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tnick0225

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I have the first two updates for Chapter XVII, and the problem I'm thinking is once I get those posts up, and I really am not that motivated at present to take the time, say 30-40 minutes to produce an update, it might be a much slower pace of updating until I mentally recover to have the same vigor and enthusiasm to write. As it stands at 156 pages of text, a book that isn't going to be published or earn any money for me is certainly not as appealing as my work upon which I'm sort of dependent upon for my own financial well-being, especially trying to get through grad work! :rofl:

Means I got some time to catch up lol...been to busy to really read lately. And still have to check out your Habsburg AAR now too!

I can imagine with all the writing you do writing would get a little old at some point so slowing things down is understandable.
 

Eber

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It's been a wonderful read so far. Even with slower updates, we all will be eagerly waiting. :)
 

volksmarschall

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Means I got some time to catch up lol...been to busy to really read lately. And still have to check out your Habsburg AAR now too!

I can imagine with all the writing you do writing would get a little old at some point so slowing things down is understandable.

Maybe you do, or maybe you don't, know what it's like to be reading and writing for basically the last decade of your life! :p Plus, I just got a trilogy of the Napoleonic Wars, covering Napoleon's masterful 1809 Campaign against Austria. Over 1500+ pages. Will also be spending the next month or two "light" reading these works on my never ending reading of the Napoleonic Era -- probably the one era, if I don't do Roman history for my PhD, I would consider writing a dissertation on.

It's been a wonderful read so far. Even with slower updates, we all will be eagerly waiting. :)

Hi Eber! Thanks for the kind words. It's especially nice to know that even among the Old Guard I'm doing something well! ;)
 

Seelmeister

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I can more than appreciate that you'd be suffering from some intellectual burnout, your updates have been wonderfully constructed and show the huge amount of thought and planning that must go into them - hardly a light undertaking!
 

volksmarschall

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I can more than appreciate that you'd be suffering from some intellectual burnout, your updates have been wonderfully constructed and show the huge amount of thought and planning that must go into them - hardly a light undertaking!

Ha, you should see my notes, not only of the game. But the story arch I developed for the AAR itself! :p
 

volksmarschall

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Chapter XVII

John X Becomes Emperor, His Creation of a new Imperial Guard

The death of Theodoras and the end of his reign marks the beginning of a brief renaissance in the Roman Empire. As I have mentioned in the past, the 1490s-1510s welcomed in a great era of culture, art, and religion known as the Greek Renaissance. It was not necessarily because Theodoras was a bad ruler who stymied the proliferation and promotion of these subjects, but more because his successor – John X, was a great patron of the arts and culture, and the wealth found in his conquests and plunders, namely in the sacking of Venice, 1524, in which the stolen Triumphal Quadriga, “The Horses of Saint Mark”, which donned the Old Hippodrome, were dragged down from St. Mark’s Cathedral Basilica in the city and restored to furnish the New Hippodrome that John commissioned to be built.

Before then however, Manuel Phokas, one of the leading conspirators against Theodoras, along with Empress Annia, marched the liberating forces back to Constantinople and were greeted as heroes who had just overthrown a tyrant. Like Caligula, Theodoras was utterly despised and hated by his subjects, who yearned for freedom and liberty likes day gone by – and in the new Regency and the new emperor, John X, they hoped that such days would return. Of course, they didn’t, John was a much an emperor as he was a tyrant – like most of the Roman emperors were. However, this was tempered by his concern and love for the people, even if it was from a purely paternalistic impulse that he knew what was best for them. I think, perhaps, this is the case with any government of any party. The Liberal Party Government asserts this one-size fits all brand of Enlightenment liberalism, even onto the far reaches of the British Empire. I am reminded what the great philosopher and historian Edmund Burke once said – that the British Empire and the British East India Company are unfairly subjugated the Indian people and taking away their freedom by bringing them “freedom and civilization” and betrayed the very principles of pluralism and diversity that arrogantly proclaimed to uphold while trampling over the peoples of the Subcontinent.[1] The Conservative Party Government, which, under Disraeli, enacted the greatest amount of social reform in this country’s history, did so more out of not a well-intentioned concern for the poor than the fear of two nations – rich and poor, threatening to destabilize the politics of the country.[2] In any case, I would say that John falls more into the conservative purview of paternalism than the hypocrisy of the former. Naturally, his motivations may have also been influenced from what he had experienced in the past few years of his life – Theodoras’s descent into madness, threats against his life, and a noble rebellion against the emperor himself (even if John was the beneficiary of the death and overthrowing of Theodoras from the throne). While he may have wanted the best for his subjects, John would remain constantly suspicious of the powers of the Roman nobility, the despotates, and later in his reign, after a series of brutal wars with the Mohammedan Turks, their allies, the Italians, and French were in behind him – he set about centralizing the empire and taking away the power of the nobles, although his untimely death prevented this from happening.

