-
We have updated our Community Code of Conduct. Please read through the new rules for the forum that are an integral part of Paradox Interactive’s User Agreement.
Somehow I'm not sure "Friedrich-Wilhelmine Age" rolls of the tongue as well as "Victorian".
We say that with the benefit of being "after the fact" it has happened. Had it been a Frederickian Age, or even Bismarckian Age OTL, we wouldn't be so opposed to it by now as it would have become colloquial. Of course, Victorian Age only makes sense since Queen Victoria sat on the throne forever and the 19th Century was the British Century!
Let the 19th Century be the Century of Germania...but at least keep your older cousins in Vienna in power!
Indeed, an AAR so beloved by the author Seel, that he did not once even bother to glance at its title, instead diving in straight into the delicious content and rather amateurish graphics.
Naturally Seel I'm delighted that you finally decided to give that historybook Prussian AAR idea of yours a go, and I'm sure I'll be even more so once we begin to enter the cut and thrust (literally) of German politics in the 1840's.
Incidentally, I've never actually read The Pity of War, but I do own a copy. Compared to Empire, how does it rate?
Prussia is powering ahead early on, she may end with more than a small sausage factory Tanganyika on the colonial front. Are you heading for Grossdeutschland?
I wonder if a industrialist who later rejected his upperclass upbringing by the name of Friedrich Engels will help another certain famous philosopher write a certain book that everyone seems to reference but has never actually read (*cough* otherwise they might change their opinion on what is contained in the actual body of work). That said, Engelism doesn't roll off the tongue as well as a more famous name that I confess, has influenced my own philosophy!
Looks like the Age of Victoria has begun in Britain! But perhaps this run of history will be named after a certain German leader...
Are you sure a certain philosopher named Immanuel Kant didn't introduce concepts of liberalism, republicanism, and cosmopolitanism before the Revolutionary and Napoleonic armies?
Funny story, the traditional story of one G.W.F. Hegel is that as the Battle of Jena was unfolding, he was fleeing the university desperately editing his famous Phenomenology of the Spirit to include the influences that befell young Hegel as he caught a glimpse of the "Renaissance Emperor," who was, "a world-soul" that supposedly caused Hegel to be overcome with sensation upon catching sight of him!
~ so I was told by my adviser, who is trained in Enlightenment and German Romanticism philosophy and ethics...I guess his influence rubbed off on me!
Indeed, Victoria is merely a British Queen just now, rather than an epoch defining name. If Britain is not the country who defines the age, then it seems unlikely that her monarch will be the one to define the period. That being said, the Brits just now have a vast empire, the most advanced industry and the greatest navy the human race has ever known. A fairly strong hand!
Fair point about Kant, it didn't roll off my tongue as well as the Napoleonic comparison
The Germans cannot totally detach themselves from the affairs of the Low Countries while the German people of the Luxembourg are ruled by a foreign king. That said, neither Prussia nor Austria (and much less the smaller German states) are in any condition to ignore the will of the French and British.
Be careful to not upset the balance of power too much, too early, with the colonies.
A good point, continued overseas aggression will more than likely cause a collision with the British and French, something that the Prussian's are keen to avoid.
Thank you very much!
Love the update!
Yes indeed. Hanover, newly detached from the British, is the heart of north western Germany. Prussian ambition requires Hanover be closely bound to her - the Duchy will be absolutely central to events in the coming decades.
Thank you for your kind words, although I assure you there are a good many fine writers who have written something similar
Somehow I'm not sure "Friedrich-Wilhelmine Age" rolls of the tongue as well as "Victorian".
Nonetheless, a great overview of early industrialisation and the liberal awakening that often comes with it. Can we expect any form of '48 revolution in the coming updates? I can imagine they give you the potential to diverge from history a bit.
Indeed you can, revolution will be coming sooner than '48! Good point, hopefully events will progress that will require us to come up with a more appropriate term for the period.
Thank you. Adventures in Africa are not yet over, although the focus will soon be shifting to more domestic matters.
