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The outbreak of plague, and May & June 1380
Sorry for the lack of updates, I have been really busy IRL. Here is a short chapter on the different plagues and events in May and Junes 1380
In the aftermath of the devastating Black Plague a few decades earlier, there have been several localized outbreaks across Europe and the Middle East. Some of these outbreaks have been worse than others, with the most severe of them centred around Samarkand and Aleppo in 1361 and 1369 respectively. These cities were both hit the hardest in their respective plagues, with the first report of the plague originating from the city itself in Aleppo. In Samarkand, the first instance of the plague was reported outside of the city, but soon spread within its as well. The population losses in both cities were severe, with Samarkand losing over half its population, while the surrounding countryside had losses between 15-20%, lowering the further away from the city you travelled.
The outbreak originating from Aleppo, on the other hand, posed a more serious threat to the empire, which had just come out of a costly war with the Ottoman Turks. Its economy was severely depleted, and if a serious plague hit them it would need even more time to recover and leave them weakened, especially due to the economy's heavy reliance on the cities. The plague spread from Aleppo, where deaths amounted to almost half its population, into Cilicia, hitting Antioch on the way. From here it spread onto the Anatolian Plateau, but came to a stop near Ikonion and Caesarea, both cities which were largely spared from the plague. The Palestine was not so lucky, as the plague tore through Damascus, where deaths were almost equal to those in Aleppo, although the city was more populated, so its percentage was lower than Aleppo's. It also spread down through the coastal cities, before stopping near Jerusalem, not spreading into Egypt and the Nile Delta's teeming masses.
The outbreak in 1380 was both larger and more devastating than the two earlier recorded episodes. The wave of plague is believed to have originated in Northern Italy, severely depleting the urban centres of population. From Northern Italy it crossed into Switzerland and lower Germany, and Provence and Occitania before grinding to a halt. In Italy, the plague spread southwards towards Naples, although not quite reaching over into Sicily, and Bari was barely hit. In the East, Tabriz also suffers an outbreak of the plague, though most historians agree that the outbreaks were isolated events, with the one based in Tabriz taking fewer lives. These events concerning the plague, although significant, were not the focal point of the Empire's attention, as a Genoese ship puts into port in Athens in May. The plague spread quickly in the city, and soon outwards into the countryside towards the Peloponnese, but not northwards towards Thessalia and Thessaloniki, the latter which is completely spared from the plague. The hope among Roman notables that this was an isolated event within the empire soon vanish, as in early June, Konstantinoupolis is hit as well. The population within the city quickly drops below 100 000, before finally grinding to a halt near 80 000. About 1/4th of the city lies dead.
With some vain hope that it will get better, as both Andronicus and Andreas has been spared, Konstantinoupolis begins once again to recover. Then news arrives from Magnesia ad Sipylum, which has also been hit. Nikephoros Orsini, overseeing the military units in the region, is also dead, but not from the plague. Having heard news of potential Roman weakness, a Turkish Warband based from the Aydin Beylik sets out to raid Cogamus valley. In an unfortunate series of events, they catch Nikephoros completely of guard, and as he attempts to fight his way out of the encounter he is struck by an arrow in his left eye. He is dead when he hits the ground. Most of his unit manages to escape the ambush, but when the Turks question one of their prisoners, they realise what has happened. Although many celebrate the death of a hated enemy leader, some come to the dreadful conclusion, of what they have done. Having had almost a decade of peace, Andronicus once again sets out for war.
In the aftermath of the devastating Black Plague a few decades earlier, there have been several localized outbreaks across Europe and the Middle East. Some of these outbreaks have been worse than others, with the most severe of them centred around Samarkand and Aleppo in 1361 and 1369 respectively. These cities were both hit the hardest in their respective plagues, with the first report of the plague originating from the city itself in Aleppo. In Samarkand, the first instance of the plague was reported outside of the city, but soon spread within its as well. The population losses in both cities were severe, with Samarkand losing over half its population, while the surrounding countryside had losses between 15-20%, lowering the further away from the city you travelled.
The outbreak originating from Aleppo, on the other hand, posed a more serious threat to the empire, which had just come out of a costly war with the Ottoman Turks. Its economy was severely depleted, and if a serious plague hit them it would need even more time to recover and leave them weakened, especially due to the economy's heavy reliance on the cities. The plague spread from Aleppo, where deaths amounted to almost half its population, into Cilicia, hitting Antioch on the way. From here it spread onto the Anatolian Plateau, but came to a stop near Ikonion and Caesarea, both cities which were largely spared from the plague. The Palestine was not so lucky, as the plague tore through Damascus, where deaths were almost equal to those in Aleppo, although the city was more populated, so its percentage was lower than Aleppo's. It also spread down through the coastal cities, before stopping near Jerusalem, not spreading into Egypt and the Nile Delta's teeming masses.
The outbreak in 1380 was both larger and more devastating than the two earlier recorded episodes. The wave of plague is believed to have originated in Northern Italy, severely depleting the urban centres of population. From Northern Italy it crossed into Switzerland and lower Germany, and Provence and Occitania before grinding to a halt. In Italy, the plague spread southwards towards Naples, although not quite reaching over into Sicily, and Bari was barely hit. In the East, Tabriz also suffers an outbreak of the plague, though most historians agree that the outbreaks were isolated events, with the one based in Tabriz taking fewer lives. These events concerning the plague, although significant, were not the focal point of the Empire's attention, as a Genoese ship puts into port in Athens in May. The plague spread quickly in the city, and soon outwards into the countryside towards the Peloponnese, but not northwards towards Thessalia and Thessaloniki, the latter which is completely spared from the plague. The hope among Roman notables that this was an isolated event within the empire soon vanish, as in early June, Konstantinoupolis is hit as well. The population within the city quickly drops below 100 000, before finally grinding to a halt near 80 000. About 1/4th of the city lies dead.
With some vain hope that it will get better, as both Andronicus and Andreas has been spared, Konstantinoupolis begins once again to recover. Then news arrives from Magnesia ad Sipylum, which has also been hit. Nikephoros Orsini, overseeing the military units in the region, is also dead, but not from the plague. Having heard news of potential Roman weakness, a Turkish Warband based from the Aydin Beylik sets out to raid Cogamus valley. In an unfortunate series of events, they catch Nikephoros completely of guard, and as he attempts to fight his way out of the encounter he is struck by an arrow in his left eye. He is dead when he hits the ground. Most of his unit manages to escape the ambush, but when the Turks question one of their prisoners, they realise what has happened. Although many celebrate the death of a hated enemy leader, some come to the dreadful conclusion, of what they have done. Having had almost a decade of peace, Andronicus once again sets out for war.