And yet, before all of this, there is the awkward regency of Manuel Phokas and Empress Annia, who – while seemingly having the intention of holding the throne for John until he came of age, were not as well as they might have anticipated. Within a few months, rumors ran through the streets that the two were lovers who had conspired against Theodoras, and that they were plotting to keep the throne for themselves and the illegitimate heir of Annia. For whatever reason, they never countered the assertion that they were now conspiring against John. As I have stated, these rumors were false.

Constantinople was in the need of rebuilding, and the animosity towards the two regents probably reflects the fact they did little, in one and half years, to further the social and economic standing of the subjects they did rule over as regents. The fabled city of Constantine, dubbed by him Nova Roma – the New Rome, was never really a New Rome. The city never surpassed 500,000 people, while Rome, at its peak, was twice that size. By 1450, the population of the city had dwindled to 50,000 people. Now, it had partially recovered to about 90,000, but many of the people were still poor, the merchants horded the wealth of the city – and many of them were foreigners not subject to the same tax laws of the Roman merchants. While trade was bustling, one of the reasons for the city’s partial recovery – I think it should be pointed out that Manuel and Annia probably could have done little even if they tried.


A map of the city of Constantinople, around the time of John's reign. The city had been depopulated over the past few centuries, and was in dire need of rebuilding. Something that the new and energetic emperor was up to doing.

The War with Venice and the civil war had drained the financial resources of the empire. Any hope of helping the people was immediately halted if the two had opened the coffers of the Imperial treasury and found it empty. It would also be dishonest of me to critique them for not helping the suffering masses, for many rulers, and many governments even to this day – do little in helping their poor and impoverished. Here, the political leaders of the present should take lessons from the past and learn, if politics is about power, and politics is about power – keeping the masses happy is key to retaining power. So, in the backdrop of civil war and court politicking and intrigue, and a suffering population that was gleeful in Theodoras’s overthrow but still needing great social and economic reform, is the world in which John grew up in and inherited. I am a believer that culture and environment are important in the formation of an individual – and this is certainly the case with John.

John, ever since a young age, and his tutelage from the Church, was a very well-learned man and highly articulate, let alone ambitious. He may have seen himself in the lineage of King David, and his mastery of the Holy Writ, and other great pieces of philosophy and history, even as a young man is certainly awe-inspiring. If there was a philosopher-king of the Romans, John would have been it. He would surround himself with the best and the brightest of the Roman intellectuals. As I mentioned, he championed the arts and sciences during his rule, at such an important age in history – the transition of the medieval period into the Renaissance era which laid the foundations for the modern world. This of course, did not lead to outright prosperity or good decision making in every instance. Yet, as a man who was otherwise not that impressive in terms of physical stature – he was rather small and scrawny; he was not devoid of courage. When just 16 years old, he would lead the Roman Armies against the Turks in battle.

I have promised to provide and social and political overview of the empire’s very nature, and its people – and I hope to accomplish, by the end of John’s reign, this promise of my preface. For, as Thomas Carlyle said about great men and their being the agents of history – for a twenty-seven year period, John X was the one great man in the entire world whose soul was filled with the spirit of the times, and he did not diminish himself in the face of greatness, struggle, and despair, but welcomed it!

The disposition and disloyalty of the Imperial Army that abandoned their emperor (Theodoras) in his time of need also loomed over John. One of his first acts in the reforming of the Roman Imperial Army was the creation of an elite bodyguard in the same manner as the slave-soldiers of the Mamelukes. The new Imperial bodyguard, the first since the old Varangian Guard, was assembled among the orphans in Constantinople and elsewhere, who otherwise had little life attachment to other persons. Granting them great pay, residence, and a new lease on life – John demanded one promise of them, to keep their new standing in Roman society, they would swear eternal loyalty to the emperor himself, defend him and follow his orders until their death, or his. Naturally, this created a resolute guard of about 1,000 soldiers – but it also had its drawbacks. Namely, upon the death of the emperor, these slave-soldier guards’ loyalty oath no longer applied to the next emperor. Even if the new emperor promised a similar upholding of their social standing, the zeal would not be the same toward the new emperor as the old, and an entirely new crop would have to be mustered. Incidentally, just as the Praetorian Guard, in their politicking and murder and drive for power back in Rome – the new Imperial Guard created by John, while serving him faithfully and devoutly, would nonetheless create problems for the future emperors.