We say that with the benefit of being "after the fact" it has happened. Had it been a Frederickian Age, or even Bismarckian Age OTL, we wouldn't be so opposed to it by now as it would have become colloquial. Of course, Victorian Age only makes sense since Queen Victoria sat on the throne forever and the 19th Century was the British Century!
Let the 19th Century be the Century of Germania...but at least keep your older cousins in Vienna in power!
Indeed, we will see how Britain fairs in this different century. The Austrian problem is going to be one of the major issues that the powers of Europe will have to resolve - she is poorly equipped to keep pace with the industrialisation of the other Great powers - and nothing creates instability like a declining power.
Indeed, an AAR so beloved by the author Seel, that he did not once even bother to glance at its title, instead diving in straight into the delicious content and rather amateurish graphics.
Naturally Seel I'm delighted that you finally decided to give that historybook Prussian AAR idea of yours a go, and I'm sure I'll be even more so once we begin to enter the cut and thrust (literally) of German politics in the 1840's.
Incidentally, I've never actually read The Pity of War, but I do own a copy. Compared to Empire, how does it rate?
Tanzhang, my apologies, in my excitement I have mistyped! Thank you for the interview, which nudged me to move this beyond and interesting game and some thinking into a more tangible form!
It is unlikely that France, Russia and Austria would allow Prussia to redraw the borders of Europe in such a dramatic fashion. That is, of course, assuming that they have the capacity to resist. Even Bismarck could not play the powers against each other successfully to secure any continental gains after Alsace-Lorraine.
Thanks all for the comments!
Bear in mind that the word 'Victorian' only works to define the century in the British sphere, other nations had their very own age-defining events and characters, far more important to them (the Bourbon restoration in Spain, the various republics in France, the reunifications in Germany and Italy...). In Spanish I would only use the adjective Victorian to describe furniture, London or Conan Doyle stories... /end of pedantry note
Are you going to go with the flow when it comes to political changes, or are you going to try to control them as much as possible?
Are you going to go with the flow when it comes to political changes, or are you going to try to control them as much as possible?
Fair point about Kant, it didn't roll off my tongue as well as the Napoleonic comparison
Having read him half a dozen times and owning several of his works, and having written about him a lot, the world needs more KANT! (although just about everyone in the West has been influenced by Kantian ethics and metaphysics even if they do not realize it...)
Frederick William IV and the Young German Revolution
As Prussia entered the 1840s, her economy was booming. Already the third largest in the world, and rapidly gaining on the French, Prussia’s stature was rising. Her resources were generating huge profits, but the urban population remained small compared to the British. Less than 5% of Prussians lived in cities, and the proportion was even lower in the smaller German states. However, along with the Ruhr, Berlin was starting to attract immigrations from the countryside in ever greater numbers. Prussia encouraged the establishment of cheap, cramped living quarters for these new workers, who began to fill the ever expanding factories.
In addition to the accelerating internal migration, the Prussian population had swelled through the acquisitions in Nigeria. Almost 20% of the 18 million strong population were natives in the new colonies. As the wealth of the state expanded, the Zollverein and expanding rail network ensured that the overfilling Prussian coffers spilled some of their overfill into the other German states. Prussian assets in the North German states totalled 80 million Deutschmarks. The smaller states were coming to rely almost entirely on Prussian investment for any major capital projects
Coronation
On June 7th 1840, the elderly Kaiser Friedrich Wilhelm III died peacefully in his bed, and his son Friedrich Wilhelm IV ascended to the throne. In his long years waiting for his coronation, Friedrich had studied the art of statecraft and politics in depth, and had been influenced by the liberal intelligentsia of the Universities, connections in the British Royal Family, but especially the emerging industrial classes in the Ruhr. Friedrich travelled widely across Prussia, becoming familiar with the social structures of the newly acquired Rhineland. A well-known figure amongst these key emerging parts of society, there were hopes that Friedrich Wilhelm would prove to be receptive to the growing demands for reform.
