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volksmarschall

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Chapter VII

Chaos in Asia Minor, Constantine XI becomes Caesar of Rome

The end of the Macedonian War in 1463, and the subsequent conquests of Albania and Candar that followed brought the Late Period Empire to new heights. It had finally turned back the tide of the Mohammedan invaders that had been slowly dissolving the peripheries of the empire for the past century and half. The victories brought forth a new wave of optimism and confidence among the Roman people not felt since, perhaps the Parousia of Michael VIII Palaiologos in 1261. The Greek Renaissance had its beginnings in the Roman triumphs in Greece and Macedon, which would later come to reach power and influence in the coming decades.

Following the peace, the 1460s seem to be a rather uneventful time in Roman history. The emperor John VIII seemed to live longer than he should’ve, or at least, he stunned much of the court by his longevity and presiding abilities. In 1464, he approved of new liturgical reforms, which was supported by the Ecumenical Patriarch, but was met with some resistance by the conservative laity who saw the millennia old liturgy of the church as something so sacrosanct, that any attempt to change it was borderline heresy. One could say it was much ado about nothing, the entirety of the reform called for the additional of two additional prayers before the commencement of the Holy Eucharist.

By 1468, news of a Mohammedan coalition against Rome, hoping to amount for the final thrust into the heart of the beacon of the West, was alarming news to the Roman administration and nobility. It is said that upon hearing the news, Duke John IV Komnenos died of grief believing that a coalition of all neighboring Mohammedan kingdoms meant that the end was nigh. He was succeeded by Duke Michael I of Trebizond, who is otherwise unimportant for this narrative as he was man who accomplished little during his rule. In response, the Romans cemented their alliance with Hungary in hope that this would curtail future Mohammedan aggression – but it didn’t. Indeed, the Hungarians were more a liability than an actual ally in the fight against the Mohammedan Turks.

News of the Mohammedan coalition against Rome encouraged the Sunnite populations in the recently conquered regions of Sinope and Kastamonu to rise up against their Roman masters in revolution. The Romans diverted nearly half of the military strength and capital to silence these revolts. The first attempt was an abysmal failure, and the Romans fled from the field like whipped dogs, having been defeated by not just a mere rabble, but a rabble fighting with the passion of zeal as if God himself had installed into the courage and strength to face the very legions of Satan and not even bat an eye. Constantine Palaiologos quickly took charge and remedied the dire situation, and in May of 1469, marched on Sinope and defeated the Sunnite Mohammedan revolutions that were sweeping the countryside.

Furthermore, in fear of the very real risk of having to flee Constantinople, the Romans looked for a safe stronghold getaway, if one could call it that. In the summer of 1468, the Romans invaded the isle of Cyprus, which was ruled over by the Lusignan family, descendants of the last true King of Jerusalem, Guy de Lusignan, who had been expelled from the holy city after his debacle against the venerable Salah ad-Din [1] at the Battle of the Horns of Hattin in 1187. King Jean de Lusignan refuged patronage to the emperor’s demand, as expected, and a Roman invasion force landed on the north half of the island.

As the Romans marched south, King Jean’s wife, Queen Charlotte, realizing the impending doom for the kingdom of Cyprus, murdered her husband in cold blood and turned the isle over to the Romans in promise to save her seat of power (lest the emperor fled to Cyprus from Constantinople). She was enthroned as Empress Charlotte of Cyprus in April of 1469. To this effect, Cyprus became another Despotate of the empire. While de jure rule was heeded to the emperor in Constantinople, the de facto power remained the pre-existing nobility, or in many cases, the former king or queen of the land before the Roman “conquest” brought these territories under Imperial jurisdiction.


A romantic depiction of the execution (murder) of King Jean II of Cyprus. Soon after, Cyprus fell to the Roman invasion and Queen Charlotte was installed as regent of the island! Note the historical inaccuracy as it still shows a major portion of the island being Mamluk.

It seems natural, to some members of our contemporary political parties, that such a form of political decentralization would be a dream among many. But for the sake of empire, by which the central authority is paramount, this decentralization of power, which had long plagued the empire since the collapse of the Komnenian Dynasty, was a true thorn in the side of Roman bids for centralization. Even as some of these territories prospered economically, in their newfound wealth, their loyalties and ties were closer to their local magistrates than to the emperor himself.

