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Excellent writing, with clever insight. I could never hope to come close to anything you've done so far.
You don't have to respond. I just wanted to say what I feel.
You don't have to respond. I just wanted to say what I feel.
Well, despite the name Roman, we are Greek after all aren't we? I weep for the demise of Alexander's Empire... :glare:
Thank you for your generous comments concerning my writing, but alas, I still find grammatical mistakes that I obsessively edit when I find them. I am a bit perplexed though, by "I could never hope to come close to anything you've done..." I presume you mean in writing or in-game? I gather the former not the latter, but then again - I wouldn't feel it appropriate for me not to infuse my style of writing into even an AAR, seeing I have been so drilled and trained to write in a heightened prose. Thanks again for your nice comment, sometimes incessant concentration on writing prose goes under appreciated, especially in my field of work (sigh).
Introduction: The Palaiologoi Restoration and Renaissance, Part 2, 1261-1347 AD
The crowning of Michael VIII was Emperor was a new high for the empire. Much of its core Greek lands had been recaptured under Imperial dominion, and much of the coast of Asia Minor remained intact. A flourishing middleclass led to what we now call the Palaiologoi Renaissance, or the mini renaissance, since it preceded the larger and more famous Italian renaissance. After the successful reacquisition and reestablishment of Rome as a regional power on the crossroads of Europe, Africa, and Asia, and with an aforementioned flourishing middleclass, the Romans began to revalue art, science, and literature during the heart of Michael’s reign. Although the empire had to contend with jealous rivals to the north, and a new growing power of Mohammedans in Asia Minor, centered around the town of Sogut, which had recently been captured by a charismatic but often mysterious figure called Osman, a figure so mysterious he does not appear in any history until 150 years after his supposed existence, many saw the Palaiologoi restoration as the beginning of a new age of Roman imperialism.
This revival of the arts and sciences saw a new wave of “Macedonian artwork”, usually depicting religious iconography like the Virgin Mother of God with her newborn or dying Son. The arts were also well-funded by Michael, perhaps a mistake since the army was too burdensome and needed reform, which never happened probably because of a lack of coin in the Imperial treasury. Even so, the classics of Plato, Aristotle, Livy, Cicero, and others – those that survived the sacking of Constantinople - were widely read amongst the learned class of Roman scholars, who often wrote commentary or tried to incorporate their teachings to Church dogma or created new ideas about the dignity and worth of man (which would later influence the development of the Italian Renaissance). Of course, this minor renaissance was only possible because of the stalwart diplomacy of Michael, perhaps the finest and shrewdest diplomatic emperor the Romans had ever seen.
Religious iconography, like this icon shown above, achieved a new widespread adoration and renaissance following the crowning of Michael VIII Palaiologos. This particular icon depicts the Annunciation of Mary where the archangel Gabriel, left, appeared before Mary to inform her of her impending birth to the Son of God, Jesus of Nazareth. This icon is of the period.
The conquest of Naples by France posed a new threat to the Romans. Pope Clement IV gave King Charles of Anjou, brother of the King of France, now ruler over Naples and Sicily, the freedom to acquire the forces and funds necessary to restore the Latin Empire in Constantinople. This was alleviated when Michael sent a church delegation that “reaffirmed” the primacy of the Latin doctrine over Greek doctrine, and thus the mission was nullified because it would be a mortal sin to call a crusade against fellow Catholics. However, after Pope Clement expired, his successor, Martin IV, nullified the agreement and excommunicated the Greek Church – which meant that the possibility of another crusade bearing down on the Romans was likely.
Michael turned to internal turmoil to secure safety, internal turmoil in Sicily that is. He properly funded Sicilian rebels who opposed the rule of French nobles over their lands. They rose up in the War of the Sicilian Vespers, which is rather unimportant to delve into. In short, the House of Anjou was overthrown as the rulers of Naples and Sicily and the immediate threat of another Latin invasion was thwarted.
Sadly, many called into question Michael’s religious piety. The emperor was still expected to be in good-standing with the Greek Church, and to promote the independence of the Greek Church against Latin aggression. This, Michael did not do. Even after being condemned as heretical by Pope Martin, Michael continued to try and unify the Latin and Greek Churches – probably calculated to not have enemies with the growing and expansionist Latin republics and other trading powers in Italy. His attempts failed, and when he died, the Greek Church denied him funeral rites believing he was a Catholic, but the Catholics also denied him funeral rites, believing he was a heretic. So died the great emperor Michael in 1282 AD, and the empire would once again experience a new era of decline, stagnation, and civil war - which would bring the Romans to the center of the abyss.
Michael VIII was succeeded by his son, Andronikus II. Unlike his father, Andronikus called off any attempt to reunify the two churches, a move that was popular amongst the Eastern faithful, but probably caused more long term problems since it reopened the floodgates for crusaders and caused the Latin powers in the West to view the Eastern Christians as deserving their punishment at the hands of the Mohammedans. Andronikus now had to deal with the rising power of a Turkic people in Asia Minor, who were aggressively expanding and capturing Roman provinces in Anatolia. The situation was made worse when the Turkic people, calling themselves Ottomans, launched a major campaign near the city of Izmit, then Nicomedia, one of the final outpost of the Romans in Asia Minor. The battle was a disaster for the Romans, and this defeat expunged Rome from her agrarian heartland. In response, Andronikus hired Catalan mercenaries to keep the Mohammedans at bay in Asia Minor – his plan, prevent them from crossing the Bosphorus. At first, these raids were very successful, and the Mohammedans were unable to move into Europe having to deal with these seasoned Spanish warriors who had much experience in warfare, having taken part in the Spanish Reconquista. However, Roman fortunes were quickly lost when their leader was assassinated on route to meet with the emperor, the details of the murder are suspect. The remaining men revolted against Roman authority, and the last hope of keeping the Mohammedans at bay was lost.
This brought Andronikus a negative reputation throughout the empire. Although Michael had left him in a precarious situation, Michael’s abilities to keep sturdy the empire during his reign gave the people a false sense of security and invincibility. The setbacks during Andronikus’ reign showcased that even after Michael’s restoration of the empire; the empire was still in a fragile and delicate position. The egg had finally fallen, and there was little hope of cleaning up the resulting mess. Androninkus’ popularity plummeted, and he abdicated the throne, which threw the empire into civil war.