One of the first acts of the new Kaiser was to conduct a whistle-stop tour around the country. For many in Prussia, this was the first time they had ever seen royalty in the flesh. At every major city, crowds thronged the street and welcomed their new Emperor, thrilled at this unprecedented access to the upper echelons of Prussian society. In the general enthusiasm which gripped the populace, the administration saw an excellent opportunity. 30,000 were pressed into service, forming a new army group comprised of infantry, cavalry and artillery. A wider reorganisation was undertaken, reforming the existing forces into army groups with a standardised mix of units to maximise fighting efficiency. The Prussian army was one of the best funded in Europe, but it was small, and the Prussian navy was almost none existent. The paltry collection of frigates which had been recruited since 1830 was slowly being expanded and a small number of Man of War were also added. Nevertheless, it remained one of the smallest forces, only on a par with the lesser of the great powers such as Austria and the Ottomans.
In addition to the military reforms being undertaken, the new Kaiser was eager to establish his reformist credentials. In early 1841, encouraged by the Kaiser, the number of openly liberal deputies increased to almost 20% of the Reichstag. A special session was convened to discuss the dramatic expansion of the education system. All children in Prussia were to be granted to right to a few years. The newly established schools were to be funded out of the public purse – creating new jobs in the growing urban centres and also improving standards of literacy. The system that was introduced was two tier, with a lower school looking after the youngest children while more technical skills were taught in the upper school for children up to the age of 14.
The education reforms were only the first part of Kaiser Friedrich Wilhelm’s programme. In the years leading up to his coronation, the number of underground newspapers had increased drastically. Rather than attempt to fight a desperate struggle, the Kaiser instead sought to allow independent papers to proliferate, provided that they abide by a censorship code. The final component of the reform package was to liberalise Prussia’s citizenship laws. The 1830 wars in Africa had increased the movement of people between the homeland and the overseas possessions. The Prussian population remained relatively small compared with her peers, and any initiatives to increase the rate of growth were pursued with vigour.
As many a reformist leader was to discover, the public demands for reform were not easily satisfied. A number of rallies were held throughout Prussia demanding further political concessions. Outside of Prussia, the demands were all the more forceful, spilling over into violence. The number of reform movements multiplied throughout Europe, and every state felt the pressure for reform build. Within the German confederation, however, the demands took on a peculiar nature which marked the movement out compared to those in other European nations. In addition to liberalism, the vast majority of those agitating in Germany also did to see the destruction of the confederation, and the birth of a liberal Germany.
The Young German Revolution
Revolutions often start with an explosion, but the Young German Revolution of the 1840s began with just 6,000 rioting students in the tiny state of Saxe-Weimar. The army were sent in, and initially massacred the disorganised rabble. However, the sight of so many young students, a good number of whom were not even armed, soon turned popular opinion
The young Duke, nervous in his new position and concerned by the rumours of his liberal tendency’s, thought that the demonstration offered an opportunity to establish the tenure of his reign through a firm response. He ordered the royal militia, a small professional force of around 3,000 riflemen, to disperse the demonstrators and clear the square.
The young students were shocked to see the soldiers form up in the palace gates, and as unease spread through the crowd a significant number began to slip away. The majority, however, convinced that the massing soldiers were either a bluff or a misunderstanding, were determined to remain in the square, perceiving the peaceful nature of the demonstration and the messages of support for the new Duke. A third, smaller group, who made up a tiny minority of those assembled in the square, began to send messages back into the town.
As the soldiers lined up opposite the demonstration the mood grew tense, with many voices from the crowd demanding an explanation as to why they were being opposed by force. A scuffle broke out close to the front, as an incredulous student wrestled a gun from the hands of one of the demonstrators. As the news spread of arms in the demonstration, the officers visibly stiffened and rifles were raised along the line.
In the days which followed, it was agreed that it was almost certain that the first shot did not come from the crowd, but rather from one of the buildings behind. The solider hit, a young private, was not previously wounded, but his wounded leg caused him to collapse and spill blood. The retort of the gun and his anguished cries of pain were soon drowned out by the sporadic reply of soldiers who fired on the demonstrators. As the panic spread, soon hundreds of students lay dead and dying on the streets, as officers tried in vain to re-establish control. In many places the crowds broke and fled, but a number of pockets surged toward the soldiers as they fired, while the few who had carried weapons discharged them freely.