One might suggest that this was a form of idol cult worship. And I would agree, at least in the principle of it. The emperor was the attention and focus of the guardsmen fondest devotion. From taking their oaths and swearing eternal loyalty to him, to their constant graveling and honoring the emperor wherever he went certainly made the image of cult worship of the emperor. Yet, it made sense concerning what had recently transpired between the army and emperor Theodoras, who was betrayed by those who were serving him and expected to serve him. Since John had a great distrust, not only of the nobility, but also the Roman Army, his guard would become the nexus upon which his power was secured and built. It is even rumored that the guardsmen would wake at 5 o'clock in the morning, and pray to the emperor. This however, was a result of the later religious conflicts between John and the ecclesiastic authorities. Properly, they were likely praying for protection and constant intercession for the emperor, to whom these men were dependent upon for their livelihood.


At left, a manuscript showing some of the new Imperial Guardsmen. They were foreigners or orphans, hired or chosen by the emperor himself to swear eternal loyalty to him and to him only. At right, the Mamluks. A major power in the Mediterranean and their soldiers, the slave-warriors, served as the inspiration for John's new guard.

In the midst of John’s rise to power as emperor, it is important to remember that he had ascended to the throne as heir of the Caesars from a civil war that always loomed in the foreground of his thought and person. Certainly, a man whose position should have commanded the power and authority of the less aristocracy which still wielded the de-facto power of the empire was a threat to his own rule. John would never forget this. In some fashion, his future reforms would be based upon a system of loyal meritocracy. Those loyal and supportive of John would receive beneficial standing and support from the emperor, and generally, there positions were a reflection of their ability. As emperor, John had the seemingly insurmountable task of rebuilding a ruined empire which had fooled itself into thinking it had an aura of invincibility in the recent victories against the Mohammedans, but had failed to reform the superstructure of the Roman Empire and civilization, which was still spiraling out of control.




[1]You can read the excerpts of Burke’s famous denunciation of the empire and the British East India Company, “Speech on Mr. Fox’s East India Bill” (1783).

[2]Cf. Benjamin Disraeli, One-Nation Toryism. That statement of course, is meant as a reflection that this "AAR" was written before Clement Attlee's post-war government. One-Nation Toryism was a political philosophy developed by Disraeli and the Conservative Party (UK) which saw "two nations" forming in Britain: one rich, and one poor. Rather than attempt to win over the liberal middle-class, Disraeli allied the rich with the poor to pass a sweeping series of social reforms to help improve the standing of the poor, also a political tool to court and retain the votes of the working-class poor. Politically, the rise of welfarism (under Disraeli, Bismark, and Hamilton - in America, were all initially sponsored and supported by the "conservative" parties as opposed to the liberal parties. Bismark's creation of the first modern welfare state was in reaction to the fear that the socialists would win the support of the German working class, hence, it was necessary to enact social and welfare reform to keep their support. A similar pattern is found in Disraeli's motivations according to most political historians and philosophers). Some observers call this "paternalism" (paternalistic welfarism). This idea, loosely speaking of benevolent paternalism, will form the basis for much of John X's reforms.
 
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Enewald

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Yes, conservatives using power to stay in power, by providing bread and circuses to the masses. :)
Nothing new under the seven heavens. :p

The state takes from one and gives to the other. As long as the ones receiving this money from the 'state' have greater numbers than those paying the state more money than they themselves gain, it works quite well.
But with increased state machinery, the fact that who is actually gaining more than losing from this state of affairs gets shady.
The most efficient way seems to lie to everybody about the true costs of government planning; so that all three classes think they are gaining more than they are losing, with the true winner being the bureaucrats and the politicians who are required to man the omnipotent machinery. Such is the will of the majority. ;)

The confusing omnipotent 'welfare' state.
 

volksmarschall

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Yes, conservatives using power to stay in power, by providing bread and circuses to the masses. :)
Nothing new under the seven heavens. :p

The state takes from one and gives to the other. As long as the ones receiving this money from the 'state' have greater numbers than those paying the state more money than they themselves gain, it works quite well.
But with increased state machinery, the fact that who is actually gaining more than losing from this state of affairs gets shady.
The most efficient way seems to lie to everybody about the true costs of government planning; so that all three classes think they are gaining more than they are losing, with the true winner being the bureaucrats and the politicians who are required to man the omnipotent machinery. Such is the will of the majority. ;)

The confusing omnipotent 'welfare' state.