Another Andronikus, Andronikus III, came to the throne. Realizing the desperate situation, he attempted to curb the Mohammedan gains in Asia Minor in a major bid to restore Roman power and hegemony in the region. The Mohammedans were besieging Nicaea, the former capital of the Romans when the Latins held Constantine’s city. Andronikus sent forth a relief force to aid in the siege, but the Mohammedans were expecting this and met the Romans at Pelekanon in 1329 AD. Andronikus was personally leading the armies against the Mohammedan Beylik, Orhan. The battle raged for two days. The heavily armed Romans were not properly equipped to fight against the swift and irregular Mohammedans, who attacked from all sides. On the second day of fighting, Roman morale was broken, and the Romans fled from the field. Seeing his army abandon him, Andronikus had no option but to flee with his men, lest he be captured. This defeat shocked the Romans, and for the next 100 years, the Romans never again attempted to salvage the situation in Asia Minor. Nicaea and Nicomedia both fell with the next 10 years. Even while under siege, the Romans did not send a relief force to help try and lift the sieges. It is believed that the emperor died heartbroken over his failures, even though his attempts at salvaging the situation could be seen as most admirable.
Upon his death, another civil war erupted in 1341 AD. Andronikus’ son, John, was proclaimed John V, but was only 10 years of age so a regency was established under the helm of the Kantakouzenos Family, who had made many noble rivalries since the Palaiologoi restoration – primarily with the equally powerful Kalekas and Apokaukos Families, who were staunch supporters of the Palaiologoi and who supported John V’s claim and rebuffed any attempt at John Kantakouzenos’ bid to seize power for himself. When he attempted to take the throne as sole emperor, the Kalekas and Apokaukos families were united by the late Andronikus’ wife, Anna of Savoy, and civil war ravaged Rome for the next six years, ultimately ending in a victory for the Kantakouzenos Family, which saw John crowned as John VI. This civil war was so destructive, that to call the Empire an empire in its current state would be laughable. In fact, it would be more proper to call Milan or Venice an empire at this point in history than to continue to call Rome and empire.
The civil wars that plagued the new Dynasty hit the empire at an inopportune time. It felt like it was only yesterday when Roman soldiers were at the helm of Michael VIII's triumphal entry into Constantinople. Now, the raging civil wars created an aura of mythology and mysticism concerning the Parousia of Michael into the fabled city of Constantine, some expected him to return to the throne and restore peace and prosperity to the land, and some suggested that a future emperor would enter into the eternal city of Rome itself in a manner akin to Titus or Constantine.
The Palaiologoi Restoration, Part II
The crowning of Michael VIII was Emperor was a new high for the empire. Much of its core Greek lands had been recaptured under Imperial dominion, and much of the coast of Asia Minor remained intact. A flourishing middleclass led to what we now call the Palaiologoi Renaissance, or the mini renaissance, since it preceded the larger and more famous Italian renaissance. After the successful reacquisition and reestablishment of Rome as a regional power on the crossroads of Europe, Africa, and Asia, and with an aforementioned flourishing middleclass, the Romans began to revalue art, science, and literature during the heart of Michael’s reign. Although the empire had to contend with jealous rivals to the north, and a new growing power of Mohammedans in Asia Minor, centered around the town of Sogut, which had recently been captured by a charismatic but often mysterious figure called Osman, a figure so mysterious he does not appear in any history until 150 years after his supposed existence, many saw the Palaiologoi restoration as the beginning of a new age of Roman imperialism.
This revival of the arts and sciences saw a new wave of “Macedonian artwork”, usually depicting religious iconography like the Virgin Mother of God with her newborn or dying Son. The arts were also well-funded by Michael, perhaps a mistake since the army was too burdensome and needed reform, which never happened probably because of a lack of coin in the Imperial treasury. Even so, the classics of Plato, Aristotle, Livy, Cicero, and others – those that survived the sacking of Constantinople - were widely read amongst the learned class of Roman scholars, who often wrote commentary or tried to incorporate their teachings to Church dogma or created new ideas about the dignity and worth of man (which would later influence the development of the Italian Renaissance). Of course, this minor renaissance was only possible because of the stalwart diplomacy of Michael, perhaps the finest and shrewdest diplomatic emperor the Romans had ever seen.
Religious iconography, like this icon shown above, achieved a new widespread adoration and renaissance following the crowning of Michael VIII Palaiologos. This particular icon depicts the Annunciation of Mary where the archangel Gabriel, left, appeared before Mary to inform her of her impending birth to the Son of God, Jesus of Nazareth. This icon is of the period.
The conquest of Naples by France posed a new threat to the Romans. Pope Clement IV gave King Charles of Anjou, brother of the King of France, now ruler over Naples and Sicily, the freedom to acquire the forces and funds necessary to restore the Latin Empire in Constantinople. This was alleviated when Michael sent a church delegation that “reaffirmed” the primacy of the Latin doctrine over Greek doctrine, and thus the mission was nullified because it would be a mortal sin to call a crusade against fellow Catholics. However, after Pope Clement expired, his successor, Martin IV, nullified the agreement and excommunicated the Greek Church – which meant that the possibility of another crusade bearing down on the Romans was likely.
Michael turned to internal turmoil to secure safety, internal turmoil in Sicily that is. He properly funded Sicilian rebels who opposed the rule of French nobles over their lands. They rose up in the War of the Sicilian Vespers, which is rather unimportant to delve into. In short, the House of Anjou was overthrown as the rulers of Naples and Sicily and the immediate threat of another Latin invasion was thwarted.
Sadly, many called into question Michael’s religious piety. The emperor was still expected to be in good-standing with the Greek Church, and to promote the independence of the Greek Church against Latin aggression. This, Michael did not do. Even after being condemned as heretical by Pope Martin, Michael continued to try and unify the Latin and Greek Churches – probably calculated to not have enemies with the growing and expansionist Latin republics and other trading powers in Italy. His attempts failed, and when he died, the Greek Church denied him funeral rites believing he was a Catholic, but the Catholics also denied him funeral rites, believing he was a heretic. So died the great emperor Michael in 1282 AD, and the empire would once again experience a new era of decline, stagnation, and civil war - which would bring the Romans to the center of the abyss.
Michael VIII was succeeded by his son, Andronikus II. Unlike his father, Andronikus called off any attempt to reunify the two churches, a move that was popular amongst the Eastern faithful, but probably caused more long term problems since it reopened the floodgates for crusaders and caused the Latin powers in the West to view the Eastern Christians as deserving their punishment at the hands of the Mohammedans. Andronikus now had to deal with the rising power of a Turkic people in Asia Minor, who were aggressively expanding and capturing Roman provinces in Anatolia. The situation was made worse when the Turkic people, calling themselves Ottomans, launched a major campaign near the city of Izmit, then Nicomedia, one of the final outpost of the Romans in Asia Minor. The battle was a disaster for the Romans, and this defeat expunged Rome from her agrarian heartland. In response, Andronikus hired Catalan mercenaries to keep the Mohammedans at bay in Asia Minor – his plan, prevent them from crossing the Bosphorus. At first, these raids were very successful, and the Mohammedans were unable to move into Europe having to deal with these seasoned Spanish warriors who had much experience in warfare, having taken part in the Spanish Reconquista. However, Roman fortunes were quickly lost when their leader was assassinated on route to meet with the emperor, the details of the murder are suspect. The remaining men revolted against Roman authority, and the last hope of keeping the Mohammedans at bay was lost.