Chapter 6: Andronicus' revenge, the years surrounding the Roman-Aydin War in 1381 (1380-1382)
Note: Whilst writing this realised that I hadn't included Sardeis as one of the cities taken by the Romans during the Ottoman war at the end of the 1360s. Therefore, as the city sits at the Hermus river, in the middle of the Cogamus valley, and that the Romans "retained" control over Philadelphia, which is further up in the Cogamus valley, but not the river, I am changing this. Sardeis, in the hands of an enemy, hostile or even neutrals, basically "blocks" any passage from Philadelphia towards Magnesia ad Sipylum, which is further down the Hermus River. It does not make sense for Andronicus, not to take the city. Therefore, I am hereby changing this, and leaving a note here just to make everyone aware. Sardeis now have been under the control of the Romans since 1370~, and will soon be edited into the relevant chapters.
1380-1382 Andronicus' revenge, the years surrounding the Roman-Aydin War in 1381
1380 continued:
When he hears the news of Nikephoros' death, Andronicus is absolutely furious and wants to invade the Aydin Beylik straight away to take revenge. Alas, he knows that he needs time to call up a sizeable enough part of the Roman Army, and as the Empire has just suffered the worst outbreak of the Plague since the original outbreak, the invasion is postponed to 1381.
Aggravated by his inability to invade the Beylik straight away, Andronicus throws himself into his work and planning the campaign with an enraged vigour. Andreas is a welcome and distracting boon for Andronicus, as he joins him in the planning to get some, although shielded, experience in logistics and strategy. With him only being 13-year-old, and having grown up during the decade which is arguably the most stable and peaceful period the Empire has seen in almost a century, his addition strategically is very naive, and his logistical contributions are more costly than necessary. Still, he is learning, and not only from Andronicus, but also from the Strategos Pavlos Batatzes.
Pavlos Batatzes has been a rising star within the military for a while. Appointed as a local commander in Palaeokastron in 1373, he has quickly risen through the ranks due to his aptitude for strategy. He is the second oldest son of Constantine Batatzes, a noble from Ioannina and one of Nikephoros Orsini's most avid and closest supporters. In 1378 he had been given the command of the army in the Mysia & Troad theme. In the same year, during the planning of a potential Serbian Campaign, he attended and had a significant contribution to the discussions.
1381:
Basing themselves out of Magnesia ad Sipylum, which has grown into a significant military center in later years, Pavlos and Andronicus lead two separate parts of the army. Pavlos is at the head of an army at around 3000 men, and heads towards the small city of Klazomenai and the southern peninsula in the Gulf of Smyrna. Andronicus in the meantime heads past Sardeis and towards Tralleis with around 6000 men. The end-goal of the campaign is to take and sack the current capital of the Aydin Beylik, Miletos, which sits on a peninsula south of the mouth of the Meander River. If he wants to achieve that objective, he needs to take Tralleis, which is further up the river
During the siege of Tralleis, another young and talented son of Constantine Batatzes, Ioannes Batatzes, displays incredible administrative skill, helping Andronicus' logistical problems tremendously. He is the third and youngest son of Constantine, only 23 years old.
In Northern Anatolia the Ottomans invade the Candar Beylik, heading towards the fortress at Cankiri. Murad I is able to do this, as the chance for Eretna intervention is minimal. The Beylik has its eyes set upon what is happening on the other side of the Taurus mountains. The Mamluk Sultanate has gone through a series of reinvigorating reforms and a rapid economic growth in the last few decades, and have begun to exert that power outwards towards its surrounding territories.
In 1375, the Turkish Dulkadir Beylik became a vassal of the Sultanate, and in recent years they had initiated diplomatic talks with the Armenian Kingdom in Cilicia, who in the face of such a powerful state is soon forced into a vassalage as well. The Bey and nobles of the Eretna Beylik are now growing more and more concerned of a Mamlukian invasion across the Cilician Gate, especially as rumours of diplomatic talks with the Karaman Beylik have been spread. The truce with Murad is something they are not currently willing to break.
Andronicus manages to take Tralleis at the end of June, and sends a small detachment towards the ruins of Laodikeia pros tou Lykou (Laodikeia on the Lycus). A strategically important area which sits at the Lycus, one of the arms of the Meander. In August Pavlos finishes clearing the peninsula in the southern part of the Gulf of Smyrna, and Andronicus converges his armies to head towards Miletos. He is finally met by a sizeable army near Priene, but is not led by the Bey himself, who has holed up in Miletos, but rather one of his more loyal tribal vassals. The lack of their Bey, together with Andronicus' reputation as a military commander, has left the army's morale dangerously low, and as the battle is about to begin, a few hundred men suddenly defect to Andronicus, having been bribed before the battle. The effect is immediate, as the rest of the army loses all will to fight due to the betrayal, and shatter to the winds.
A small loyal Guard together with a small militia hole up together with the Bey in Miletos. Andronicus crosses the Meander, and the siege starts in late September, and the city surrenders after only two weeks, the mostly greek population and militia throwing their former Bey at the feet of Emperor. In a very brutal act of revenge, they are all executed, ending the main line of the ruling family.
Andronicus is satisfied with what he has conquered, and does not push forward to take the rest of the former territory of the Beylik. The Teke Beylik soon take advantage and through conquest and vassalisation take control of the remaining area of the former Aydin Beylik.
Another reason why Andronicus paused when he did, is due to the growingly evident strain the Roman manpower was taking. Having just been hit by the plague, and also not having fully recovered demographically from the other trepidations of the 30s-60s, worst among them the plague, the Roman military is just finally beginning to recover. Andronicus does not want to strain his manpower to much, especially when there are finally signs of it recovering. Even though the Empire has the most powerful economy it has seen since the start of Andronicus II's troublesome reign, its military is a different matter. In a more serious war, Andronicus can tap that monetary potential, but even that resource has its limits, and would take time to recover.