Tis the inevitability of politics. As the great Dr. Cornell West (American philosopher, pretty eccentric character in his own right, actually spoke at my institution) said concerning the 2008 election (he does not support either major party, in fact, he is a "Non-Marxist" socialist, in part because of his Christianity), "The Republican Party wants to stay in power. They would solicit martians to do so. The Democratic Party wants to gain power. They would solicit martians to do." Power politics, something the empire knows a lot about wouldn't you say? :p
 
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volksmarschall

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Crash Course to 1497, Decline and Fall from 1444-1497

So I thought it might be a little helpful to provide a few screenshots to where we are in the game, as opposed to having to wade through the prose and text to figure everything out.

We've had four emperors thus far (not counting John X yet):
John VIII, 1444-1470
Constantine XI, 1470-1473
John IX, 1473-1484
Theodoras, 1484-1497




We captured Trebizond and what was left of Georgia under John VIII. We also gained Thessaly in a war with the Ottomans. We later captured Candar too, Albania, and Cyprus as well.


Under John IX, Athens was reclaimed for the Byzantine Empire, remember when John IX triumphantly entered Athens back in like Chapter XII!


During one of the wars with the Turks under Theodoras, which I mentioned but didn't cover in lieu of moving to the more "engaging" story of his downfall (in game terms, he just died and a brief regency for the too young John X took place -- which led us down the road to poor Theodoras's vilification and death).​


So there it is, we're officially up to speed! With a compendium of screenshots too! :confused: As you are all aware, when writing a history book AAR, I much prefer the beautiful collection of artwork over screenshots. Well, ever since I joined the forums, I never gravitated to them, even if I keep a collection of them in my files as a helpful reminder to my actual game notes and story arcs. And if you notice -- I have serious manpower problems!!
 

Idhrendur

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It was not necessarily because Theodoras was a bad ruler who stymied the proliferation and promotion of these subjects, but more because his successor – John X, was a great patron of the arts and culture, and the wealth found in his conquests and plunders, namely in the sacking of Venice, 1524, in which the stolen Triumphal Quadriga, “The Horses of Saint Mark”, which donned the Old Hippodrome, were dragged down from St. Mark’s Cathedral Basilica in the city and restored to furnish the New Hippodrome that John commissioned to be built.

I was about to wonder. I mean, Theodoras holding things back might be something plausible in my looser form of alt-history, but I couldn't well imagine him having that much direct power in yours.
 

volksmarschall

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Well, as long as you can loan spam mercenaries everything is okay. :p
And make some other nations taxpayers pay your loans back!

So many bank loans to pay off, mercenaries draining the extent of the treasury since they cost twice as much in maintenance, all of which will catch up to this history eventually. ;)

I was about to wonder. I mean, Theodoras holding things back might be something plausible in my looser form of alt-history, but I couldn't well imagine him having that much direct power in yours.

Everybody needs a villain. Theodoras fits that mold, not only for the reasons I mentioned in regards to historicity (it has been a long long time since the last civil war), so he gets a couple of bad pop-up events and then dies, brief regency in place, and I turn him into a madman. So yeah, with John as the patron of arts, I feel it would be more appropriate to being the Greek Renaissance proper under his reign, even if I mentioned about 20 years back, with the re-rise of the cults and the philosophy of Tornikes as forming the foundation for the future renaissance. Of course, before the fall, we also have to have a great moment of renaissance and triumph!