One of the great problems the empire had to deal with after the Palaiologoi Restoration was the unofficial doctrine, “The Empire runs on paper.” In theory, the empire was a unified centralized body. In practice, many powerful nobles and lesser magistrates wielded greater power, and even had the ear of the emperor at certain times, promoting various results. At times, the nobles gathered in support of the military, diplomatic, or administrative reforms of the emperor – often when they had something worthwhile to gain from it. At other times, they adamantly opposed, and sometimes, even sabotaged such reforms.

To make matters worse, Roman spies had reported a large concentration of Mohammedan forces in Europe! Evidently, the Turkic Sultan did not like the ever expanding dreams of the Roman state around his lands – and so, learning from the mistakes of war less than a decade prior, the Mohammedans had gathered large proportions of their forces to strike at the heart of the Imperial realm, while leaving smaller forces in Asia Minor to deal with the Roman holdings along the Black Sea.

The news started Emperor John, who sought a diplomatic means to calm the rising tensions, but to no avail. The attempts to lessen the rising tensions were rebuffed by ardent Mohammedan ministers in the royal palaces of John. One quoted the Hadith, the Mohammedan foundational book of attributing sayings to the Prophet:

"Verily you shall conquer Constantinople. What a wonderful leader will her leader be, and what a wonderful army will that army be!"

While some of my colleagues have attempted to claim this saying of the Hadith was a fabrication, it appears to be genuine, and a driving motive for the Mohammedan conquests against the Roman Empire. Of course, there were practical matters for the application of this verse in reality. Believed to have been said from the Prophet himself, for it not to come true would be the same for as if the disciples had not seen the Risen Christ! As the Apostle Paul said, “We are to be most pitied” [2]. Thus, it makes sense that the Mohammedans would fight so hard to ensure this saying come true, or perhaps, trust that it would come true at some point in time. But the fear was, with the millennium quick approaching, a new wave of Millenarianism was hastening the commitment to religious prophecy in anticipation for the end of the war 1000 years after the hijra of Mohammad from Mecca to Medina, in the year 622 AD.

On 17 March, 1470, the emperor John VIII died. The traditional story was he had died from grief upon hearing the rejection of offers of peace (although there had yet been a declaration of war between Rome and the Turkic King). In reality, he had died of old age. His brother, the general of the Roman armies, Constantine, was proclaimed emperor in the Hagia Sophia, crowned Constantine XI during his enthronement. Although a Mohammedan delegation was in attendance to pay their homage and respect, by June, hostilities had broken out between the Mohammedans and Romans, and a large Mohammedan army was marching on Constantinople, which Constantine hastily prepared to defend. His faithful steward for many years, Georgios Diogenes, was given the impossible task of defending the city.


An etching of Emperor Constantine XI, the newly crowned Emperor of the Romans. He had a monumental task of having to defend the still fragile empire almost immediately after his coronation.


[1] A variant spelling of Saladin, in my studies, it appears as if Salah ad-Din was the frequent spelling of his name into the Twentieth Century.

[2] First Book of Corinthians, Chapter 15, Verse 19.
 
Last edited:

Enewald

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But the perfect competition model has its uses. :p
All models are wrong, but some can be useful. ;)

So, this time you will be besieging Asia Minor will Turks roam Balkans?

Any westerners aiding you?
 

Dr.Livingstone

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Glad I finally caught up to this excellent aar! Your style is wonderful, and the subject matter not to shabby either. Subscribed ;)
 

FelixMajor

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I am compelled to say that this work is magnificent. Over the course of the past week I have been reading throughout AARland and was positively delighted to find this work. I have also found myself most pleased to have found suggested reading listed to add to my collection (much to the dismay of my purse.)

It does sadden me to know that this resurgent empire will fall into decline. It shall be interesting to follow. It seems you are seeing the stage for a decentralized empire to feel the acute pains of nationalism and liberalism at the end of the games timeline (though not yet having acquired this game I don't know if this will come from game mechanics or narrative elements.)

Many thanks for this entertaining and informative work.
 

Pilot00

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It just hit me, I want to see how you will explain the Byz army after the those dlc models :wacko:
 

Nathan Madien

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A romantic depiction of the execution (murder) of King Jean II of Cyprus. Soon after, Cyprus fell to the Roman invasion and Queen Charlotte was installed as regent of the island! Note the historical inaccuracy as it still shows a major portion of the island being Mamluk.

I'm not sure who I feel sorrier for: the King or that horse.