This brought Andronikus a negative reputation throughout the empire. Although Michael had left him in a precarious situation, Michael’s abilities to keep sturdy the empire during his reign gave the people a false sense of security and invincibility. The setbacks during Andronikus’ reign showcased that even after Michael’s restoration of the empire; the empire was still in a fragile and delicate position. The egg had finally fallen, and there was little hope of cleaning up the resulting mess. Androninkus’ popularity plummeted, and he abdicated the throne, which threw the empire into civil war.
Another Andronikus, Andronikus III, came to the throne. Realizing the desperate situation, he attempted to curb the Mohammedan gains in Asia Minor in a major bid to restore Roman power and hegemony in the region. The Mohammedans were besieging Nicaea, the former capital of the Romans when the Latins held Constantine’s city. Andronikus sent forth a relief force to aid in the siege, but the Mohammedans were expecting this and met the Romans at Pelekanon in 1329 AD. Andronikus was personally leading the armies against the Mohammedan Beylik, Orhan. The battle raged for two days. The heavily armed Romans were not properly equipped to fight against the swift and irregular Mohammedans, who attacked from all sides. On the second day of fighting, Roman morale was broken, and the Romans fled from the field. Seeing his army abandon him, Andronikus had no option but to flee with his men, lest he be captured. This defeat shocked the Romans, and for the next 100 years, the Romans never again attempted to salvage the situation in Asia Minor. Nicaea and Nicomedia both fell with the next 10 years. Even while under siege, the Romans did not send a relief force to help try and lift the sieges. It is believed that the emperor died heartbroken over his failures, even though his attempts at salvaging the situation could be seen as most admirable.
Upon his death, another civil war erupted in 1341 AD. Andronikus’ son, John, was proclaimed John V, but was only 10 years of age so a regency was established under the helm of the Kantakouzenos Family, who had made many noble rivalries since the Palaiologoi restoration – primarily with the equally powerful Kalekas and Apokaukos Families, who were staunch supporters of the Palaiologoi and who supported John V’s claim and rebuffed any attempt at John Kantakouzenos’ bid to seize power for himself. When he attempted to take the throne as sole emperor, the Kalekas and Apokaukos families were united by the late Andronikus’ wife, Anna of Savoy, and civil war ravaged Rome for the next six years, ultimately ending in a victory for the Kantakouzenos Family, which saw John crowned as John VI. This civil war was so destructive, that to call the Empire an empire in its current state would be laughable. In fact, it would be more proper to call Milan or Venice an empire at this point in history than to continue to call Rome and empire.
The civil wars that plagued the new Dynasty hit the empire at an inopportune time. It felt like it was only yesterday when Roman soldiers were at the helm of Michael VIII's triumphal entry into Constantinople. Now, the raging civil wars created an aura of mythology and mysticism concerning the Parousia of Michael into the fabled city of Constantine, some expected him to return to the throne and restore peace and prosperity to the land, and some suggested that a future emperor would enter into the eternal city of Rome itself in a manner akin to Titus or Constantine.
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Good AAR, as for the series on Course of an Empire, it is supposed to represent America, with the 3rd (I believe) being Jackson carried in, and the 4th is the destruction he will cause.
Ah yes, the Catalans pillaging Thrakia.
What is really a mystery to me, how did Romans start losing Asia Minor so fast after the Palaologoi captured Constantinople. Did they just pull every soldier out from those provinces, abandon all forts and stop giving a damn.
What is really a mystery to me, how did Romans start losing Asia Minor so fast after the Palaologoi captured Constantinople. Did they just pull every soldier out from those provinces, abandon all forts and stop giving a damn.
Really enjoying this so far. I am very fond of well written history book AARs, and Byzantine AARs in EU tend to be more game play focused - so I'm really looking forward to the way you describe any Roman revival in the AAR proper. Keep up the good work!
There are many ways to write an AAR. Thus, the coloring of the game coverage changes. In this case your narrative of history is impeccable. I'm truly enjoying your work. Keep it up.
I have read, from non-academic sources, of the possibility that it was painted in reaction to Jackson's Presidential run. It is feasible, seeing the course was painted during a period of Jacksonian Democracy which feared mob rule and the downfall of the republic. I have more appropriately read that the series by Cole was an allegory warning Americans about the possibility of their collapse if they lose the virtues that spurred the Revolution: republicanism and civic virtue. While I think the commentary on Jackson is plausible and quite entertaining, I think the latter explanation is probably more likely to have been the case. But we can all speculate since Mr. Cole never left a reason as why... still one of my favorite series of paintings, so livid and eerily accurate.
Ah yes, the Catalans pillaging Thrakia.
What is really a mystery to me, how did Romans start losing Asia Minor so fast after the Palaologoi captured Constantinople. Did they just pull every soldier out from those provinces, abandon all forts and stop giving a damn.
Catalans, can't trust them!
Well, there are many reasons why the Byzantines started to lose Asia Minor so quickly after the Palaiologoi restoration, as you mentioned, most of the soldiers were in Thrace. But more appropriately, the many civil wars the plagued the "empire" after Michael VIII's reign really didn't bode well for them - they simply didn't have the men, money, or willpower to do anything to salvage the situation in Asia.I should also inform you that I have dedicated my sequel to Saints and Angels in your name!
(Although I don't plan to spend that much significant time with it, more-or-less another avenue of escape from work and so I'm not totally fixated on this AAR only).Thanks! I am glad you are enjoying it thus. Thankfully, there is one more introduction update before we get into the content of the game finally! And the manner by which I intend to describe what happens should get quite interesting, let alone difficult on my part.
Indeed there are, I've never really gravitated to the gameplay (picture intensive) AARs, but that's probably because the first AARs I read (long before I ever joined the forum were narratives or history books, or the one's that were gameplay, had more "historical" pictures with an occasional (1-3) screens also produced per post). I am thankful you consider my narrative of history to be "impeccable." Hopefully I can manage the same vigor and intensity when writing the AAR-proper, which will soon start since this forthcoming post will be the last of the introductions.
Yes, I think that would be a very accurate and fair account of what happened to 14th Century Byzantium. So let's hope the second half of the 15th Century is different!