The soldiers, ill equipped for a confrontation, began an organised withdrawal into the palace grounds, while the majority of the crowd fled. The street lay littered with bodies, many of them young, and the sight provoked outrage amongst the population. In the coming hours, the soldiers remained in the palace while the Duke considered his responses, and the townsfolk assembled barricades at the end of the square, within sight but out-with range of the waiting soldiers.
Three small groups began to cross the square, under a makeshift white flag, and started toward the bodies. The garrison, without any orders, were panicky, and a small number of soldiers fired on those recovering the bodies, convinced that they had spotted partially concealed armaments. Mad rumours circulated of attempts to plant bombs, and with no one taking command the nervy aggression of the garrison looked set to continue.
Among the wider population, those whose loyalty had not been secured by the deaths of the students was soon secured by the sight of woman being fired on as they attempted to retrieve the bodies of their sons and brothers.
Historical Note - German flag
Out of the blackness (black) of servitude through bloody (red) battles to the golden (gold) light of freedom. The German tricolour has its roots in the uniform of the Lützow Free Corps, a volunteer force of the Prussian army during the Napoleonic wars, was the only unit consisting of people from all over the German states. Although it did not achieve any notable military success, it did prove influential after being disbanded as soldiers dispersed throughout the German Confederation. They wore black cloaks (due to lack of supplies, people had to bring their own uniforms) with a red trim and golden brass buttons.
Nice update, Will you get crown from the gutter from those rebels?
Also I think I have spotted a correction in the fourth paragraph of the section entitled the young German revolution
""as an incredulous student wrestled a gun from the hands of one of the demonstrators.""
Should demonstrator not be solider?
Also I think I have spotted a correction in the fourth paragraph of the section entitled the young German revolution
""as an incredulous student wrestled a gun from the hands of one of the demonstrators.""
Should demonstrator not be solider?
Very well composed AAR. It would seem that that the author and some commenters are fairly well read in Prussian and German history. Might any of you have recommended readings? I have only read Iron Kingdom and the previously mentioned title regarding central Europe as the fulcrum of global geopolitics (and ever so conveniently forgotten the name.)
The revolutions come early!! Of course, this being the age of nationalism - I figure we might be seeing an eventual united Germany sooner rather than later, much at the expense of the Austrian Circle! :glare:
Nevertheless, that is one of my favorite paintings of the revolutions that swept through Europe. I do believe the city depicted is actually Berlin, but I could be wrong.
Of course, this being the age of nationalism - I figure we might be seeing an eventual united Germany sooner rather than later, much at the expense of the Austrian Circle! :glare:Nevertheless, that is one of my favorite paintings of the revolutions that swept through Europe. I do believe the city depicted is actually Berlin, but I could be wrong.
Bear in mind that the word 'Victorian' only works to define the century in the British sphere, other nations had their very own age-defining events and characters, far more important to them (the Bourbon restoration in Spain, the various republics in France, the reunifications in Germany and Italy...). In Spanish I would only use the adjective Victorian to describe furniture, London or Conan Doyle stories... /end of pedantry note
Are you going to go with the flow when it comes to political changes, or are you going to try to control them as much as possible?
With the politics, I have a fairly clear idea of the direction I want to go im, at least during the first half of the game. My challenge will be to do so while keeping things plausible. I want to try and embed the political events in such a way that the response in Germany seems in keeping with the narrative.
Thanks for the comments, and particularly for pointing out the error. You're quite correct, that ought to be soldier.
Germany rebels can lead to crown from the gutter - but I'm not convinced that even a reforming Kaiser could accept such a crown, not least because doing so would entail the loss of control over political reform and the acceptance of the demands of the intelligentsia.