An etching of Emperor Constantine XI, the newly crowned Emperor of the Romans. He had a monumental task of having to defend the still fragile empire almost immediately after his coronation.

What kind of hat is that by the way? It looks a little weird.
 

Pilot00

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Last edited:

volksmarschall

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But the perfect competition model has its uses. :p
All models are wrong, but some can be useful. ;)

So, this time you will be besieging Asia Minor will Turks roam Balkans?

Any westerners aiding you?

If you believe in perfect competition! :p

Who said anything about Asia Minor? I have no Western support!! :glare:

Glad I finally caught up to this excellent aar! Your style is wonderful, and the subject matter not to shabby either. Subscribed ;)

Well Dr.Livingstone, I'm glad you like it! :D

I am compelled to say that this work is magnificent. Over the course of the past week I have been reading throughout AARland and was positively delighted to find this work. I have also found myself most pleased to have found suggested reading listed to add to my collection (much to the dismay of my purse.)

It does sadden me to know that this resurgent empire will fall into decline. It shall be interesting to follow. It seems you are seeing the stage for a decentralized empire to feel the acute pains of nationalism and liberalism at the end of the games timeline (though not yet having acquired this game I don't know if this will come from game mechanics or narrative elements.)

Many thanks for this entertaining and informative work.

Thank you so much for your kind words! Now, if I can only convince myself to move out of research and small essays and papers into the field of books! :p

I am always amazed at the insights that so many people in AARland have - I never really thought of the age of liberalism and revolution (post game) as being a possible outcome for the Decline and Fall if I make it that far! :cool: It certainly fits considering the rise of localism or despotates, which - as I had originally conceived of this, were going to be a major focus in the third volume when the decline and fall should happen. :( *Nothing like ending an AAR on a sad note, but that's ironically what I'm going for!*

I am glad and pleased to know that you have enjoyed this thus far, especially since I have, what 2-3 screenshots of the game actually provided? :ninja:

It just hit me, I want to see how you will explain the Byz army after the those dlc models :wacko:

I won't! ;)

I'm not sure who I feel sorrier for: the King or that horse.

Now that you point it out, I feel bad for the horse too! :eek:

What kind of hat is that by the way? It looks a little weird.

I believe it is called a skiadion. Pretty neat hat if you ask me.

Actually this a glyph/etching of the coinage of the time depicting emperor John.

I realized this too, but I honestly am not moved to change the picture so much, probably at least not until I post the next update since it'll give me an excuse to go back an edit it! Damn google images sometimes gives you the wrong image. That image is actually taken or looks like the iconography of John VIII on some Byzantine coins, where he is wearing that same style hat in the same pose.
 

Pilot00

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I realized this too, but I honestly am not moved to change the picture so much, probably at least not until I post the next update since it'll give me an excuse to go back an edit it! Damn google images sometimes gives you the wrong image. That image is actually taken or looks like the iconography of John VIII on some Byzantine coins, where he is wearing that same style hat in the same pose.


Eh well, you can use the first link provided in my previous post if you feel like it (no need to though), the original coin btw:

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikiped...o,_medaglia_di_giovanni_di_bisanzio_recto.JPG

It reads as: Palaiologos Iwannis, King and Emperor of the Romans (clock wise).

I am surprised no westerners are supporting you though.
 

Forster

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As someone who studied economics, and to someone who is studying economics! ;) I believe I can tell you my favorite joke of all time and you will probably be among the people to get it.

A physicist, a chemist, and an economist are stranded on an island. There is a can of food they found, but no way of opening it. The physicist and the chemist both create elaborate schemes to get the can open. They then ask the economist about his plan, and the economist replies, "Let's assume the can is open!" :p :rofl:

Well Enewald, you will be the first person I give a notice to when I get around to that PhD dissertation someday! ;)

The thing that I find interesting about economists is that they are NEVER wrong. :D
 

General_Hoth

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volksmarschall

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Chapter VII

Assessing John VIII's Reign as Emperor

Before one can proceed to the forthcoming Siege of Constantinople, it is important to take a look at the legacy of Emperor John VIII, who defied much of Europe (and the Turks) by holding onto the remnants of the Roman Empire for as long as he did. He had come to the throne in 1425, and reigned until 1470, for a total of 45 years. Thus, Emperor John has the distinction of being the longest reigning Emperor of the Romans, for Augustus only reigned 41 years!