Introduction: The Palaiologoi Civil Wars and Pleas for Help, 1347-1444 AD
John VI’s great victory in the Palaiologoi Civil War, if you could consider his achievement a great victory – for in his “victory” he laid the seeds for the Mohammedan conquest into Greece by bringing political and economic turmoil to the empire. John VI was the undisputed emperor of Rome, but unlike past emperors, he did not have the young John V imprisoned or blinded (as was a Roman custom in dealing with pretenders to the throne). This was a fatal mistake by John VI, and for that, perhaps he should be considered a saint among a litany of otherwise brutal rulers who were supposed to be God’s vicars on earth and acting in a manner befitting of Satan himself. John VI soon had a son, Mattheos, which complicated the growing succession crisis after his victory, since John V Palaiologs still had a strong claim to the throne, which was now potentially usurped with the arrival of Mattheos.
John V, who was now of age to rule but was still co-emperor (if you could really call him that since John VI wielded all the power), was married to John VI’s daughter, thus making him his son-in-law. The birth of Mattheos meant that the Kantakouzenos line was secure and the Palaiologos line was to end – seemingly an unfortunate result since the family was instrumental in restoring the Roman Empire to some degree of power, prestige, and prosperity. Another civil war erupted in the 1350s. Both son, and son-in-law, was vying for power, and both appealed to the Mohammedans for support. Naturally, the more intelligent Mohammedan Beylik supported the efforts of John V at first, and later the appeals of Mattheos, not because he had a keen love for either, but because their internal war meant that Mohammedan soldiers would cross into Greece and help weaken their rivals from within.
John VI lost control of his empire. The people of Constantinople were in fear. Trying to resolve the issue, John VI abdicated the throne but did not declare a successor. He exiled himself to a secluded monastery in Thrace where he proceeded to detail a history of the Palaiologoi Dynasty up to the point of his reign. The new crisis was heightened when John V gathered Italian mercenaries to help him secure the throne, which he did. But Mattheos did not go down without a fight. He petitioned for Mohammedan support, which he received, but before he could set out to capture Constantinople, he was caught by supporters of John V. Mattheos renounced his claims and John V, at long last, secured his position as emperor of the Romans, albeit at a terrible cost of men and gold. The empire was on the verge of bankruptcy, and having recently been ravaged by plagues, few men were left to fill ranks of the army, which dwindled into insignificance – as did the navy. Furthermore, the economically capability of the empire was also drained, and a shortage of persons from the preceding plague meant that economic productivity would continue to dissipate at worse, or at best, remain stagnant – the former happened, so the worse of the two scenarios only hastened the crumbling empire. Some of the pious faithful claimed that God was punishing them for the civil wars, murder, lust, and otherwise sinful acts the recent emperors had been delving into.
Also, the use of Mohammedan soldiers in the civil war meant the enemies of the faith were now at the gates of Constantinople. Turkic peoples migrated into Greece to repopulate the lands, and in doing so, weakened Roman authority throughout much of Greece, confining Imperial authority to the few areas that remained mostly Greek, this was Constantinople, Athens, and Morea. The Mohammedans threat was now nearly irreversible. John V, who could comprehend the threat being posed to his rule, appealed once again to the Latin West for help, but the Latins rebuked him unless he would surrender church independence and come under the subjugation of the Latin Church and proclaim the Bishop of Rome as the head primate of all Christendom. John V was sympathetic to such calls, mostly out of self-interest, but the Greek clergy and Roman people were adamantly opposed to such actions. Thus, John was caught in a great game of chess between heaven and hell.
The crossing of the Bosphorus and the arrival of Mohammedan forces into Thrace and the rest of Europe - a direct result of the Roman civil wars, would spell disaster for the Romans and Europeans for the next 100 years. One must commend the cunning and deceptive measures the Turks took to seize every advantageous opportunity presented to them. This was followed by a massive wave of Turkish immigration into Europe mainly into Greece).
The Mohammedan advance was not slowed, their victories against the Bulgars and Serbians were extremely impressive, which created a cause for greater fear and concern among the Romans, who were quickly seeing any hope of reclaiming their Greek homelands slipping away before their eyes. A final insult was added when John had no choice but become a vassal to the Mohammedan Beylik, Murad who had previously aided him in becoming emperor. This was the straw that broke the camel’s back. The Romans were too narcissistically proud to be the vassal of heathens. Another civil war erupted, led by John’s eldest son, another Andronikus, this being the fourth to claim the throne.
Andronikus IV attempted to overthrow his father but failed, and was imprisoned and blinded. However, through a sheer stroke of luck, Andronikus managed to escape his imprisonment and lobbied before Murad for assistance in overthrowing his father, to which the Mohammedan king accepted. Thus, Andronikus returned to lay siege to Constantinople with a mixed army which included many Mohammedans. His conquest was successful, and he had his father imprisoned. But just as Andronikus had escaped, so too did John, who fled to Murad and promised a larger tribute in return for helping him reclaim his throne, and to no one’s surprise, the ever plotting Murad agreed. Now it was Andronikus who was besieged by a mixed army and was forced to capitulate and renounce his claim to throne. John V continued in the next decade, through the turmoil of the 1370s and into the 1380s, to quell one rebellion after another, with Turkic help of course, furthering weakening long-term Roman prospects of regaining the Greek heartlands, which were slowly being given to the Mohammedans for their support in defeating the rebels opposing the emperor.
Finally, John V grew weak and died. The empire he inherited was nothing more than a single city along the Bosphorus Straights. John’s second son, Manuel, was crowned emperor, becoming Manuel II. God must have been on Manuel’s side, because he immediately ended the tribute his father was paying to the Bey of the Turks, and refused to answer any letters sent questioning the direction he was taking the empire. The Mohammedans quickly gathered an army to put this insolent insult to rest, but were turned back by the mighty walls of Constantinople, yet another Mohammedan army was kept outside the city by the fabled walls and towers that protected Constantine’s decaying city. Although the siege had lasted for 8 years, the city was relatively unscathed, but the people who inhabited the city grew ever weaker by disease, hunger, and general discontent with the realities of their lives.
Lightning struck twice for the Romans, for after the failed siege the Mohammedans were defeated by another empire of Mohammedans, who were led by a warrior prince named Timur – who hailed somewhere east of Eden, probably in the lands of Nod. Timur’s victory changed the will of the Romans, who once again believed themselves to be invincible – if anything, this caused them to view their religion as the one, holy, Catholic, and apostolic Church founded by Jesus Christ and his apostles – thus hurting the continued attempts of the Palaiologoi emperors from reuniting with the Latin Church, which would bring insurmountable benefits to the decaying empire. Timur’s victory also caused a civil war in Anatolia, to which Manuel was quick to capitalize on and regained small strips of land outside of the walls of Constantinople, giving the Romans some claim to be more than just an empire of a single city – which of course, they still were. Manuel eventually retired into peaceful seclusion and his son, John VIII, ascended to the throne.
