he did his best not to show just how annoyed he was by that comment. Artemisia awkwardly shuffled in her seat, pretending to be distracted by something out the window. Just how much about his life had she told Giuseppe? While it certainly would be a blow to his pride to return to Italy while it remained under rebel control, the real reason was much darker than that. The crimes he had committed in Italy during the Time of Troubles could lead to severe punishment, perhaps even execution. His daughter certainly did not know of his sins, but did the consul? Donatello always suspected that the rebel government at the time had managed to connect the dots regarding the sudden explosive end to Italy’s first king, but had never wanted to test that theory by returning to Italy.

Deciding to test the waters, Donatello said, “I fear that I may not be welcome under the current regime, due to crimes against the state.”

Giuseppe did not seem to react for a second, before letting out a light laugh, a reaction Donatello had not expected. That let him relax a bit, for surely if the man knew how his father had died, he would not be reacting that way. A smirk on his face, Giuseppe said, “Your fears are unfounded. It’s been over two decades since the war, and we are not rounding up and arresting every single Italian who sided with the Empire. You are free to come and go as you like.” Giuseppe took one last sip of his coffee, watching Donatello with a mirthful twinkle in his eye. “Besides, you are a foreign dignitary. It would be an international scandal if we went after you now.”

Donatello tried to return the consul’s mirth, but only succeeded in giving a pitifully fake chuckle. Giuseppe did not seem to mind, an amused smile on his face as he placed his cup down and got up from his seat. “Now I should be getting back to my room. I still have a few matters to settle with the team before returning to Italy.” He offered his hand to Donatello, and it took a few moments before the senator acquiesced and shook it. “It was a pleasure to meet you.”

Artemisia went to get up from her seat, but Giuseppe waved her off. “You don’t need to join me, April. Spend some time catching up with your father.” Artemisia seemed ready to plead for an excuse to join him, but Giuseppe’s firm look warranted no argument. Artemisia let out a resigned sigh and Giuseppe nodded and walked away. That left father and daughter alone to work out their differences.

After several awkward seconds of silence, Donatello said, “It’s good to see you, April. Your mother and I have missed you dearly.”

Artemisia gave an awkward smile in response but said nothing. Sitting there in silence, Donatello could only feel a building up of emotions as he looked at his daughter who had cast him out of her life and been aiding the leader of a former imperial province. He had so much to say but did not know how. As the tension built up, he knew he had to let it out, to let her know just how much she had hurt him. He finally went to speak, but was surprised when his daughter blurted out something first.

“I’m sorry for everything,” Artemisia said, finally willing to look her father in the eyes. Her eyes were moist, and she had to dab a tear away before it escaped and fell down her face. “You were concerned for my safety, and I reacted too harshly. I shouldn’t have been so cold to you.” She reached out, grabbing her father’s hand. “Please forgive me.”

Donatello’s lip trembled and he had to wipe away his own tear. He squeezed Artemisia’s hand, and that elicited the first genuine smile she’d directed his way today. “I should be the one apologizing. I sometimes forget that you’re not a little girl anymore and don’t need me to protect you. It’s just hard to accept that my baby has grown up.”

Artemisia squeezed his hand back and smiled, this time letting a few tears run freely. “It’s okay; I understand. I might not need you watching over me anymore, but I’ll always be your little girl.”

Donatello let out a sniffle and had to pull out a handkerchief to wipe away the moisture on his face. He let out a loud honk as he blew his nose, trying to rid himself of these sudden emotions.

Artemisia let out a light chuckle at her father’s failing composure. She leaned in over the table and squeezed his hand again. “So how is mother?”

For the next hour, father and daughter sat together, discussing their lives and feelings. Donatello felt a lightness come over him, being around his little girl again and having her be open to him for the first time in what seemed a lifetime. It made him forget his worries about the conference and enjoy one small piece of happiness. He wished that this heartfelt moment could last forever.

 

[Damian0358]

Komnenion - February

Timon reflected on his time spent back for the anniversary of his father's passing. It had been back on the 24th of April when he departed from the islands he considered his true home, the one that he had been pushed to depart to fulfill some meaningless faux-tradition that his father would've wanted for him. In that time, he had found himself more and more focused on affairs in the Imperial mainland, even as he maintained weekly contact with his mother... thinking on it more, his mother had concentrated more on social and cultural issues than she did political if such topics were brought up at all, as if she wanted to distance herself from talking domestic politics and just relax with her son, finding out what he had been up to.