Plus, John's reign will be filled with enough action that the second part of volume II, covering mostly just his reforms and the renaissance, will hopefully be an engaging enough read instead of everyone just basically once again learning about some of the finer details of Byzantine culture, art, and theology and how it influenced the succeeding Italian Renaissance -- which will be plugged for this time line due to John's invasion of Northern Italy! :eek:
 

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Chapter XVII

The Youthful Emperor and His Administrative Talents

As the regency of Manuel Phokas and Empress Annia were coming to an end, it is here, as I mentioned previously, that the egregious rumors of the two being lovers, although that was true, conspiring to foster a bastard child to keep the throne away from John was utterly false – even if a great majority of the city of Constantinople had come to believe it. For John’s sake, he was too intelligent to believe in the petty rumors of the grumbling masses – and the two seemed to have a very fair and deep affection for him, particularly Empress Annia, who was a step-mother of sorts for him. She was however, an easy target for suspicious rumors. A woman of great feminine mystique, intelligence, and beauty – much like John’s future wife – Annia was a woman who, as Evagrius said, “Could command the very soul of even the strongest of men whose passions would run amok just within her very presence.”

The scandal however was not contained to just the subjects of the empire, or the city of Constantinople. Members of the Royal Court also believed them. Even high-ranking officers of the Church had been swayed by their utter naiveté in believing such ridiculous accusations were true. The Archbishop, Demetrios, wrote:

It has come to my attention that the Empress and Duke [speaking of Manuel Phokas] may be living a life of great sin. She will carry with her a caravan of sin that will trail all the way back to Constantinople and cause the Lord to cry in realization of what is happening in his city!

However, the 14 year old emperor, even at a young age, embodiment the spiritual ethos of Julius Caesar or Caesar Augustus – a soul worthy of being crowned with Hegel’s der geist, or spirit of progress. Despite his age, he order a lavish rebuilding of the Hippodrome – evidence for his future endeavors of rebuilding the empire he had come to inherit. Ever since a young age, he had a fascination with charioteering. He had read John Chrysostom, the fourth century Roman churchman and bishop of Constantinople, he had recorded charioteering as a suitable Christian game of entertainment compared to the more grotesque and pagan celebration of murder – the gladiatorial games. Chrysostom saw chariot racing as a reflection of the divine order of the cosmos and the Church itself. It is important to note, that John X was a deeply pious and religious figure, therefore, it should come as no surprise that after reading Chrysostom’s account of chariot racing in the Hippodrome that John would seek to rebuild the old tracks and re-institute the games as a form of Christian entertainment. The divine reflection of the cosmos was seen by Chrysostom as such: the charioteer was the agent of God, his horses the apostles carrying the message of the gospel across the world, the world was the Hippodrome itself, the spectators the masses in need of salvation (entertainment), and the obelisk at the center of the Old Hippodrome was a reminder that pointed ever upward to the heavens of God’s omnipotence.[1]

Although there was a de-facto regency, it was perhaps unnecessary for the young emperor seemed to have a firm grasp and understanding of administration and military tactics. He even directed the quarry crew in the placement of the stones for the new Hippodrome. He anticipated that, upon his fifteenth birthday, when Manuel Phokas promised to hand over the reins of the city to him completely, that he would be inaugurated with a grand chariot race in the new Hippodrome, with himself a racer to reflect himself as some sort of emperor of the people. It would be fair to say, in an assessment of John’s character – that he was a very ambitious individual ever since he was child, or at the least, the teenage emperor of the Romans. As I mentioned in the aforementioned text, he set about reforming the Roman Army to prevent their mutiny as what happened under Theodoras – namely with the creation of the new Imperial Guard. Likewise, his insistence upon the creation of the new Hippodrome, constant exercising and military training, reading of the classics, and ambitious political reforms (mostly the centralization of the state to take power away from the Greco-Roman nobility in Greece) – John’s character could have been described as Thomas Carlyle wrote, “A hero worth of hero-worship.”[2]


The site of the Old Hippodrome, long since fallen into decay. John planned to rebuild and refurbish it and restore its former glory.

He also had a pleasant way about him, as documented by Evagrius, who became his court historian until his own death (Evagrius), preventing his completion of his unfinished manuscript documenting John’s reign:

The young emperor was a specimen to be seen. Filled with youthful exuberance and splendid smile, it is a surprise that the women of Constantinople did not fawn over him at first sight. Being an emperor of the people, even during the Regency when Manuel Phokas held the power of the army and the city – he would walk the streets to the markets and engage in banter and even commerce with the commoners and merchants. Of all the people to emerge in the aftermath of Theodoras’s death, the most honorable and befitting of carrying on the Roman tradition was the new emperor – John X.
[FIN, This is the end of Evagrius’s history]
Evagrius, Life of Theodoras, Book 7: The Last Battle.