A period portait of John VIII Palaiologos, the newest Roman emperor who found the situation of the empire in an almost impossible location by the time he ascended to the throne.
John embarked on a policy of appeasement toward the Latins in hopes of securing Western aid in combating the Mohammedans, who had recovered from their interregnum after their defeat at the hands of Timur and were once again on the march throughout the Balkans and patiently eyeing the city of the world’s desires. During his travels to Italy, he met with the Pope, and with many wealthy Italian nobles, who were also introduced to his entourage of philosophers who had been reading the classics of the Roman Republican era and Ancient Greece. When meeting with the Italians, he pleaded for a new crusade to be called to save his people. Again, the attempts to reunify the two churches came to an impasse because of discontent from the Greek faithful in Constantinople. The real tragedy is that the Council of Florence had been accepted by both camps, which included the Patriarch of Constantinople, Joseph II. Some Greek Christians retained the agreement, and formed the Greek Catholic Church. However, the agreement was eventually rejected as mentioned above, thus the divorce between the Latin and Greek Churches was made manifest and official – both declared one another heretical and broke off communion, deciding to go their separate ways, the schism between east and west was finalized.
However, John’s actions had preserved the city of Constantinople from falling into Mohammedan hands. Despite the failure to unify the churches, the Europeans looked at the inability of the Mohammedans to capture Constantinople as a sign of weakness, and a new crusade was launched with the King of Poland – Vladislaw III, leading the way. A grand army of Poles, Hungarians, Bohemians, and Lithuanians had gathered to expel the Mohammedans from Europe – which was also the dream of the Romans as much as it was to the Europeans. The Crusader army gathered at Varna, but the resulting battle was not the victory the Europeans expected. The Hungarian forces led by John Hunyadi managed to turn the flanks of the Mohammedan forces, it was at this point in during the battle, King Vladislaw was killed, and the Crusader army descended into chaos with nobles and kings from across Europe fleeing like a whipped dog as confusion and panic gripped the combined Crusader army. The Mohammedans had defeated yet another Crusader army, and a new nightmare for the Romans had come to fruition. The enemy was at the gates of Constantinople, and nothing appeared to be standing in their way – except for the walls of Theodosius, which had been protecting the city for the past 1000 years.
A romanticized painting of the Battle of Varna, depicting the height of the battle. The Crusader defeat left the floodgates of Europe wide open to impending Ottoman advancement. The failure of the Crusader army to expel the Mohammedan threat meant the task of defending Europe fell to an incredibly weak and declining Roman Empire.
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This is the end of the introduction updates, which I hope helped all readers and commentatAARs who may not be familiar with Roman history as to how the "Byzantines" found themselves in the position that we all are familiar with by the start of the game. For those who know this history, I thank you for reading along when you could have just waited for the proper start of the AAR. From hereon, the content of the AAR will be focusing on the history of my current game with the Byzantines.
Thanks,
volksmarschall
Civil War, The Council of Florence, and the Crusade of Varna
John VI’s great victory in the Palaiologoi Civil War, if you could consider his achievement a great victory – for in his “victory” he laid the seeds for the Mohammedan conquest into Greece by bringing political and economic turmoil to the empire. John VI was the undisputed emperor of Rome, but unlike past emperors, he did not have the young John V imprisoned or blinded (as was a Roman custom in dealing with pretenders to the throne). This was a fatal mistake by John VI, and for that, perhaps he should be considered a saint among a litany of otherwise brutal rulers who were supposed to be God’s vicars on earth and acting in a manner befitting of Satan himself. John VI soon had a son, Mattheos, which complicated the growing succession crisis after his victory, since John V Palaiologs still had a strong claim to the throne, which was now potentially usurped with the arrival of Mattheos.
John V, who was now of age to rule but was still co-emperor (if you could really call him that since John VI wielded all the power), was married to John VI’s daughter, thus making him his son-in-law. The birth of Mattheos meant that the Kantakouzenos line was secure and the Palaiologos line was to end – seemingly an unfortunate result since the family was instrumental in restoring the Roman Empire to some degree of power, prestige, and prosperity. Another civil war erupted in the 1350s. Both son, and son-in-law, was vying for power, and both appealed to the Mohammedans for support. Naturally, the more intelligent Mohammedan Beylik supported the efforts of John V at first, and later the appeals of Mattheos, not because he had a keen love for either, but because their internal war meant that Mohammedan soldiers would cross into Greece and help weaken their rivals from within.
John VI lost control of his empire. The people of Constantinople were in fear. Trying to resolve the issue, John VI abdicated the throne but did not declare a successor. He exiled himself to a secluded monastery in Thrace where he proceeded to detail a history of the Palaiologoi Dynasty up to the point of his reign. The new crisis was heightened when John V gathered Italian mercenaries to help him secure the throne, which he did. But Mattheos did not go down without a fight. He petitioned for Mohammedan support, which he received, but before he could set out to capture Constantinople, he was caught by supporters of John V. Mattheos renounced his claims and John V, at long last, secured his position as emperor of the Romans, albeit at a terrible cost of men and gold. The empire was on the verge of bankruptcy, and having recently been ravaged by plagues, few men were left to fill ranks of the army, which dwindled into insignificance – as did the navy. Furthermore, the economically capability of the empire was also drained, and a shortage of persons from the preceding plague meant that economic productivity would continue to dissipate at worse, or at best, remain stagnant – the former happened, so the worse of the two scenarios only hastened the crumbling empire. Some of the pious faithful claimed that God was punishing them for the civil wars, murder, lust, and otherwise sinful acts the recent emperors had been delving into.
Also, the use of Mohammedan soldiers in the civil war meant the enemies of the faith were now at the gates of Constantinople. Turkic peoples migrated into Greece to repopulate the lands, and in doing so, weakened Roman authority throughout much of Greece, confining Imperial authority to the few areas that remained mostly Greek, this was Constantinople, Athens, and Morea. The Mohammedans threat was now nearly irreversible. John V, who could comprehend the threat being posed to his rule, appealed once again to the Latin West for help, but the Latins rebuked him unless he would surrender church independence and come under the subjugation of the Latin Church and proclaim the Bishop of Rome as the head primate of all Christendom. John V was sympathetic to such calls, mostly out of self-interest, but the Greek clergy and Roman people were adamantly opposed to such actions. Thus, John was caught in a great game of chess between heaven and hell.