A bust of Augustus Caesar, the second longest reigning emperor of the Romans of 41 years (historically speaking, he is the longest). John VIII's 45 year reign was the longest in Roman history, although he fell far short of the glory of Augustus Caesar.

In his wake, John had managed to hold the most important political and cultural and economic center of the empire – Constantinople. Elsewhere, the Despotate of Trebizond, which essentially covered the entirety of the coast of the Black Sea in Anatolia, as well as Southern Greece, Albania, and Cyprus were all either re-added or consolidated during his reign. While it would be somewhat naïve to think that his territorial legacy is great or immense, especially compared to the likes of Augustus or Trajan, or perhaps even the more recent Justinian, Basil, or Alexios, the land re-assortment under his reign was quite remarkable given the underlying circumstances that plagued the empire upon the ascendency of his reign.

But even so, Emperor John was not able to save the Roman Empire. While it is unfortunate to lay blame unto him for failing to achieve a re-union among the Eastern and Western Churches at the Union of Florence, his inability (however credible it is to lay such blames onto the emperor himself) to bring the long and deeply divided Greek and Latin Churches together was among his greatest failures. Still, the Western Catholic Christians, although having steep and romantic eyes and images of the grandeur that the emperor and the empire itself possessed, still saw their Greek brethren as heretics and sometimes, justly deserving God’s punishment through the Mohammedan invaders. The failures of re-union also plagued his reign after he returned. Learning from the mistakes of the first Palaiologos Emperor, Michael VIII, who died without the funeral rites of either the Catholic or Orthodox Church, John embarked on a policy of endearment and protection of the Greek speaking Roman Church, promising, and even promoting, to the negative ramifications of the Imperial Treasury – greater Church power and independence during the latter half of his reign. The great wealth of the Church was never subject to taxation, and the codling position and foreign policy influence between the emperor and the Patriarch of Constantinople only continued to solidify the imperial domination (or vise-versa) of the empire and the Church. The inability to tax the great revenues of wealth (which, to a certain extent, had been over imagined for the Church itself was not as wealthy as it portrayed itself to be) of the Church ensured continuous monetary shortfalls during his reign.

Indeed, John’s worst failure was in the territorial re-acquisitions during his reign. He never managed to reconnect the imperial city with the imperial domains of Greece or Anatolia. The flight to capture Cyprus was also a means for retreat that the emperor and his family might venture to in the event that Constantinople would fall into the hands of the Mohammedans, and other than this purpose (and perhaps the fact that the majority of Cypriotes were Greek Orthodox), the invasion of Cyprus was a waste of manpower, money, and time for the Roman efforts which could had been better served elsewhere. Indeed the financial and economic problems that beset the empire were never addressed during John’s reign. While the Roman economy was sustaining, it was never an robust economy, even with a greater emphasis on trade during his reign.

The territories that he managed to bring back under imperial domain always suffered from the idea that the empire ran on paper. Indeed, his greatest success was his greatest failure, as I have already said. Trebizond, Cyprus, Albania, and Greece (formerly the Despotate of the Morea) became self-sustaining and factional in outlook. Although the ruling nobles of all areas pledged their allegiance to the emperor, each had factional rivalry with one another. The Komnenos Family ruling Trebizond, although having submitted to the Palaologoi, still had a mindset of elitism as they were the long descendants of the last great dynasty of the Romans – the Komnenoi, who presided over the last great era of Roman economic, cultural, and military dominance over the Eastern Mediterranean Sea. Albania was fiercely envious, jealous, and determined to maintain free of Greek hegemony, even as it was once again part of the Empire! The minor armies of each Despotate, while in theory loyal to the emperor, was more loyal to their local Duke or General than a faraway and invisible emperor in Constantinople whom they were never likely to see during their lifetime.

His death ensured the continuation of the imperial power vacuum that had long never been addressed by Roman emperors from Basil forward. While John and the Palaologoi Dynasty could claim to be the heirs of Augustus and the rulers of “Rome”, at least in the sense that they were the very continuation of the Roman Empire, the local authority of the nobles and despotates always held more power than the emperor who was confined to his throne in Constantinople. And while his brother, Constantine XI, was now emperor of the Romans, Constantine’s military focus (during John’s reign and his own) ensured that the pressing matter of administrative reform was to be neglected for the foreseeable future. The decentralization of power and authority, which to a degree, was not the fault of the Roman emperor(s) but more the result of dwindling authority following the death of Michael VIII, nonetheless was accelerated under John’s reign by his constant refusal to seek a re-centralization of administrative and government power. But one might ask, who can blame him when his priorities were with the mere survival of the empire itself?