The construction of the New Hippodrome, over the same spot and dimensions of the Old Hippodrome, was certainly a grand entrance for the new emperor. It employed many thousands of people who were struggling in the aftermath of the civil war against Theodoras. At a time when uncertainty was rampant throughout the city, if not the empire, John, even at the tender age of 14, brought a calm and confidence to the people whom were his subjects. He often refused to wear the imperial regalia, putting aside the royal purple dress and dressed in comfortable “commoner” clothing despite the insistence of his advisers to wear the royal robes to prevent his own mugging out on the streets – for criminals well knew that to even think about robbing a noble, let alone the emperor, would meet certain death.

In addition, his insistence to be among the charioteers also alarmed his court. Manuel Phokas, well aware of dangers of controlling a chariot – implored the emperor not to risk his life over a grand show for the masses. John is believed to have harped back, “I am the emperor of Rome! And I am going to race!” Indeed, he made true of this promise. On his fifteenth birthday, the date when Manuel Phokas relinquished control of the city and the army over the rightful Caesar – the date when the New Hippodrome, although not completed, was suited for holding a chariot race, the first in many decades, John was among the charioteers who were going to test the New Hippodrome. Some of the finest horsemen from the Roman Army were brought into Constantinople just for the occasion. The race itself seemed simple enough: first to complete ten laps around the Hippodrome would be the winner. There were six charioteers, the emperor one of them, who would risk their lives in the highest sport in the Roman Empire.

Charioteering is a rigorous and demanding sport. Knowing when and where to turn your horses, of which there were four of them pulling the chariot, was not a task for the faint of heart, or the physically weak. It is here that much attention was due to the emperor, who, at 15, was not as physically fit as the more professional riders up against him. For Manuel Phokas, who genuinely seemed to care about the well-being of the young emperor, again asked him to step out of race – if not to avert embarrassment of a crash or finishing in last place. Again, John rebuked Phokas and dressed himself in his chariot gear.

When the public had entered the stadium, nearly half of the city according to Evagrius, the race began. The six charioteers rushed off the starting line to begin their dangerous and high-paced trek around the Hippodrome. Surprisingly, the young emperor handled himself well during the ordeal. On the seventh pass, he even managed to take first place. On the same lap, the fifth charioteer toppled his cart, and rushed to the stands to avoid being hit. I presume the horses were left unharmed as well, but even if charioteering was considered a much more Christian sport than the gladiatorial games – it was not without its violence and occasional bloodshed and death (by accident). During the final lap, John was overtaken by the charioteer in second place, who managed to hold him off to emerge as the victor. Although he came in second, the emperor was a gracious winner, and congratulated the much older charioteer, who was at the least twice the age of the boy. The vigor and enthusiasm displayed the emperor during the chariot race would characterize his reign, which is why I begin with an otherwise unimportant story of his early reign as Caesar of Rome.

He was the liveliest of souls by any account and stretch of the imagination. He was, but only human, as his lovers, supporters, and his enemies would find out. His ambitions could not be contained by the walls of his city, the lack of resources the empire possessed – through and through, during his reign, Europe and the Near East trembled at the footsteps of John X.


A painting depicting the first race of the New Hippodrome, the young emperor John is at center in the red.

There are times, perhaps, in which men become great. As the great poet laureate of the English language once said, "Some are born great, some achieve greatness, and some have greatness thrust upon them." While it may be true that many men achieve greatness through the sweat of their own brow and ingenuity - it would seem most appropriate to see John as one of the few who were naturally born with greatness; the very epitome of Carlyle's idealized heroic in history. To the extent that John was one of the heroic kings of the past is hardly a matter of banter or discussions - the general verdict among historians is that he was Rome's last great emperor, the archetype upon which the badly needed reforms of the imperium would be made. He was, also, filled with the integral spirit of human progress that Hegel famously wrote about in The Phenomenology of Spirit.

It was also a matter of his youth and temporal ambitions. As a boy shaped by the events of the downfall of his uncle, he was acute and well-aware of what needed to be accomplished by anyone who sat upon the throne of Augustus. As most youths are filled with an optimistic vigor and spirit of invincibility, at least until the wise up and learn how the real world works -- John seemed, even in his older age, to carry that same spirit of optimism and perfectionism that others might deride as something befitting of one's immaturity and incredulity of the matters of the real world. Yet, while this may have been a weakness in many, for him, it appears to have been his ultimate strength, even if ultimately leading to the final conflict between the emperor and the Roman nobility who fought so arduously against his later reforms and political centralization. The reign of the last of the Romans had begun, and it would begin with nothing short of a loud and tremendous storm descending upon the empire from the east!