Now that he was back, ever briefly, he could see why she opted against discussing politics. In the time since his departure, there had been a shift in the military focus of Aotearoa, thanks to international developments and the populist rhetoric of Mesazon Ieni Papadopoulos. Though Papadopoulos had rightfully been critiqued, this last year has proven why he managed to barely win the election he ran for. Papadopoulos' Komma Ethnikis Anagennisis (National Rebirth Party) latched onto the popular fears of conflict and ruin which had long existed since the days of Black Thursday in 1925, and had argued that the best way for Aotearoa to defend itself from the potential threats in the world was an abandonment of the staunch anti-militarist policy advocated by the EKA and engage in active deterrence - the creation of "Fortress Aotearoa" and the establishment of an armed peace, as they framed it. The spread of GACPS over Japan, an old economic partner of the country, and the invasion of divided Manchuria was used as an example of the Chinese attempting to force their will now that Imperial power in the region had weakened, more recently latching onto the Lazarines banishing of Imperial administrators as further proof of that.

Papadopoulos himself continued to maintain ties to the modest Aotearoan Armed Forces, having spent time in its ranks in the past, and many critics pointed out the potential issues of an ex-military man advocating for political action that would only benefit those with military ties. But just as many believed someone familiar with the complexities of the military would be best to decide what to do here, convinced by Papadopoulos' rhetoric. But the debate didn't fall squarely into his lap, especially once he implied pre-emptive action beyond the islands. The EKA's anti-militarism had slowly been losing steam as the years passed anyway, and the many parties had their own views, whether they be pre-emptive action, active deterrence or defencist regional cooperation. All his mother could say to all this was that she found it hard to believe so many were willing to give up the dream of anti-militarism.

Unhelped was the recent rhetoric of Reza Shirazi, Governor of the Iranian Eastern Islands. Though Iran itself seemed uninterested in engaging in the restoration of its Pacific empire, in their stead Shirazi continued to mock Aotearoa for believing economic cooperation was possible, and even made threats which implied war with the former Imperial Pacific to restore Iranian rule over Indonesia. Papadopoulos used these as direct examples on the need of active deterrence and potential intervention, to stop Shirazi and his ilk from ever stepping a foot on their precious islands.

In the end, active deterrence won out in the debates, to the chagrin of the KEA, many of whom supported pre-emptive action, whether implicitly or not. The EKA would officially abandon its stance on anti-militarism to avoid conflict in government, prompting discussions with Iahepa Ambrosiadis of the Kommounistiko Komma Aotearoas (Communist Party of Aotearoa), which is caucusing with the EKA and making its own terms in response to the abandonment of anti-militarism. And Aotearoa would additionally consider efforts regarding the Iranian Eastern Islands, hoping to peacefully resolve the situation, invoking the issues with representation and administration under Shirazi.

Timon could see in his mother's eyes a sense of tiredness he hadn't seen from her before, one which she hid well whenever possible, but let slip from time to time. Another child of hers was growing up in a way she wasn't expecting.

---

Constantinople - March to May

Soon, February 27th rolled around, and he bid his mother goodbye once more, and once more she repeated her last words to him: "Ā tōna wā ki tōna wāhi."

As he was taking a more scenic route back to Constantinople, one of the staff members at the estate had handed him a pocket camera, to take pictures as he stopped in Australia, Java, Indochina, India, and so on. He was encouraged to record his journey, and so, with nothing better to do and wanting to take his mind at peace, he did just that. Maybe he'll release the photos later for the public, who knows?

Eventually, he arrived back in Constantinople on the 26th of March, finding himself somewhat wistful, but remembering his duties regardless. The news coverage in the capital had its eyes focused solely on the ongoing conference in Dresden and Hungary's response, and an address was planned for May. He had to force himself back into the role he had been thrust into... and catch up with everyone.