The crossing of the Bosphorus and the arrival of Mohammedan forces into Thrace and the rest of Europe - a direct result of the Roman civil wars, would spell disaster for the Romans and Europeans for the next 100 years. One must commend the cunning and deceptive measures the Turks took to seize every advantageous opportunity presented to them. This was followed by a massive wave of Turkish immigration into Europe mainly into Greece).
The Mohammedan advance was not slowed, their victories against the Bulgars and Serbians were extremely impressive, which created a cause for greater fear and concern among the Romans, who were quickly seeing any hope of reclaiming their Greek homelands slipping away before their eyes. A final insult was added when John had no choice but become a vassal to the Mohammedan Beylik, Murad who had previously aided him in becoming emperor. This was the straw that broke the camel’s back. The Romans were too narcissistically proud to be the vassal of heathens. Another civil war erupted, led by John’s eldest son, another Andronikus, this being the fourth to claim the throne.
Andronikus IV attempted to overthrow his father but failed, and was imprisoned and blinded. However, through a sheer stroke of luck, Andronikus managed to escape his imprisonment and lobbied before Murad for assistance in overthrowing his father, to which the Mohammedan king accepted. Thus, Andronikus returned to lay siege to Constantinople with a mixed army which included many Mohammedans. His conquest was successful, and he had his father imprisoned. But just as Andronikus had escaped, so too did John, who fled to Murad and promised a larger tribute in return for helping him reclaim his throne, and to no one’s surprise, the ever plotting Murad agreed. Now it was Andronikus who was besieged by a mixed army and was forced to capitulate and renounce his claim to throne. John V continued in the next decade, through the turmoil of the 1370s and into the 1380s, to quell one rebellion after another, with Turkic help of course, furthering weakening long-term Roman prospects of regaining the Greek heartlands, which were slowly being given to the Mohammedans for their support in defeating the rebels opposing the emperor.
Finally, John V grew weak and died. The empire he inherited was nothing more than a single city along the Bosphorus Straights. John’s second son, Manuel, was crowned emperor, becoming Manuel II. God must have been on Manuel’s side, because he immediately ended the tribute his father was paying to the Bey of the Turks, and refused to answer any letters sent questioning the direction he was taking the empire. The Mohammedans quickly gathered an army to put this insolent insult to rest, but were turned back by the mighty walls of Constantinople, yet another Mohammedan army was kept outside the city by the fabled walls and towers that protected Constantine’s decaying city. Although the siege had lasted for 8 years, the city was relatively unscathed, but the people who inhabited the city grew ever weaker by disease, hunger, and general discontent with the realities of their lives.
Lightning struck twice for the Romans, for after the failed siege the Mohammedans were defeated by another empire of Mohammedans, who were led by a warrior prince named Timur – who hailed somewhere east of Eden, probably in the lands of Nod. Timur’s victory changed the will of the Romans, who once again believed themselves to be invincible – if anything, this caused them to view their religion as the one, holy, Catholic, and apostolic Church founded by Jesus Christ and his apostles – thus hurting the continued attempts of the Palaiologoi emperors from reuniting with the Latin Church, which would bring insurmountable benefits to the decaying empire. Timur’s victory also caused a civil war in Anatolia, to which Manuel was quick to capitalize on and regained small strips of land outside of the walls of Constantinople, giving the Romans some claim to be more than just an empire of a single city – which of course, they still were. Manuel eventually retired into peaceful seclusion and his son, John VIII, ascended to the throne.
A period portait of John VIII Palaiologos, the newest Roman emperor who found the situation of the empire in an almost impossible location by the time he ascended to the throne.
John embarked on a policy of appeasement toward the Latins in hopes of securing Western aid in combating the Mohammedans, who had recovered from their interregnum after their defeat at the hands of Timur and were once again on the march throughout the Balkans and patiently eyeing the city of the world’s desires. During his travels to Italy, he met with the Pope, and with many wealthy Italian nobles, who were also introduced to his entourage of philosophers who had been reading the classics of the Roman Republican era and Ancient Greece. When meeting with the Italians, he pleaded for a new crusade to be called to save his people. Again, the attempts to reunify the two churches came to an impasse because of discontent from the Greek faithful in Constantinople. The real tragedy is that the Council of Florence had been accepted by both camps, which included the Patriarch of Constantinople, Joseph II. Some Greek Christians retained the agreement, and formed the Greek Catholic Church. However, the agreement was eventually rejected as mentioned above, thus the divorce between the Latin and Greek Churches was made manifest and official – both declared one another heretical and broke off communion, deciding to go their separate ways, the schism between east and west was finalized.
However, John’s actions had preserved the city of Constantinople from falling into Mohammedan hands. Despite the failure to unify the churches, the Europeans looked at the inability of the Mohammedans to capture Constantinople as a sign of weakness, and a new crusade was launched with the King of Poland – Vladislaw III, leading the way. A grand army of Poles, Hungarians, Bohemians, and Lithuanians had gathered to expel the Mohammedans from Europe – which was also the dream of the Romans as much as it was to the Europeans. The Crusader army gathered at Varna, but the resulting battle was not the victory the Europeans expected. The Hungarian forces led by John Hunyadi managed to turn the flanks of the Mohammedan forces, it was at this point in during the battle, King Vladislaw was killed, and the Crusader army descended into chaos with nobles and kings from across Europe fleeing like a whipped dog as confusion and panic gripped the combined Crusader army. The Mohammedans had defeated yet another Crusader army, and a new nightmare for the Romans had come to fruition. The enemy was at the gates of Constantinople, and nothing appeared to be standing in their way – except for the walls of Theodosius, which had been protecting the city for the past 1000 years.
A romanticized painting of the Battle of Varna, depicting the height of the battle. The Crusader defeat left the floodgates of Europe wide open to impending Ottoman advancement. The failure of the Crusader army to expel the Mohammedan threat meant the task of defending Europe fell to an incredibly weak and declining Roman Empire.
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This is the end of the introduction updates, which I hope helped all readers and commentatAARs who may not be familiar with Roman history as to how the "Byzantines" found themselves in the position that we all are familiar with by the start of the game. For those who know this history, I thank you for reading along when you could have just waited for the proper start of the AAR. From hereon, the content of the AAR will be focusing on the history of my current game with the Byzantines.