I've mainly read sources that look at Germany in a comparative context - either around the theme of industrialisation or the first world war, but I'd also be interested to hear anyone's recommendations of titles which take a more German focused approach.
The revolutions come early!!
Nevertheless, that is one of my favorite paintings of the revolutions that swept through Europe. I do believe the city depicted is actually Berlin, but I could be wrong.
I fear the medium term future will bring much suffering to the Austro-phile faction which has emerged in this AAR
You're quite correct, the painting depicts Berlin at the height of the 1848 revolutions. To me, this is the definitive image of Germany in this time, much like the famous exposed France has come to symbolise 1832.Thanks everyone for the comments, and apologies for the delay in this update, I had hoped to finish it sooner by real life can be a cruel mistress at times. In any event, the delay allowed me to make that update my 2,000th post on these forums.
Last edited:
Trigger happy soldiers...the bane of many a peaceful demonstration. Looking forward to see where this goes from there.
Great scene with the protesters. I always know a good piece of writing when my brain is able to paint a picture concurrently with my reading.
Looking forward to more.
Looking forward to more.
If you've read "Iron Kingdom" then I think you have read a good, albeit flawed (but then again, I don't think any historical work is perfect except for my own published work!
) work on German/Prussian political history. But then again, there's so much more to history than political history.Of course, Seel would probably like to know a respected historian has beaten him to the punch with his 2002 book: "History of Germany, 1780-1918: The Long Nineteenth Century" by David Blackbourn. His best book is (imo) "The Conquest of Nature: Water, Lanscape, and the Making of Modern Germany". Of course, these books are not necessarily political history per se, indeed, Conquest of Nature is an environmental history (and since I am not a proponent of political philsophy, but rather one of Annales School, I have a greater preference for such works).
Also a good read to be introduced to German philosophies of the period is Frederick Beiser "The Romantic Imperative: The Concept of Early German Romanticism". Being trained in German Enlightenment philosophy, I would also say any period philosophical works by Kant, Fichte, Schelling, and Hegel are also good reads if you wish to continue building on Clark's assertion that Prussia/Germany wasn't a reactionary militant state but a very progressive and liberal one (to which I agree since all the major German philosophers of the 19th Century laid the foundation for this change in Prussian and German political philosophy and identity)!
I'm liking the Young The German Empire Movement very much! More power to them! (And a few more conciliatory soldiers, while we're at it. Gunning down liberal, peaceable demonstrators isn't the best way to get people (well, me... ) to go against their cause...
I'm very much looking forward to seeing where this new liberal spring will lead. Hopefully we'll get a proper constitution out of Freidrich Wilhelm. He seems rational enough from the brief places we've seen him thus far. (Incidentally, did you watch the BBC's 37 Days last week? I pray that your Wilhelm II – should he indeed exist – will, when the time comes, not be so bellicose.)
) to go against their cause...I'm very much looking forward to seeing where this new liberal spring will lead. Hopefully we'll get a proper constitution out of Freidrich Wilhelm. He seems rational enough from the brief places we've seen him thus far. (Incidentally, did you watch the BBC's 37 Days last week? I pray that your Wilhelm II – should he indeed exist – will, when the time comes, not be so bellicose.)
I must say, the first stage of the Young German Revolution was vividly written. Will this be the "Bloody Sunday" of a future "Young The German Empire" p) nationwide revolt?
p) nationwide revolt?
Chapter Four – The Liberal Revolution Spreads
The liberal agitation was not confined to the smaller German states, far from it. The instability was ripping its way through much of Europe, particularly in the West. France, Belgium and the Netherlands all faced huge demands for reform. In Prussia, opinion was sharply divided. The Junkers of the Prussian north eastern heartlands demanded a robust response to demands for reform, a clear statement that reform in Prussia would be significantly limited. Meanwhile, the growing number of industrialists, concentrated in the Rhineland and Berlin, wanted to hear a programme of political reform which would break the power of the landed aristocracy. The coronation of Frederick Wilhelm had raised the concerns and hopes of these two factions, which caused grave apprehension among the moderate political class who were keen to avoid the spread of violence.