I guess hindsight is twenty-twenty and I have the luxury to criticize John after the fact. Yet, previous Roman emperors looked to administrative reform to help ease the burdens or solve the political crises of the empire. The most famous would be Diocletian, who formally divided the empire into two halves to better distribute the administrative burdens facing the empire. Of course, as Livy wrote concerning the transition of republic to empire under Augustus, Livy maintained that Augustus was simply re-asserting the republican moral tradition that had fallen into disarray from civil war which begat the Roman Empire. Constantine the Great also sought greater centralization for the emperor during his reign after having defeated the emperor Maxentius at the Milvian Bridge and re-uniting the two halves of the empire – ultimately leading to the construction of the great city of Constantinople as the new nexus of imperial gravitas.


The Battle of the Milvian Bridge, 312 A.D., where Constantine defeated Maxentius always loomed over the Roman emperors of the East of the former grandeur that once was the Roman Empire.

From the glancing eye, John’s accomplishments were immense, great, and perhaps he was deserving of an epithet such as “the Great” (he never was, nor is, remembered as John the Great, but still as John VIII). Yet, steep beneath his successes as emperor, he ironically laid the foundations for civil war, factionalism, rivalry, envy, jealousy, and an administrative nightmare that would give rise to the powers of the despotates rather than the power of the Imperial Emperor. While one later emperor whom I shall cover in his entirety in volume two tried to change to address the problems that plagued the empire upon his ascendency to the throne, the Emperor John was no Augustus, no Trajan, no Constantine, lo, not even a Justinian, Basil, Alexios, or even Michael!

Whilst his ability to keep the fledging empire together from total capitulation under the iron thumb of Mohammedan rule, he neither left the empire in a good position, nor, to be fair, in an untenable one either. Rather, the many problems plaguing the empire were simply masked by his apparent successes, to which latter emperors were never truly made aware of. Yet, to be fair, one cannot fault John for the failures of later men, nobles, and emperors. But, if he was aware of the weak foundation he had created, and yet did nothing, John certainly shares equal blame. At his death, the empire had survived, and expanded, but to claim it as thriving or capable of being considered a great power, let alone a regional one, is a folly thought. Even at his death, the Mohammedan threat was beckoning at the very gates of Constantinople which would become the main focus for the reign of his brother Constantine, who was almost entirely pre-occupied with his war with the Mohammedan Turks during the entirety of his short reign!


 
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FelixMajor

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I am glad and pleased to know that you have enjoyed this thus far, especially since I have, what 2-3 screenshots of the game actually provided?

I appreciate your sparing use of screen captures. They serve as a reasonable substitute for a map. Your emphasis on historical art provides a sense of authenticity as well as introducing your readers to pieces they may otherwise have never discovered.

Your summary of John's reign and the title of your next chapter make me pity Constantine for what troubles seem to await.
 

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So...if I'm not wrong...Roman civil wars...came with their gains...because of their diverse cultures and ideologies that made up their nation over time.

As for John...I don't solely blame him for laying the foundations for civil war, factionalism, rivalry, envy, and jealousy. The further away you go from your moral, and culture base, administration becomes a nightmare to handle unless you have a huge army to control the masses. Even then, you begin to wonder who you can trust...including your military leaders in far away posts. The Empire was imperialistic; it's just a part of the game they played. Besides that Constantinople would be eventually surrounded on all sides by the Ottomans...that can't be helped.

See, I'm learning. You're doing a great job if you can teach an old dog like me new things. Of course, you're the scholar, not me...so, I could easily be wrong.
 
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Idhrendur

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I've just read through everything here. I love your writing style, and I'm looking forward to future updates.
 

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What kind of Roman Empire would it be without civil wars and glorifying old civil wars. :p

It would cease being the Roman Empire if that ever happened - so I have to make sure it continues...

I appreciate your sparing use of screen captures. They serve as a reasonable substitute for a map. Your emphasis on historical art provides a sense of authenticity as well as introducing your readers to pieces they may otherwise have never discovered.

Your summary of John's reign and the title of your next chapter make me pity Constantine for what troubles seem to await.