Thanks,
volksmarschall
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Preface to the Reader: Volume 1, The Late Period Empire
I have taken it upon myself to bring you a detailed history of the late period Roman Empire, which most people know as the Byzantine Empire, or simply the Byzantines (or Byzantium). I confess that the name has both legitimacy and drawbacks. First, these people were ethnically and culturally Greek, spoke Greek, and continued the customs and traditions of the Greeks – so in this sense, they were Greek. While most traditions kept were Greek, the nobility did retain some Roman customs, mostly civic and political customs, but many had been merged with Greek traditions, see the “Parousia of Michael VIII Palaiologos” after restoring the seat of power to Constantinople in my introduction. So in this sense, the term Byzantine, or Greek, is seemingly appropriate. However, these Greek-speaking peoples considered themselves to be Roman, called themselves Roman, and although the Europeans denoted them as Greek, the Mohammedans also called them Roman. These Greek peoples thought themselves as Roman, whether the claim is substantiated or not is a moot point of endless drabble that men with little importance banter in. Even though they spoke Greek, the Greek name for the lands under the authority of the ruler of Constantinople was Βασιλεία Ῥωμαίων - Basileia Rhōmaiōn, or “empire of the Romans.” Third, the rulers of Constantinople were the direct heirs of the emperor Constantine, who had re-united the Roman Empire, but the power base had effectively moved to the East. Thus, I shall call these people Roman, and their empire – the Roman Empire; only because it seems more appropriate to see the scions of Constantinople as the continuation of the old Roman empire, although the empire was not centered on the eternal city of Rome itself.
In our introduction to this preface, I provided a quick and precise summary of the empire from the late 12th century to the middle of the 15th century – which is where my history will begin. This period of the Roman Empire is what I have termed, the late period, or Late Empire, which serves as the basic title for the first of what I expect to be multiple volumes chronicling the Roman state during and after the reign of John VIII Palaiologos. Although all written work from this point forward deals with the late period empire, one might consider viewing the first volume as an introduction to the “early” Late Empire. I know the term seems paradoxical to call something early and late at the same time, but I do presume you will bear with me, for the “Late Period Empire” spans the attempts of Roman revival and struggle, and can therefore be seen in different stages – starting at the end of the year 1444, which I date as the beginning of the Late Period Empire, the late empire itself is in its “early” phase during the “Late Period.”
Even so, it seems somewhat awkward to call the early phase of the Later Period Empire to be Roman, or even Greek for that matter. The longest stretch of continued uninterrupted lands that were supposedly under Imperial authority was situated along the Black Sea in beginning at the city of Trebizond and including the southern Georgian fiefdoms and principalities that had not fallen under Mohammedan stewardship. Indeed, it would be somewhat more accurate to describe the Late Empire, by the year 1457 AD, as the Empire of Georgia – but again, I digress. The true seat of Imperial power was still Constantinople, but to think that the despotates of the Morea or Georgia were fully under Imperial authority during the reign of John VIII would be a laughable claim that only folly men would take.
Furthermore, you must forgive me in the manner by which I translate the names and Greek phrases of the period we shall cover. First, concerning the names, even in the introduction – the keen reader would have been aware that I kept certain names Hellenized, while Latinizing others. While it is understandable that in a general history there should be a consistent manner of translation – I figure that it would be easier upon the reader to have the more exotic names, which are harder to properly Latinize, remain in the traditional Greek, while the more common names be Latinized. From this, for example, Ioannes or John, shall be Latinized, as shall Konstantinos to Constantine – after all, we remember the great emperor Constantine in the Latinized form, not the Hellene. For the sake of brevity, the names that would be best read in Latin form shall be Latinized, while those whose names are less important to our history – or do not have an exact Latinized name, shall remain in the Greek. Furthermore, certain phrases in Greek that I translate, will be my translations – not others, having a competency in the Koine language, all translations are my own.
Thus my dear readers, I do take up the daunting challenge to chronicle the social, economic, religious, political, and military history of the Late Period Empire with as much attention to detail as possible. This of course, shall be a labor of love, resolve, and much skill. So, it is then, I will begin with the first volume of the Decline and Fall of Roman Civilization, continuing with the reign of the emperor John VIII Palaiologos and his attempts to court some of the Imperial crown lands back to his control. While, to a certain degree successful, insofar as he did make territorial gains during his reign, nearly all of the territory that he brought back under Roman authority was de jure, for the de facto political power remained in the hands of powerful Roman and post-Roman nobility who would cut deals with the emperor to retain their prior privileges but also “accept” the dominion of the emperor of Constantinople over their lands.
~ Edward Lamillar (volksmarschall)
I have taken it upon myself to bring you a detailed history of the late period Roman Empire, which most people know as the Byzantine Empire, or simply the Byzantines (or Byzantium). I confess that the name has both legitimacy and drawbacks. First, these people were ethnically and culturally Greek, spoke Greek, and continued the customs and traditions of the Greeks – so in this sense, they were Greek. While most traditions kept were Greek, the nobility did retain some Roman customs, mostly civic and political customs, but many had been merged with Greek traditions, see the “Parousia of Michael VIII Palaiologos” after restoring the seat of power to Constantinople in my introduction. So in this sense, the term Byzantine, or Greek, is seemingly appropriate. However, these Greek-speaking peoples considered themselves to be Roman, called themselves Roman, and although the Europeans denoted them as Greek, the Mohammedans also called them Roman. These Greek peoples thought themselves as Roman, whether the claim is substantiated or not is a moot point of endless drabble that men with little importance banter in. Even though they spoke Greek, the Greek name for the lands under the authority of the ruler of Constantinople was Βασιλεία Ῥωμαίων - Basileia Rhōmaiōn, or “empire of the Romans.” Third, the rulers of Constantinople were the direct heirs of the emperor Constantine, who had re-united the Roman Empire, but the power base had effectively moved to the East. Thus, I shall call these people Roman, and their empire – the Roman Empire; only because it seems more appropriate to see the scions of Constantinople as the continuation of the old Roman empire, although the empire was not centered on the eternal city of Rome itself.
In our introduction to this preface, I provided a quick and precise summary of the empire from the late 12th century to the middle of the 15th century – which is where my history will begin. This period of the Roman Empire is what I have termed, the late period, or Late Empire, which serves as the basic title for the first of what I expect to be multiple volumes chronicling the Roman state during and after the reign of John VIII Palaiologos. Although all written work from this point forward deals with the late period empire, one might consider viewing the first volume as an introduction to the “early” Late Empire. I know the term seems paradoxical to call something early and late at the same time, but I do presume you will bear with me, for the “Late Period Empire” spans the attempts of Roman revival and struggle, and can therefore be seen in different stages – starting at the end of the year 1444, which I date as the beginning of the Late Period Empire, the late empire itself is in its “early” phase during the “Late Period.”