1382:
The recent plague finally comes to an end, as the last report of this batch of plague is made. This plague has been the worst to hit the Empire since the initial one, taking with it around 15-20% of the population. Thrace has been hit the hardest, whilst Thessaloniki and most of Asia Minor was spared, other areas being hit moderatly.
Ioannes Batatzes is ordered to Tralleis to organise a new theme, named Caria, after the ancient name of the area. With a heavy emphasis on protecting the valley around the Meander river, which is very fertile, Laodikeia and Tralleis are planned to be heavily fortified.
In the Candar Beylik, Murad is taking a very slow and safe approach towards the conquest of the region. It pays off, as his army avoids both disease and casualties, as the garrisons within both Cankiri and Sinope decides to surrender due to looming starvation. After those cities have fallen, he finally moves towards Kastamonu, and instigates the same approach. Eight months later, in early November, the city decides to surrender before its food stores become too low. The former Bey is actually spared, and given a small estate near Kotyaion, although he and his family are heavily guarded.
Even further East, in the Southern Caucasus, the Qara Koyunlu invades the Armenian Principality of Syunia, intending to vassalise the last remaining independent Armenian state. Accompanying his father, is the now 11-year-old Pir Budaq, who have quickly shown an incredible aptitude for warfare. He is very shrewd and gifted with a silver tongue, making military suggestions for someone much older than him, and leaving an impressive impression on his father's vassals. At the same time, while he is shielded from the fighting, he gets his first tastes of real tactical and strategic warfare. Skills he will use well in the future.
AN: Seems I have finally gotten my groove back, and is ready to go at it once more. Here is what I managed to put together tonight, but I will try to get at least another chapter out this week, if not more. Grammar mistakes, comments or historical additions are always welcome
)
1380-1382 Andronicus' revenge, the years surrounding the Roman-Aydin War in 1381
1380 continued:
When he hears the news of Nikephoros' death, Andronicus is absolutely furious and wants to invade the Aydin Beylik straight away to take revenge. Alas, he knows that he needs time to call up a sizeable enough part of the Roman Army, and as the Empire has just suffered the worst outbreak of the Plague since the original outbreak, the invasion is postponed to 1381.
Aggravated by his inability to invade the Beylik straight away, Andronicus throws himself into his work and planning the campaign with an enraged vigour. Andreas is a welcome and distracting boon for Andronicus, as he joins him in the planning to get some, although shielded, experience in logistics and strategy. With him only being 13-year-old, and having grown up during the decade which is arguably the most stable and peaceful period the Empire has seen in almost a century, his addition strategically is very naive, and his logistical contributions are more costly than necessary. Still, he is learning, and not only from Andronicus, but also from the Strategos Pavlos Batatzes.
Pavlos Batatzes has been a rising star within the military for a while. Appointed as a local commander in Palaeokastron in 1373, he has quickly risen through the ranks due to his aptitude for strategy. He is the second oldest son of Constantine Batatzes, a noble from Ioannina and one of Nikephoros Orsini's most avid and closest supporters. In 1378 he had been given the command of the army in the Mysia & Troad theme. In the same year, during the planning of a potential Serbian Campaign, he attended and had a significant contribution to the discussions.
1381:
Basing themselves out of Magnesia ad Sipylum, which has grown into a significant military center in later years, Pavlos and Andronicus lead two separate parts of the army. Pavlos is at the head of an army at around 3000 men, and heads towards the small city of Klazomenai and the southern peninsula in the Gulf of Smyrna. Andronicus in the meantime heads past Sardeis and towards Tralleis with around 6000 men. The end-goal of the campaign is to take and sack the current capital of the Aydin Beylik, Miletos, which sits on a peninsula south of the mouth of the Meander River. If he wants to achieve that objective, he needs to take Tralleis, which is further up the river
During the siege of Tralleis, another young and talented son of Constantine Batatzes, Ioannes Batatzes, displays incredible administrative skill, helping Andronicus' logistical problems tremendously. He is the third and youngest son of Constantine, only 23 years old.
In Northern Anatolia the Ottomans invade the Candar Beylik, heading towards the fortress at Cankiri. Murad I is able to do this, as the chance for Eretna intervention is minimal. The Beylik has its eyes set upon what is happening on the other side of the Taurus mountains. The Mamluk Sultanate has gone through a series of reinvigorating reforms and a rapid economic growth in the last few decades, and have begun to exert that power outwards towards its surrounding territories.
In 1375, the Turkish Dulkadir Beylik became a vassal of the Sultanate, and in recent years they had initiated diplomatic talks with the Armenian Kingdom in Cilicia, who in the face of such a powerful state is soon forced into a vassalage as well. The Bey and nobles of the Eretna Beylik are now growing more and more concerned of a Mamlukian invasion across the Cilician Gate, especially as rumours of diplomatic talks with the Karaman Beylik have been spread. The truce with Murad is something they are not currently willing to break.
Andronicus manages to take Tralleis at the end of June, and sends a small detachment towards the ruins of Laodikeia pros tou Lykou (Laodikeia on the Lycus). A strategically important area which sits at the Lycus, one of the arms of the Meander. In August Pavlos finishes clearing the peninsula in the southern part of the Gulf of Smyrna, and Andronicus converges his armies to head towards Miletos. He is finally met by a sizeable army near Priene, but is not led by the Bey himself, who has holed up in Miletos, but rather one of his more loyal tribal vassals. The lack of their Bey, together with Andronicus' reputation as a military commander, has left the army's morale dangerously low, and as the battle is about to begin, a few hundred men suddenly defect to Andronicus, having been bribed before the battle. The effect is immediate, as the rest of the army loses all will to fight due to the betrayal, and shatter to the winds.
A small loyal Guard together with a small militia hole up together with the Bey in Miletos. Andronicus crosses the Meander, and the siege starts in late September, and the city surrenders after only two weeks, the mostly greek population and militia throwing their former Bey at the feet of Emperor. In a very brutal act of revenge, they are all executed, ending the main line of the ruling family.
Andronicus is satisfied with what he has conquered, and does not push forward to take the rest of the former territory of the Beylik. The Teke Beylik soon take advantage and through conquest and vassalisation take control of the remaining area of the former Aydin Beylik.