Naturally one of the problems with the inclusion of historical artwork is trying to make sure it 1) fits the mold, 2) is of the period, 3) can be substituted for what's being subscribed. It isn't easy scanning through artwork sometimes, so many thanks for the general approval! I do find historical artwork to be very beautiful, and have taken courses in "Art as history" which is very engaging.

Ah yes, the trouble that Constantine and the successors will have in dealing with the Despotates, the original avenue to which I was going to write of the Decline and Fall - although, pending on how far I get, I do like your connotation with possibly relating the fall to the rise of nationalism in the post-game era.

So...if I'm not wrong...Roman civil wars...came with their gains...because of their diverse cultures and ideologies that made up their nation over time.

As for John...I don't solely blame him for laying the foundations for civil war, factionalism, rivalry, envy, and jealousy. The further away you go from your moral, and culture base, administration becomes a nightmare to handle unless you have a huge army to control the masses. Even then, you begin to wonder who you can trust...including your military leaders in far away posts. The Empire was imperialistic; it's just a part of the game they played. Besides that Constantinople would be eventually surrounded on all sides by the Ottomans...that can't be helped.

See, I'm learning. You're doing a great job if you can teach an old dog like me new things. Of course, you're the scholar, not me...so, I could easily be wrong.

And as "The scholar" I am now swamped having read some 2000 pages of those books and articles I have for my paper and presentation, which is coming up at such a rapid pace. Hmm, I really do think Gibbon is influencing my opinion of the empire again.

Yes, the empire was imperialistic - and very intolerant too, which will be dealt with in the coming sections now that I have Candar and a major population of Sunni Muslims to deal with inside my borders with such a high revolt risk.

I've just read through everything here. I love your writing style, and I'm looking forward to future updates.

Welcome, and thank you for the kind words Idhrendur! I hope then, the level of writing will remain up to par and the story will remain engaging for at least the next 2 1/2 volumes I intend to write! :eek:
 

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Chapter VIII, Part 2, Vol. 1: The Rise of the Despotates

The Siege of Constantinople, 1470 A.D.

The coronation of, and celebration of the ascent of Constantine XI to the Roman throne couldn’t stand on happy or joyful legs for long. As the Mohammedans marched on Constantinople, the Romans hastily manned the Theodosian landwalls to once again hopefully repel another foreign invader throwing itself against the walls of the mighty city of Constantine. The siege of Constantinople brought a stunning collision of old and new together.

The Mohammedan Turks had long been rivals to the Romans, going as far back to the disaster at Manzikert in the late eleventh century, assuming one considers the Seljuks as a sort of proto-Ottoman state (although it should be noted, the two are not related outside of the fact that the Ottomans eventually absorbed the territories of the Seljuks). For centuries, the Mohammedans had been throwing themselves against the mighty Roman Empire, and had been met with failure and success all at the same time. Now, the Mohammedans had the city isolated and surrounded, and were determined to finally drive a stake into the heart of the Romans and bring the final destruction of the Roman Empire to fruition. At the same time, the Romans put their trust in the mighty landwalls that protected their eternal city, walls and towers that had repeatedly turned back Mohammedans, Barbarians, Russians, and many other peoples.

Yet, this siege also brought forth the new technologies of war. The Turks were bringing with them a handful of crude early cannons that could hopefully punch a hole into the walls that had held them at bay for so long. This siege was among the earliest in military history that cannons would be used in battle, and although artillery has become commonplace since, the crude artillery being drug to battle by the Turks was just that – crude. Although terribly loud and psychologically terrifying, their actual effectiveness in battle was less than noteworthy. Even the Europeans had been experimenting in early cannon technology, but found limited use for them. At the Siege of Orleans during the 100 Years’ War between England and France, Jean de’ Arc and the French army employed the use of cannons against the English. However, the Mohammedans, as the Europeans were having troubles with, had not yet mastered the exact manner of use of cannons in battle. Although the later cannons would bring an end to the mighty walls and castle defenses that had protected many cities and empires, these early deployments of artillery in battle had only limited effect.


Ottoman cannons present at the Siege of Constantinople, firing at the walls of the seemingly invincible city.

For example, during the siege, the Mohammedan cannonades never focused on a single location. Rather, the Mohammedan gunners simply shot their cannons at the general direction of the Roman walls and prayed for the best. While the noise was terrifying, and when a good hit struck the walls, the Romans were terrified, by the time the Mohammedans started to use the cannons to better effect (by aiming many cannons at the same target at certain angles that would do the most damage upon impact), the Turkic commanders were growing impatient and seeing their large size advantage over the Romans, naturally decided they would use this to their advantage.