[1]This is all true. You can do further reading on the influence of Christian theology and Byzantine culture in Aleksander Kazhdan and Giles Constable book, People and Power in Byzantium.

[2]Thomas Carlyle, On Heroes, Hero-Worship, and the Heroic in History. This was his seminal contribution to history and historiography – creating the “Great Man” theory of history.
 
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volksmarschall

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With this update, I have now fully completed the posting of my "pre-written updates." At present, I will be spending the next week and half in our national archives collecting necessary publications and associated works for my ongoing historical writing and research of the Byzantine Empire. So with that accord, I anticipate that I will be moving to a weekly updating pattern (or try to at least) for at least the next month or two until the heavy burdens of research clear up and allow me to devote more time, the bi-weekly updating period that I have been pretty consistent with for the past few months I think.

Cheers!
 

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It was nice seeing some of the gameplay shots :)

Had to catch up on this again, but anyway, now that I'm back up to date, John X seems to have a bright future ahead. Unless of course that youthful exuberance will lead to some other kinds of trouble.
 

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The Emperor just a human?
You are speaking of the vicegerent of God on Earth, He is not a mere human! :p

The idea that the Emperor was the vicar of God, holder of the keys of the temporal world until the Second Coming of Christ, is by far, my favorite "interesting anecdote" about Byzantine theo-political beliefs ever. Even if the Greek Orthodox Church, and for good reason, never endorsed that view.

It was nice seeing some of the gameplay shots :)

Had to catch up on this again, but anyway, now that I'm back up to date, John X seems to have a bright future ahead. Unless of course that youthful exuberance will lead to some other kinds of trouble.

I tremendously dislike adding screenshots since they are just so not befitting of the history book style that I have come to enjoy (probably because 30 or 40 pages research papers I write usually don't include graphics unless its an economics paper). :p Youthful exuberance won't be John's problem. His reforms will alienate the true power holders in Roman society -- the nobility...

At least you have a land connection in Hellas now. Just add Adrianople and Nicaea, and you have an almost contiguous Empire!

The major problem I have is that Edirne, being the O.E. capital, is sort of off limits for conquest purposes. And even with the extent of the new territories added, my manpower base is so incredibly small that after a year of fighting, I literally have no one left to replace the lost troops and I'm forced to conclude a peace that, while favorable, is less than what could have happened if I had double the manpower and was able to continue the war. Plus, the O.E. has such an extensive sea border (although I've trimmed it down), I don't have enough ships to blockade all their ports and add warscore that way - especially since the largest bulk of the fleet is used to prevent the crossing of the Bosphorus. Once they come down from Ukraine - it's time to take the one province I can get from them... :glare:
 

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Captured in the beautiful moments of Shakespeare:

Officer: My lord, my lord. Our emperor! Take my horse so you may flee this hellish place.
Theodoras: Am I not lost? My army has deserted me! My army has deserted me!
Officer: My lord, your army is broken, but your life is still precious and within your own hands. Take my horse, and flee from here! You must preserve the throne of Caesar.
Theodoras: I have slain Nikephoros [Shakespeare made the same mistake as Evagrius, having killed Nikephoros in the duel between Theodoras and the Italian captain], I would rather lay the bodies of all mine enemies up, one by one, than flee as a coward!

-William Shakespeare, Theodoras the Mad, Act V, Scene II.

I love, love, love your alternate history nod to Shakespeare, volksmarschall! Having made up WWII movies in my Presidents AAR to reflect how I fought that war, I love how you made up a Shakespeare play to reflect your AAR. :D
 

volksmarschall

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I love, love, love your alternate history nod to Shakespeare, volksmarschall! Having made up WWII movies in my Presidents AAR to reflect how I fought that war, I love how you made up a Shakespeare play to reflect your AAR. :D

My penchant for historicity demands that I, even in an alternative history where, since Shakespeare wasn't born by the 1444 start (anyone born before the 1 Jan. 1444 start is therefore to be included for that reason alone), some people are so important that they have to be included somehow and generally, keeping to their historical or cultural significance that they actually had. Shakespeare is one of those guys! ;)

I of course, always saw Shakespeare's otherwise fictitious "Theodoras the Mad" as Richard III, although I'm sure he wrote that masterpiece too.