---

May 7th

As per usual, the Thaddai delegation consisted of Timon, Franco, Konstas and Halia. There had been already much discourse in the past week over international developments, particularly Belgica banishing Imperial administrators, Hungary ultimately ceding Silesia to the Germans along with the Germans handing Posen over to the Polish. Though the Empire sided with Hungary, their will and that of Scandinavia and, humorously, the Pope, did little to dissuade the fascists. He imagined there would be much to discuss here. The rhetoric of the media regarding Belgica was comically predictable at this point, so likely little to discuss there.

Both would be addressed, along with the reintegration efforts and other news. Timon wondered what the response in Aotearoa would be regarding the Empire once more reaching out towards the world, since last he recalled the idea of working with the Empire hadn't been brought up much when it came to military issues. Restoring ties, sure, given the alliance that had been formalized after the end of the Black Rebellion, but not military ties. It'll be curious to see where things go from there, he thought. The fact the British were the first to reach out meanwhile seemed suspect to him, given that they had supported the Germans in Dresden. He hoped someone would bring this up, just so he wouldn't be the first.

Other than that, Manchuria's defeat was expected, and all he could do was clap at the news of the civil investments, not having much care for military affairs.

 

[Michaelangelo]

Constantinople
May 7, 1937

Throughout the emperor’s address to the senate, Senator Donatello Favero was chugging back coffee. He had slept only a few hours since Hungary had decided to give in to Germany’s demands, made even more clear by the bags under his eyes. How could he sleep when he had to frantically deal with the diplomatic and political blowback? While Hungary had been dealt the strongest blow, the other powers could not fail to notice the Empire’s weakened state. Rhomania had been humiliated, first by the Russians with their blatant support for Germany immediately after the Empire announced its support for Hungary, and again when Hungary felt that they could not face down the Baltic Axis even with the Empire’s support. It would take much effort to restore the Empire’s international standing.

The creation of the Foederati was the first step towards improving the Empire’s position. The last few months had been spent laying the groundwork, and with formal relations established with the former imperial provinces, the first steps could be taken towards reconciliation, and if that proved successful perhaps even reintegration. It would be a long and difficult road, but the Empire needed to start treating its former provinces as equals instead of subjects if there was any hope of restoration.

After the emperor had finished his address, and Donatello had downed two full cups of coffee, he stood up to address the senate in more detail about recent international affairs.

“The news out of Hungary is disheartening, especially after all the time and effort our diplomats put in to work towards a peaceful solution. We had supported the Hungarians in the hopes that we could put an early end to the Baltic Axis’s ambitions, but in the end that did not prove enough. It is unfortunate that Hungary gave in to those fascists, but we should be grateful that the threat of a continental war has diminished. We can only pray that this will be the end of such tensions, but will remain vigilant in case more troubles follow.”

Donatello paused for a moment. He could have gone on more about the conference, but the other senators did not need to know the gritty details of the negotiations. He also did not want to linger on the Empire’s failures, instead focusing on what could prove a great success if all things worked out.

“The establishment of embassies within all the former imperial provinces has been a great labour of love by the foreign ministry over the past few months. We are hopeful that this formal recognition and attempt at reconciliation will prove fruitful and allow us to form meaningful and lasting relations. Cooperation may lead to more formal ties, and perhaps one day reintegration. We must remain patient and keep in mind the opinions and wants of the provinces.

“Indeed, we have already seen one success with Britain reaching out to establish formal relations. If you had asked me a few months ago if that was possible, I would have laughed in your face. Britain has always remained distant and had little reason to seek ties with us, especially with several other independent provinces standing between us. I believe the Dresden Conference has proven the impetus for this change in opinion. Britain’s main motivation for supporting Germany during the conference was to avoid a continental war, and I believe that fear remains foremost in their mind. That they have reached out to us shows that they recognize our shared desire for peace, and also shows that they are willing to trust us over the other powers. We should build upon this implicit trust and hopefully it will blossom into more formal diplomatic relations.”

Donatello took his seat, his body relaxing fully once he hit the chair. He could have talked about Belgica as well, but it was becoming a common occurrence for imperial administrators to get ousted from the provinces. Regardless, he was too tired to keep talking. Maybe once the topic moved on and the senate wasn’t in need of his input, he could finally get some shuteye. For now he struggled to keep his eyes open as the last two days finally caught up to him.