Another reason why Andronicus paused when he did, is due to the growingly evident strain the Roman manpower was taking. Having just been hit by the plague, and also not having fully recovered demographically from the other trepidations of the 30s-60s, worst among them the plague, the Roman military is just finally beginning to recover. Andronicus does not want to strain his manpower to much, especially when there are finally signs of it recovering. Even though the Empire has the most powerful economy it has seen since the start of Andronicus II's troublesome reign, its military is a different matter. In a more serious war, Andronicus can tap that monetary potential, but even that resource has its limits, and would take time to recover.
1382:
The recent plague finally comes to an end, as the last report of this batch of plague is made. This plague has been the worst to hit the Empire since the initial one, taking with it around 15-20% of the population. Thrace has been hit the hardest, whilst Thessaloniki and most of Asia Minor was spared, other areas being hit moderatly.
Ioannes Batatzes is ordered to Tralleis to organise a new theme, named Caria, after the ancient name of the area. With a heavy emphasis on protecting the valley around the Meander river, which is very fertile, Laodikeia and Tralleis are planned to be heavily fortified.
In the Candar Beylik, Murad is taking a very slow and safe approach towards the conquest of the region. It pays off, as his army avoids both disease and casualties, as the garrisons within both Cankiri and Sinope decides to surrender due to looming starvation. After those cities have fallen, he finally moves towards Kastamonu, and instigates the same approach. Eight months later, in early November, the city decides to surrender before its food stores become too low. The former Bey is actually spared, and given a small estate near Kotyaion, although he and his family are heavily guarded.
Even further East, in the Southern Caucasus, the Qara Koyunlu invades the Armenian Principality of Syunia, intending to vassalise the last remaining independent Armenian state. Accompanying his father, is the now 11-year-old Pir Budaq, who have quickly shown an incredible aptitude for warfare. He is very shrewd and gifted with a silver tongue, making military suggestions for someone much older than him, and leaving an impressive impression on his father's vassals. At the same time, while he is shielded from the fighting, he gets his first tastes of real tactical and strategic warfare. Skills he will use well in the future.
AN: Seems I have finally gotten my groove back, and is ready to go at it once more. Here is what I managed to put together tonight, but I will try to get at least another chapter out this week, if not more. Grammar mistakes, comments or historical additions are always welcome
)
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Interesting that we are getting introduced to Pir Budaq. I wonder what role he will play.
Thanks for the active commententing, and yes, you will hopefully not be let down by Pir Budaq and the role he will play in the Near East.
Chapter 7: The Chaos of Anatolia, the Eretnid-Mamluks War (1383-1384)
The Chaos of Anatolia, the Eretnid-Mamluks War (1383-1384)
1383:
In the last years since the failed invasion of Albania and his supposedly cowardly retreat due to an incoming Roman attack, Bogdan has never regained the same control over Simeon and the Kingdom of Serbia as he once had. Whilst the provinces in Southern Serbia, or Macedonia, is under his iron grip, the Serbian Nobility of Serbia Proper have gradually begun to oppose him. Becoming their unofficial leader is the victor against the Kingdom of Naples at the Battle of Lake Skadar, Lazar Hrebeljanovic Lazarevic. He is equal to Bogdan in every way possible, and through both careful and obvious political manoeuvring, he has managed to gain the political “allegiance” by much the Serbian Nobility. Slowly a division has grown within the Kingdom, as a split in the sphere of influence inside of the Kingdom of Serbia as risen, with Lazar unofficially controlling Serbia proper, including Pristina and Prizren, whilst Bogdan officially controls Macedonia.
A tense mood had thus beset the Kingdom, as neither side wants to make the first official move in the civil war to come, as doing so would just hurt their own legitimacy. Then the dam finally erupts, as King Simeon dies to an illness in May. The son of Simeon, and Bogdan Gingic’s nephew, also called Simeon, is completely ignored, as both Lazar and Bogdan proclaim themselves the rightful Kings of Serbia. Not wanting the Romans breathing down his neck, Bogdan is willing to give up Serres to Andronicus, in return for a vast sum of money which he uses to conscript mercenaries so he can challenge Lazar's stronger position in Serbia Proper.
As the Empire of the Romans finally has a land link between its holdings in Europe once more, the Qara Koyunlu is on the warpath, as after subjugating the Principality of Syunia they invade the Chupanids next in 1383. Hamadan falls to them in July, whilst Kermanshah is razed two months later. The Jalayirids watch with growing concern as the power of Qara Koyunlu grows, but stays their hands for now. They are more concerned with subjugating the Persian states along the northern coast of the Persian Gulf.
Even so, all these events seem minor to the Eretna Beylik, as their fears finally seem to come to life. In May an accord was struck between the Karaman Beylik and the Mamluks. The former recognises the supremacy of the Mamluks, in return for support in Anatolia. Then in late August, a military build-up commences in Syria, as the Cilician Kingdom and the Beylik of Dulkadir is told to make ready for war. The Juggernaut of the south enters the political landscape of Anatolia with a bang, and no one is mistaken for what will happen once winter has finally passed
1384:
With the diplomatic victory that happened in Serres, the court of Konstantinoupolis, alongside the rest of the population is complacent. The internal stability within the Empire is on the rise, as the disasters of the Plague from four years prior is forgotten, and with no foreign army had set foot within the Empire for over a decade, prosperity is returning. The acquisition of a land connection between Thessaloniki, Thrace and Greece relieve a great stress on the Empire's military capabilities, and their economic cost, as transportation of troops between the three parts is now possible along the Via Egnatia. The economic down cut comes at a welcome time, as trade flowing across the Eretnid-Roman border comes to a standstill, in anticipation of the coming storm. The Eretna Beylik is in panic, trying to reinforce and build up a defendable position at the Cilician Gate. It is expected that the invasion will come from there, and although Konya and the western parts of the Beylik are reinforced, their eyes are mostly set on the mountain passes.
It soon turns out to be a mistake, as a formidable Mamlukian Naval Squadron puts into port in the Karaman Beylik in early May. Alongside it is 15 000 men, 10 000 infantry and 5 000 cavalry, led by the formidable general Ismail Ali, and whilst his infantry is somewhat well-trained levies from the Nile Delta, Four-fifths of his horsemen are part of the Royal Mamlukian Cavalry. The Royal Mamlukian Cavalry are highly trained, elite shock cavalry, a force everyone should be wary of on the battlefield. Under the command of Ismail Ali, and led by his Lieutenant Uthman Sayfuudin, good advice would be to run.