Even so, it seems somewhat awkward to call the early phase of the Later Period Empire to be Roman, or even Greek for that matter. The longest stretch of continued uninterrupted lands that were supposedly under Imperial authority was situated along the Black Sea in beginning at the city of Trebizond and including the southern Georgian fiefdoms and principalities that had not fallen under Mohammedan stewardship. Indeed, it would be somewhat more accurate to describe the Late Empire, by the year 1457 AD, as the Empire of Georgia – but again, I digress. The true seat of Imperial power was still Constantinople, but to think that the despotates of the Morea or Georgia were fully under Imperial authority during the reign of John VIII would be a laughable claim that only folly men would take.
Furthermore, you must forgive me in the manner by which I translate the names and Greek phrases of the period we shall cover. First, concerning the names, even in the introduction – the keen reader would have been aware that I kept certain names Hellenized, while Latinizing others. While it is understandable that in a general history there should be a consistent manner of translation – I figure that it would be easier upon the reader to have the more exotic names, which are harder to properly Latinize, remain in the traditional Greek, while the more common names be Latinized. From this, for example, Ioannes or John, shall be Latinized, as shall Konstantinos to Constantine – after all, we remember the great emperor Constantine in the Latinized form, not the Hellene. For the sake of brevity, the names that would be best read in Latin form shall be Latinized, while those whose names are less important to our history – or do not have an exact Latinized name, shall remain in the Greek. Furthermore, certain phrases in Greek that I translate, will be my translations – not others, having a competency in the Koine language, all translations are my own.
Thus my dear readers, I do take up the daunting challenge to chronicle the social, economic, religious, political, and military history of the Late Period Empire with as much attention to detail as possible. This of course, shall be a labor of love, resolve, and much skill. So, it is then, I will begin with the first volume of the Decline and Fall of Roman Civilization, continuing with the reign of the emperor John VIII Palaiologos and his attempts to court some of the Imperial crown lands back to his control. While, to a certain degree successful, insofar as he did make territorial gains during his reign, nearly all of the territory that he brought back under Roman authority was de jure, for the de facto political power remained in the hands of powerful Roman and post-Roman nobility who would cut deals with the emperor to retain their prior privileges but also “accept” the dominion of the emperor of Constantinople over their lands.
~ Edward Lamillar (volksmarschall)
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Wit hthe battle of Varna situation was far more complex. Papal envoy to the young king Władysław III (he was 20) assured him that Turks where not only weak, he also assured him of broader assistance by the Papacy and Venetians. Władysław, King of Poland Lithuania Hungary and Bohemia was very eager for a fight and simply wasted his life... This senteced Hungary and Bohemia to a PU with Austria, eventually removed Poland and Lithuania from Blacksea coast and all other effects (like the eventual dying off Jegiellon Dynasty). This was not simply a tragedy of a battle. This not just sealed the fate of Constantinople, it ended House of Jagiellon to become supreme house in Europe that was about to unite Central Europe. Some believe this was a papal scheme...
An excellent summation of a confused and complex series of events. It seems no external threat, however powerful, was sufficient to bring the Byzantines to unity.
And now... what will you do?
And now... what will you do?
Did you skip John VII? Or was he just a minor co-emperor if I remember anything...
Also, wasn't the last Emperor of united East + West Theodosius still in 395, when Constantine died in 330s?
Also, wasn't the last Emperor of united East + West Theodosius still in 395, when Constantine died in 330s?
You have quite a daunting task ahead of you. It's going to be quite a ride, chronicling the social, economic, religious, political, and military history of the Late Period Empire. This is where the writing of a AAR, any ARR, the way you want makes the game and the site a lot of fun. Just one question, will you be letting the game dictate the rise and, or fall?
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I would suggest something, A like Parisian Commune, because I can not really see aristocracy doing anything else than it did already. All that religious devotion and nationalist pride must be put to use in some form of zealotic berserk... restoration from the bottom... But we all know it's near to impossible in those times and conditions.
Wit hthe battle of Varna situation was far more complex. Papal envoy to the young king Władysław III (he was 20) assured him that Turks where not only weak, he also assured him of broader assistance by the Papacy and Venetians. Władysław, King of Poland Lithuania Hungary and Bohemia was very eager for a fight and simply wasted his life... This senteced Hungary and Bohemia to a PU with Austria, eventually removed Poland and Lithuania from Blacksea coast and all other effects (like the eventual dying off Jegiellon Dynasty). This was not simply a tragedy of a battle. This not just sealed the fate of Constantinople, it ended House of Jagiellon to become supreme house in Europe that was about to unite Central Europe. Some believe this was a papal scheme...
You'll have to forgive me, I am not versed or trained in Polish history, unless Polish history crosses into one of my fields of study! ha ha ha. Although, now I know of a potential conspiracy theory revolving around Varna! I've read that if Vladslaw let Huyandi have control of the battle (he apparently took over control when the Hungarians turned the Ottoman flanks and launched what some might say a reckless attack on the Ottoman center, only to be killed and send the Crusader army into chaos. But then again, I wasn't there and objectivity in history is impossible (so says a historian by training).
Thank you Director! Long time no see. I noticed you finished your magnum opus "A Special Providence," I should probably catch up on that (although I am not sure if I ever posted in it).
Yes, I skipped John VII because he was emperor for 6 months, and therefore, totally irrelevant to my introduction which was just a basic summary (as quickly as possible, but also caring for accuracy) to get us to 1444. I really didn't want more than the first 3 pages of this AAR to be historical introduction. Looks like I met the goal!
Yes, Theodosius was the last emperor of a unified Rome, I corrected that - thank you! He also is the emperor that made Christianity the state religion, Constantine's Edict of Milan just tolerated other religions (including Christianity), the Edict was perhaps the first document allowing a certain degree of religious freedom without persecution anywhere in the world. But many people forget this, sigh. Btw, I blame you for making me revive "The Presidents!"
Yes, I have laid out many daunting things for me in this AAR, let alone the game itself. Unfortunately for me, the first AARs I stumbled across while still unregistered (2006-2008) were some of the "all time great" AARs from the likes of Yogi and coz1 and have stuck with me in the AAR business ever since, so I always have delusional visions of creating such AARs. Oh well. Nonetheless I do think this AAR could last quite a while, I mean, my current magnum opus, "The Presidents" was 48 pages and that took from 2009-2011 (now it's on 49 since I just recently decided I was going to finish it to satisfy my partiality to it). I am not sure what you mean by letting the game dictate the rise and fall? I confess the name of this AAR is not necessarily reflective of what might transpire - but I suppose I would say yes, I am not going for a super world conquest with the Byzantines. The end of this AAR will be tied to the title in one way or another. Glad to have you on board for this ride!
Very challenging, especially since I handicapped myself not to use gamey tactics, like DoW-ing the Ottomans during obviously gamey situations.
And now we wait.
And now I suffer!