 

[Damian0358]

Timon nodded as now-Foreign Minister Favero spoke on international affairs further, getting more of an understanding on Britain's position in all this. With a brief pause, he opted to stand next to speak on the Empire's outward diplomacy.

"It's great to see the Empire return to world diplomacy, at least insofar as it comes to the outreaches of the wider Romanosphere. It's going to be interesting to see how relations in Europe develop further, with the contrasting cases of Britain and Belgica proving further, as Jolof and the Lazarines have shown previously. However, one has to consider the interest in partaking in a loose coalition. While we could potentially imagine the immediate breakaways having interest in joining - such as the Haimos breakaways - would far away Guinea or Java see any interest in involving themselves with the Empire?" Timon began.

"The reason why I ask is was inspired by Aotearoa, of course. While the Exarchate had been amongst the earliest to reestablish ties with the Empire, from what I had seen from the political discourse back home suggested that, for more immediate military issues at least, none asked whether to consider the Empire. It was either establishing regional cooperation with neighboring Australia, Java and Lazarines; focusing on defenses to deter would-be invaders alone; or engaging pre-emptively against would-be invaders - with the second option winning out favor in assembly. Though the Dominions always exhibited autonomy, when considering this example more broadly, the implications become clear.

"Would getting involved in a loose coalition with the Empire truly be beneficial to those now independent of its rule, or would it just involve them fighting the Empire's wars for them?" Timon finished.

He himself didn't agree with the line of thinking he had just presented, but whether or not he agreed with it didn't matter, but what did matter was that it existed to begin with. He doubted that those in, say, Australia would be interested in joining a coalition if it meant more sending Australian men to fight in the Mediterranean rather than aiding geopolitically in the Pacific. And without even saying it, one could draw a final conclusion from this line of thinking - was it truly beneficial for those independent to sacrifice said independence and reintegrate? What would Rome do to prove that it was?

 

[Michaelangelo]

Constantinople
May 7, 1937

Foreign Minister Donatello Favero pondered Timon’s comments for a minute. They were valid points, and one the ministry had been considering since the concept of the Foederati had been brought up. The farther a province was from the imperial heartland, the less incentive it had to re-establish ties with Rome. At its height, the Empire could promise protection and trade, but could the same be said now? Resources were so focused on strengthening what they still held on to that overreaching could prove dangerous. The old approach was thus no longer practical, and a new approach was needed, and that Donatello chose to address.

Rising back from his seat, somewhat slowly as his sleepiness made his body protest such movement, Donatello addressed the senate again. “Senator Thaddai presents an interesting argument, and one that has been considered by the foreign ministry. Distance from Constantinople is a key factor when it comes to how willing a former province or dominion may be to joining the coalition. What benefit is there to them in joining a coalition led for a nation halfway across the world?”

“The key to answering this question is in how you view the relation between the Empire and its former provinces. In the days of old, all the provinces received their direction from the capital. If we sought war, the rest of the Empire had no choice but to follow. This coalition, however, is not meant to be an army at the beck and call of us here in the capital, but a partnership between equals built on pre-existing ties and a desire for peace. While yes you could argue that if the Empire was dragged into war, dominions such as Australia may be asked to send their men abroad, keep in mind with this coalition if it was Australia that was attacked it would be our brave men here in the imperial heartland being sent overseas to aid our ally. This coalition goes both ways, and the Empire will stand in defence of all members that choose to join.”

Donatello took a moment to take a sip of coffee, needing to perk himself up a bit. It gave everyone some time to take in what he had said before he continued. This was an important topic, after all, and it was important that the senate and Empire as a whole were willing to back this coalition, otherwise it would fall apart.

“While it is true that distance makes it difficult to provide aid in an expedient manner, although advances in naval and aerial technology are slowly closing this gap, and that it is understandable that the far away provinces prefer ties with their neighbours over the Empire, they are not mutually exclusive. These dominions can still strengthen ties with their neighbours and join the coalition. The larger this coalition becomes, the more benefit its members will see. Imagine if every former province was part of this coalition. No nation would dare attack any of its members, for to do so would invoke the wrath of the entire coalition. We must all be willing to stand together if we wish to preserve peace. The Empire is committed to this, and will stand behind anyone willing to join.”