In just under a week they are reinforced by the Karamanli Army consisting of 4 000 men led by the heir to the Karaman Beylik Salih Karamanli. They are thirsty for a two-decade-long due revenge on the Eretna Beylik, for the humiliating defeat in the 1360s. They head towards Konya/Kotayion straight away, first smashing aside the defensive positions in the area before laying siege to the city. The city is the second largest of the three major Eretnid cities, the others being Kayseri/Kaiseria and Sivas/Sebasteia. A portion of the Eretnid Army is sent off to harass Ismail, but then the rest of the Mamlukian army, accompanied by Cilician and Dulkadirian attachments, threaten the Cilician Gates, although does not assault it yet. The Eretna Beylik is placed in a conundrum as if they want to assemble an army to relieve Konya and smash aside Ismail, they need to deplete their defensive positions in the Cilician Gates to such a point that it can be easily smashed aside. Even more difficult, they cannot call upon a big enough army to comfortably defeat Ismail’s 19 000 men.
Still, they have to attempt something and decide to take a gamble. Speed and ferocity are everything, as the Eretnid Army converges on its way to Konya, hoping to mask its movement till the last moment. At the same time, elite skirmishers from the most eastern tribes take up position between the Cilician Gates and the Anatolia Plateau, ready to swarm the depleted countryside if the Mamlukians push through to besiege the fortification of Gulek Kalesi, seized by the Eretna Beylik 20 years earlier. The fortification itself is garrisoned with a few hundred men, which the Eretnids hope will hold long enough for the main army to defeat Ismail. Drawing upon every ready man for their great gamble, they manage to field an impressive army of 17 000 men, almost 10 000 cavalry of varying quality and experience. On the 23rd of July they fall upon Ismail’s siege-lines at Konya, and at first, it seems they have gained complete surprise.
As thousands of horses charge forward to attack the Mamlukian camp, they are in for a dreadful surprise as a ditch suddenly appears in front of them, and several dozens of horses and men stumble, and then crashes to the ground. Most manage to either jump over or avert their horses, but the chaotic charge is turned into a chaotic mass. Some try to continue charging, some try to organise some sort of cohesion, but most begin to fall back from the failed charge. Then Ismail springs the trap, as arrows come raining in towards the ditch and his cavalry sally out from a hidden position to the left of the Beylik’s army. Credit is due to the commander of the Eretnid army, as he manages to extract most of his army’s cavalry, but he is forced to sacrifice a thousand of his men to avert the Royal Mamlukian Cavalry’s charge under Uthman Sayfuudin. Realising that the surprise had been thwarted, he knows that he cannot defeat Ismail, and decide to retreat towards the Cilician Gates to avert the certain Mamlukian assault that has started, hoping that Ismail will be bogged down in a long siege of Konya.
Further East, having realised what the Eretnids are doing, the Mamluk army in Syria have entered through the Cilician Gate, and have already captured Gulek Kalasi through a very daring assault, the troops stationed there having been taken completely aback. Much more troublesome for the Mamlukian Army is the tribesmen swarming the somewhat desolate countryside between the Gates and the Anatolian Plateau. A march which should have taken between five days and a week suddenly turns into a gruelling march of two weeks, with the foragers, supply lines and reconnaissance units smaller than fifty being constantly attacked, whilst night raids are conducted almost every night. When the Mamlukian Army finally closes onto the Anatolian Plateau they are down two thousand men, but even more dangerously, a fully arrayed Eretna Beylik’s army is blocking their passage. They soon realise that they either have to force an unfavourable battle or begin a retreat, as their supply lines are now constantly hit by the tribesmen, who have luckily been whittled somewhat down.
Even after a few days of entrenching themselves in their own positions to avert an Eretnid attack, the Mamlukian command remains uncertain of what should be done. Many want to force a battle, hoping that their contingent of the Royal Cavalry can win them the day, whilst some want to fall back, reinforce Gulek Kalasi and wait for Ismail to do his move. Some would say that sometimes what you wish for, come true, as during their discussions the Eretnid army suddenly falls back towards Kayseri, leaving the Mamluks baffled. Then a day later their questions are answered, as Ismail himself arrives in force. Against the hopes of the Eretnid commander, Konya had only fallen only a week later, disheartened by the evident defeat of their relief army. Ismail, knowing very well that the other Mamluk army would be trying to enter the Anatolia Plateau as well, heads towards their entry point after garrisoning Konya and sending his Karamanli contingent to clean Western Eretna and reclaim their lost territories.
Ismail assumes complete command of the army as he arrives, and begins to prepare an advance towards Kayseri, where the Eretnid’s army is now located. Before he leaves he needs to do a careful balancing act, as the other part of the army’s trek towards the Anatolia Plateau has made him realise that supporting 40 000 men for long will be a hard endeavour, but he also needs enough men to take Kayseri and hopefully force the Eretnids to the negotiation table. Therefore around 15 000 men are sent back to Syria through the Cilician Gates, and ordered to clean the countryside on the way to secure the supply lines going through the pass. After sending them off and acquiring enough supplies, Ismail begins moving towards Kayseri with 25 000 men. It is a heavily contested approach, as Kayseri is the second most important city in the Beylik after the capital Sivas, and if it is taken the Mamluks will get a very good supply depot to campaign further in Anatolia. The Eretnids finally decide to offer battle, not wanting to subject the city to a siege and potential crisis of supply if the army gets trapped there. The Battle of Kayseri, or Caesarea, is a confusing matter, as historians are unsure of both losses and what really happened, but three things are certain; neither army had fully arrayed forces at any point, and in the end, Ismail won the field, but the Eretnid’s army remained intact and retreats towards Sivas to reorganise.
Ismail begins the siege of Kayseri a few days later, offering the city to surrender, but they turn it down. There are still hopes that the Eretnid army can somehow force the Mamluks to fall back due to lack of supplies. Defeating them in force would be near impossible, but logistical issues is another problem altogether. Two months pass, and the Eretnid light cavalry prospers in a skirmishing war. Ismail is at some point forced to order heavily protected supply trains to be escorted by parts of the army in Syria. When the Eretnids gather a sizeable army to attack the incoming escort, they are surprised to find Ismail there as well, together with a few hundred Royal Mamlukian Guard. The battle is joined, but soon turn inconclusive as the Eretnid commander falls back, knowing that if he gets to heavily involved a Royal Mamlukian Cavalry charge will flatten his army. Ismail continues the siege, even though another of the bigger supply trains are hit and captured by another Eretnid commander who took extreme precautions in not revealing his ambush.