Although Constantine XI was present at the Turks fired off their cannons at the general direction of the city, Constantine was old and no longer truly capable of leading the Roman armies. He entrusted the 12,000 Roman defenders to his faithful aide-de-camp and Athenian born general Georgios Diogenes. Opposite of him, the Turkic Sultan Ahmed I had gathered about 13,000 professional soldiers, which was accompanied by no fewer than 50,000 auxiliary troops, mostly overzealous Mohammedans who joined their king on his march to the city [1]. Both sides knew what was at stake during the siege. If the Mohammedans could break the walls and capture the city, it would be a resounding triumph for the children of Mohammad – and certainly bring the death to the longstanding Roman Empire. If the Romans managed to hold the city, they could conceivably wither the Turks down and force a possibly favorable peace.

As the Mohammedan artillery finally became more effective, a section of near the Gate of Blachernae came tumbling down (the Gate is toward the northern most section of the city). Upon seeing this section of the walls come apart, Ahmed I ordered some 10,000 auxiliaries who were nearby to storm into the torn section of the landwalls. The Romans, who had spread their forces across the entire city (although they had concentrated them where the Mohammedans had concentrated for the bombardment and siege), had only around 1500 soldiers in the northern section of the city. The Roman commander of the northern garrison panicked at the sight of the crumbled walls and an angry and zealous mob of Turks charging at him. He dispatched an aid to call for Diogenes to bring forth reinforcements.

However, the Turkic Sultan played his cards close to his chest. Although a section of the walls had been breached, he kept his best forces in reserve and continued the bombardment, even launching an archaic attack on the southern walls with ladders and siege towers, just to distract the Romans from dispatching their armies toward the more critical junctions that were under heavy attack. In this sense, once could praise the aptitude of the Mohammedans, who were among the best besiegers in the world during this point in time, much to the chagrin and embarrassment of Europe.

As the Mohammedans streamed into the northern section of the city, they were met with Roman steel and valor! The Romans managed to hold the breach for 2 days despite limited numbers. On the third day of fight for control of the Gate of Blachernae, the Mohammedans finally broke free and the Romans were routed. Sensing victory, Ahmed launched his best troops into combat to follow up on his success – the Janissaries came streaming into the city, eager to avenge their Mohammedan brethren that had been slaughtered in the Mohammedan Quarter and showcase their superiority against the Romans.

Constantine XI took control of the precarious situation. He positioned his Imperial Guard, about 1000 men who swore their personal loyalty to the emperor himself, to counter the impending horde. By this time in Rome’s history, the famous Praetorian and Varangian Guards no longer existed. The Varangians were last employed in 1259 A.D. This new Imperial Guard were simply recruited soldiers who personally swore loyalty to the emperor, who was the being of their most affectionate devotion. Like the old Roman standard of long ago, which was the devotion of the Roman Legionnaires, the emperor was the devotion and focus of the Imperial Guard!

The Imperial Guard, personally led by Constantine, thrust themselves against the Janissaries storming the streets and halted them in their tracks. During the encounter, Constantine was wounded and had to be taken away to be tended to by his medical experts. He would soon recover, as the wounds were nothing of serious note.

Although the Janissaries had been turned back, another problem presented itself. The Mohammedans had broken a section of the southernmost walls, which were not well maintained after a century and a half of neglect. Realizing the gravity of the situation, General Diogenes decided upon a bold strategy to turn the siege in favor of the Romans. He gathered the Roman cavalry and some of the lighter and more agile Roman units and positioned them at the break in the wall. The siege, which had been now raging for over a month since when it began in late June 1470, were going to surprise the advancing Mohammedans by counter charging out of the walls at move directly at them.


A manuscript detailing the Siege of 1470. The battle itself would become part of imperial mystique and folklore.


[1] Once again, I use auxiliary troops as “invisible” troops (not actually in the game) to make for a much more engaging and historically accurate narrative from OTL’s perspective.
 
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volksmarschall

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So I will be leaving for conferences I have to attend this weekend, and this will become repetitive until after Easter. Therefore, I should be upfront to inform anyone reading this that I will likely be inactive for the next month or so, possibly longer; probably with me checking in only every "now and again!"

Cheers!