Still, it is not enough, and in Late September Kayseri falls. At the same time, the Karamanid army finally begins arriving, as their task of occupying and plunder most of Western Eretna is almost done. Still, Ismail makes the decision to end the campaign and not move towards Sivas, as he reason the Capital of the Eretnids will be much harder to take, and he might suffer the consequences of a bad winter. It turns out to be a mistake, as the Eretnids decided that when Ismail moved towards Sivas they would offer terms of negotiation for ending the war. If their capital is sacked as well, it will be the end of their state. Even more important, if Ismail had moved he would have avoided what happens in November, as a messenger arrives from the East.
Tehran had been sacked in early 1384 by the Qara Koyunlu, and the Chupanids had been turned into a tributary of Tabriz. The Qara Koyunlu now stretch from Hamadan to Kars, from Van to Syunia, a power to be reckoned with. In November, Yusuf, the father of the 13-year-old Pir Budaq is keen on expanding his influence westwards. The Eretnid situation is the best opportunity for that, as he promises to intervene in their war against the Mamluks if they give up and their most eastern provinces to him. The area is inhabited by the most unruly tribes within the Beylik, and contain almost no value, and it is an offer made easily. Therefore, and an alliance is formed, and in February 1385 a joint demand for negotiations are sent to Ismail. Knowing very well that he would be hard-pressed to occupy the entirety of Eretnid territory due to how difficult it would be to supply such an endevour, he knows that with an experienced and battle-hardened Qara Koyunlu army facing him too, full of expert skirmishers, he would be hard-pressed, even when controlling Kayseri, to not be forced back. Therefore, the delegation is accepted, and negotiations begin.
The Eretnids are adamant that they should be returned Kayseri, and are supported by the Qara Koyunlu in this, who do not wish the Mamluks to retain a foothold at the heart of Eretnid territory. Still, the Eretnids gain no support in having Konya and Gulek Kalasi returned too, as Yusuf I do not want an alliance with an overly powerful Beylik in Anatolia, but rather someone he can work on subordinating into his growing empire. Therefore, Konya and Western Eretna are returned to the Karamanlis, and the passage including Gulek Kalasi is given to the Cilician vassals of the Mamluks. Ismail is content in gaining these areas, as his campaign showed that with continued Mamlukian naval dominance, and the build-up of a port south of Konya, he can easily threaten Eretnid territory. Also, there are no powers in Anatolia who could threaten the Karamanlis. Only a joint venture by Hungary and the Empire of the Romans, would even come close to the power of the Mamluks, and that is unlikely to happen as the Hungarians are fully involved in subjugating Bulgaria and keeping the Poles in line. Also, they have recently set their eyes on the downsized Principality of Moldova.
Elsewhere around the world, after the death of Queen Matilda of Castile, her husband King James III now reigns supreme across the Iberian Peninsula, ignoring the Kingdom of Portugal. With the new-found power, he finally decides that it is time to remove a thorn to the prestige and power he truly desires, and in May 1384 he invades the Emirate of Granada. The emirate falls to the might of Iberia in a quick campaign, although the capital holds out in a 6-month long siege before it finally breaks as well. Still, James is not satisfied, as he turns his eyes to the port cities of the Mahgreb.
The Empire is calm at the end of 1384, although Andronicus is somewhat alarmed by the increasing power of the Mamluks in Anatolia. The only notable events is a severe outbreak of influenza in Abydos in August and the discovery that an ambassador in Bogdan’s court had been taking bribes for information from anyone who offered the right amount. He is soon sacked, but decides to not follow the order to come home and stays in Bogdan’s court. Then Andronicus sends a, not so courteous, courteous request for Bogdan to arrest the ambassador and send him to Konstantinoupolis. Bogdan complies. When the ambassador arrives in Konstantinoupolis, he is castrated and then killed, setting an example of how corruption is dealt with. Notably, the amount of corruption within the bureaucracy suddenly drops a small amount for the next few years.
AN: This ended up being much longer than expected, as I quite enjoyed writing about the Mamluks-Eretna war and did not want to split it up into two chapters. Next up, wars across Europe and the end of Serbian Civil War, and Louis the Great throws his weight around one last time.
1383:
In the last years since the failed invasion of Albania and his supposedly cowardly retreat due to an incoming Roman attack, Bogdan has never regained the same control over Simeon and the Kingdom of Serbia as he once had. Whilst the provinces in Southern Serbia, or Macedonia, is under his iron grip, the Serbian Nobility of Serbia Proper have gradually begun to oppose him. Becoming their unofficial leader is the victor against the Kingdom of Naples at the Battle of Lake Skadar, Lazar Hrebeljanovic Lazarevic. He is equal to Bogdan in every way possible, and through both careful and obvious political manoeuvring, he has managed to gain the political “allegiance” by much the Serbian Nobility. Slowly a division has grown within the Kingdom, as a split in the sphere of influence inside of the Kingdom of Serbia as risen, with Lazar unofficially controlling Serbia proper, including Pristina and Prizren, whilst Bogdan officially controls Macedonia.
A tense mood had thus beset the Kingdom, as neither side wants to make the first official move in the civil war to come, as doing so would just hurt their own legitimacy. Then the dam finally erupts, as King Simeon dies to an illness in May. The son of Simeon, and Bogdan Gingic’s nephew, also called Simeon, is completely ignored, as both Lazar and Bogdan proclaim themselves the rightful Kings of Serbia. Not wanting the Romans breathing down his neck, Bogdan is willing to give up Serres to Andronicus, in return for a vast sum of money which he uses to conscript mercenaries so he can challenge Lazar's stronger position in Serbia Proper.
As the Empire of the Romans finally has a land link between its holdings in Europe once more, the Qara Koyunlu is on the warpath, as after subjugating the Principality of Syunia they invade the Chupanids next in 1383. Hamadan falls to them in July, whilst Kermanshah is razed two months later. The Jalayirids watch with growing concern as the power of Qara Koyunlu grows, but stays their hands for now. They are more concerned with subjugating the Persian states along the northern coast of the Persian Gulf.
Even so, all these events seem minor to the Eretna Beylik, as their fears finally seem to come to life. In May an accord was struck between the Karaman Beylik and the Mamluks. The former recognises the supremacy of the Mamluks, in return for support in Anatolia. Then in late August, a military build-up commences in Syria, as the Cilician Kingdom and the Beylik of Dulkadir is told to make ready for war. The Juggernaut of the south enters the political landscape of Anatolia with a bang, and no one is mistaken for what will happen once winter has finally passed
1384:
With the diplomatic victory that happened in Serres, the court of Konstantinoupolis, alongside the rest of the population is complacent. The internal stability within the Empire is on the rise, as the disasters of the Plague from four years prior is forgotten, and with no foreign army had set foot within the Empire for over a decade, prosperity is returning. The acquisition of a land connection between Thessaloniki, Thrace and Greece relieve a great stress on the Empire's military capabilities, and their economic cost, as transportation of troops between the three parts is now possible along the Via Egnatia. The economic down cut comes at a welcome time, as trade flowing across the Eretnid-Roman border comes to a standstill, in anticipation of the coming storm. The Eretna Beylik is in panic, trying to reinforce and build up a defendable position at the Cilician Gate. It is expected that the invasion will come from there, and although Konya and the western parts of the Beylik are reinforced, their eyes are mostly set on the mountain passes.
It soon turns out to be a mistake, as a formidable Mamlukian Naval Squadron puts into port in the Karaman Beylik in early May. Alongside it is 15 000 men, 10 000 infantry and 5 000 cavalry, led by the formidable general Ismail Ali, and whilst his infantry is somewhat well-trained levies from the Nile Delta, Four-fifths of his horsemen are part of the Royal Mamlukian Cavalry. The Royal Mamlukian Cavalry are highly trained, elite shock cavalry, a force everyone should be wary of on the battlefield. Under the command of Ismail Ali, and led by his Lieutenant Uthman Sayfuudin, good advice would be to run.
In just under a week they are reinforced by the Karamanli Army consisting of 4 000 men led by the heir to the Karaman Beylik Salih Karamanli. They are thirsty for a two-decade-long due revenge on the Eretna Beylik, for the humiliating defeat in the 1360s. They head towards Konya/Kotayion straight away, first smashing aside the defensive positions in the area before laying siege to the city. The city is the second largest of the three major Eretnid cities, the others being Kayseri/Kaiseria and Sivas/Sebasteia. A portion of the Eretnid Army is sent off to harass Ismail, but then the rest of the Mamlukian army, accompanied by Cilician and Dulkadirian attachments, threaten the Cilician Gates, although does not assault it yet. The Eretna Beylik is placed in a conundrum as if they want to assemble an army to relieve Konya and smash aside Ismail, they need to deplete their defensive positions in the Cilician Gates to such a point that it can be easily smashed aside. Even more difficult, they cannot call upon a big enough army to comfortably defeat Ismail’s 19 000 men.
Still, they have to attempt something and decide to take a gamble. Speed and ferocity are everything, as the Eretnid Army converges on its way to Konya, hoping to mask its movement till the last moment. At the same time, elite skirmishers from the most eastern tribes take up position between the Cilician Gates and the Anatolia Plateau, ready to swarm the depleted countryside if the Mamlukians push through to besiege the fortification of Gulek Kalesi, seized by the Eretna Beylik 20 years earlier. The fortification itself is garrisoned with a few hundred men, which the Eretnids hope will hold long enough for the main army to defeat Ismail. Drawing upon every ready man for their great gamble, they manage to field an impressive army of 17 000 men, almost 10 000 cavalry of varying quality and experience. On the 23rd of July they fall upon Ismail’s siege-lines at Konya, and at first, it seems they have gained complete surprise.
As thousands of horses charge forward to attack the Mamlukian camp, they are in for a dreadful surprise as a ditch suddenly appears in front of them, and several dozens of horses and men stumble, and then crashes to the ground. Most manage to either jump over or avert their horses, but the chaotic charge is turned into a chaotic mass. Some try to continue charging, some try to organise some sort of cohesion, but most begin to fall back from the failed charge. Then Ismail springs the trap, as arrows come raining in towards the ditch and his cavalry sally out from a hidden position to the left of the Beylik’s army. Credit is due to the commander of the Eretnid army, as he manages to extract most of his army’s cavalry, but he is forced to sacrifice a thousand of his men to avert the Royal Mamlukian Cavalry’s charge under Uthman Sayfuudin. Realising that the surprise had been thwarted, he knows that he cannot defeat Ismail, and decide to retreat towards the Cilician Gates to avert the certain Mamlukian assault that has started, hoping that Ismail will be bogged down in a long siege of Konya.
Further East, having realised what the Eretnids are doing, the Mamluk army in Syria have entered through the Cilician Gate, and have already captured Gulek Kalasi through a very daring assault, the troops stationed there having been taken completely aback. Much more troublesome for the Mamlukian Army is the tribesmen swarming the somewhat desolate countryside between the Gates and the Anatolian Plateau. A march which should have taken between five days and a week suddenly turns into a gruelling march of two weeks, with the foragers, supply lines and reconnaissance units smaller than fifty being constantly attacked, whilst night raids are conducted almost every night. When the Mamlukian Army finally closes onto the Anatolian Plateau they are down two thousand men, but even more dangerously, a fully arrayed Eretna Beylik’s army is blocking their passage. They soon realise that they either have to force an unfavourable battle or begin a retreat, as their supply lines are now constantly hit by the tribesmen, who have luckily been whittled somewhat down.
Even after a few days of entrenching themselves in their own positions to avert an Eretnid attack, the Mamlukian command remains uncertain of what should be done. Many want to force a battle, hoping that their contingent of the Royal Cavalry can win them the day, whilst some want to fall back, reinforce Gulek Kalasi and wait for Ismail to do his move. Some would say that sometimes what you wish for, come true, as during their discussions the Eretnid army suddenly falls back towards Kayseri, leaving the Mamluks baffled. Then a day later their questions are answered, as Ismail himself arrives in force. Against the hopes of the Eretnid commander, Konya had only fallen only a week later, disheartened by the evident defeat of their relief army. Ismail, knowing very well that the other Mamluk army would be trying to enter the Anatolia Plateau as well, heads towards their entry point after garrisoning Konya and sending his Karamanli contingent to clean Western Eretna and reclaim their lost territories.
Ismail assumes complete command of the army as he arrives, and begins to prepare an advance towards Kayseri, where the Eretnid’s army is now located. Before he leaves he needs to do a careful balancing act, as the other part of the army’s trek towards the Anatolia Plateau has made him realise that supporting 40 000 men for long will be a hard endeavour, but he also needs enough men to take Kayseri and hopefully force the Eretnids to the negotiation table. Therefore around 15 000 men are sent back to Syria through the Cilician Gates, and ordered to clean the countryside on the way to secure the supply lines going through the pass. After sending them off and acquiring enough supplies, Ismail begins moving towards Kayseri with 25 000 men. It is a heavily contested approach, as Kayseri is the second most important city in the Beylik after the capital Sivas, and if it is taken the Mamluks will get a very good supply depot to campaign further in Anatolia. The Eretnids finally decide to offer battle, not wanting to subject the city to a siege and potential crisis of supply if the army gets trapped there. The Battle of Kayseri, or Caesarea, is a confusing matter, as historians are unsure of both losses and what really happened, but three things are certain; neither army had fully arrayed forces at any point, and in the end, Ismail won the field, but the Eretnid’s army remained intact and retreats towards Sivas to reorganise.
Ismail begins the siege of Kayseri a few days later, offering the city to surrender, but they turn it down. There are still hopes that the Eretnid army can somehow force the Mamluks to fall back due to lack of supplies. Defeating them in force would be near impossible, but logistical issues is another problem altogether. Two months pass, and the Eretnid light cavalry prospers in a skirmishing war. Ismail is at some point forced to order heavily protected supply trains to be escorted by parts of the army in Syria. When the Eretnids gather a sizeable army to attack the incoming escort, they are surprised to find Ismail there as well, together with a few hundred Royal Mamlukian Guard. The battle is joined, but soon turn inconclusive as the Eretnid commander falls back, knowing that if he gets to heavily involved a Royal Mamlukian Cavalry charge will flatten his army. Ismail continues the siege, even though another of the bigger supply trains are hit and captured by another Eretnid commander who took extreme precautions in not revealing his ambush.
Still, it is not enough, and in Late September Kayseri falls. At the same time, the Karamanid army finally begins arriving, as their task of occupying and plunder most of Western Eretna is almost done. Still, Ismail makes the decision to end the campaign and not move towards Sivas, as he reason the Capital of the Eretnids will be much harder to take, and he might suffer the consequences of a bad winter. It turns out to be a mistake, as the Eretnids decided that when Ismail moved towards Sivas they would offer terms of negotiation for ending the war. If their capital is sacked as well, it will be the end of their state. Even more important, if Ismail had moved he would have avoided what happens in November, as a messenger arrives from the East.
Tehran had been sacked in early 1384 by the Qara Koyunlu, and the Chupanids had been turned into a tributary of Tabriz. The Qara Koyunlu now stretch from Hamadan to Kars, from Van to Syunia, a power to be reckoned with. In November, Yusuf, the father of the 13-year-old Pir Budaq is keen on expanding his influence westwards. The Eretnid situation is the best opportunity for that, as he promises to intervene in their war against the Mamluks if they give up and their most eastern provinces to him. The area is inhabited by the most unruly tribes within the Beylik, and contain almost no value, and it is an offer made easily. Therefore, and an alliance is formed, and in February 1385 a joint demand for negotiations are sent to Ismail. Knowing very well that he would be hard-pressed to occupy the entirety of Eretnid territory due to how difficult it would be to supply such an endevour, he knows that with an experienced and battle-hardened Qara Koyunlu army facing him too, full of expert skirmishers, he would be hard-pressed, even when controlling Kayseri, to not be forced back. Therefore, the delegation is accepted, and negotiations begin.
The Eretnids are adamant that they should be returned Kayseri, and are supported by the Qara Koyunlu in this, who do not wish the Mamluks to retain a foothold at the heart of Eretnid territory. Still, the Eretnids gain no support in having Konya and Gulek Kalasi returned too, as Yusuf I do not want an alliance with an overly powerful Beylik in Anatolia, but rather someone he can work on subordinating into his growing empire. Therefore, Konya and Western Eretna are returned to the Karamanlis, and the passage including Gulek Kalasi is given to the Cilician vassals of the Mamluks. Ismail is content in gaining these areas, as his campaign showed that with continued Mamlukian naval dominance, and the build-up of a port south of Konya, he can easily threaten Eretnid territory. Also, there are no powers in Anatolia who could threaten the Karamanlis. Only a joint venture by Hungary and the Empire of the Romans, would even come close to the power of the Mamluks, and that is unlikely to happen as the Hungarians are fully involved in subjugating Bulgaria and keeping the Poles in line. Also, they have recently set their eyes on the downsized Principality of Moldova.
Elsewhere around the world, after the death of Queen Matilda of Castile, her husband King James III now reigns supreme across the Iberian Peninsula, ignoring the Kingdom of Portugal. With the new-found power, he finally decides that it is time to remove a thorn to the prestige and power he truly desires, and in May 1384 he invades the Emirate of Granada. The emirate falls to the might of Iberia in a quick campaign, although the capital holds out in a 6-month long siege before it finally breaks as well. Still, James is not satisfied, as he turns his eyes to the port cities of the Mahgreb.
The Empire is calm at the end of 1384, although Andronicus is somewhat alarmed by the increasing power of the Mamluks in Anatolia. The only notable events is a severe outbreak of influenza in Abydos in August and the discovery that an ambassador in Bogdan’s court had been taking bribes for information from anyone who offered the right amount. He is soon sacked, but decides to not follow the order to come home and stays in Bogdan’s court. Then Andronicus sends a, not so courteous, courteous request for Bogdan to arrest the ambassador and send him to Konstantinoupolis. Bogdan complies. When the ambassador arrives in Konstantinoupolis, he is castrated and then killed, setting an example of how corruption is dealt with. Notably, the amount of corruption within the bureaucracy suddenly drops a small amount for the next few years.
AN: This ended up being much longer than expected, as I quite enjoyed writing about the Mamluks-Eretna war and did not want to split it up into two chapters. Next up, wars across Europe and the end of Serbian Civil War, and Louis the Great throws his weight around one last time.