In the Low Countries, demands for reform were mixed with nationalist rhetoric which aimed at overturning the 1830 settlement. The Dutch wanted to reassert their control over Belgium, and in particular were enraged by the Belgian control of a significant Dutch population. A smaller number of Belgians, for whom the revolution had less been about autonomy and more about moving the power centre, wanted to establish Belgian domination of the Low Countries, and access the lucrative colonial markets of the Netherlands. Proposals for an annexation of all Dutch overseas territory and the creation of a vassal state to control the north were popular, and Dutch apparent weakness since 1830 encouraged many to see an opportunity to secure Belgian dominance while the great powers of Europe were distracted. Militia patrolled the borders, and skirmishes became frequent.
Just as it looked like the European powers were about to be dragged into a general war on the continent, events elsewhere soon became the focus of international attention. Muhammad Ali Pasha, the nominal Ottoman governor-general of Egypt, had exerted his independence during the 1820s and secured much of Syria from the Ottomans. In 1839, the Ottomans began an attempt to retake Syria. The Ottomans found that, once again, they had underestimated the strength of Ali Pasha, and appealed to the Great Powers to support their struggle. The British and Austrians attempted to broker a settlement on the terms desired by the Ottomans, but the French offered stout support to Ali Pasha, and prevented any international agreement.
With the failure of international diplomacy to settle the dispute, the Ottomans ordered a full scale invasion. The French began preparations to send a naval force to support Egypt, but as they attempted to secure support they were surprised to find the international community resolutely on the Ottoman side. Even Russia, traditional adversary of Constantinople, offered their full support to the Ottomans. In May 1843, Austria, Russia and Great Britain announced that they were forming a coalition against Ali Pasha. In the face of such an alliance, France backed down and remained neutral in the conflict, abandoning Ali Pasha to his fate.
Prussia was tempted to oppose Austria, but with Russia support the stakes were too high, and so instead deployed troops to the west in a bid to distract attention from her failure to act. Without the distraction of the Oriental Crisis, Prussia found herself facing volatility at home. Chartist rallies, demanding that Frederick Wilhelm allow elections to determine the composition of the Prussian parliament, broke out in many major cities. The rallies remain peaceful, and Prussian troops were careful not to provoke an escalation, but Frederick Wilhelm was concerned that some kind of concessions would be required to secure the legitimacy of his reign. A franchise was established which would permit anyone owning significant property to participate in elections, which would be held every four years. This proposal found lukewarm support among the Junkers and the Industrialists, with the former not keen on any reform but recognising that the Prussian proposals would not weaken their power base, while the latter recognised that the reform did not really alter the status quo by much. However, both sides were satisfied enough to ensure that the demands for reform would not boil over into something more violent.
The first Prussian elections were called for the 22 November 1843, with the monarchies favoured Konservative’s widely expected to win. Frederick Wilhelm still had reformist desires, despite the demonstrations having blunted his enthusiasm. The next element of reform was designed to secure the support of the workers, and was in response to discovery of some horrific practices in the mines of the Rhineland. If the Prussian aristocracy could demonstrate that the rights of workers would be protected under their watch, then the liberal cause would not be able to enlist their support. By establishing state controlled trade unions, which would identify and act against exploitative practices in industry, dissatisfaction could be headed off.
Elsewhere in Germany, the responses to the demands of the reformers varied. The smaller states tended to clamp down harshly at the earliest sign of dissent, but the strongest reaction occurred in Bavaria. Ludwig I, who acceded to the throne in 1825, declared that not only would reformers be resisted by force within Bavaria, but that the Bavarian army would cross the border of all southern German states to ensure that liberalism could not take root anywhere close to Munich. Uprisings in Baden and Württemberg were both forcibly put down by the Bavarians during 1843. The strong response, coupled with the decline of the Ottomans, caused many to consider the Bavarians a new great power.
However, throughout Europe the pressure for reform continued to intensify. In Prussia, the demands centred on proposals to extend the franchise to encompass the new wealth that was being generated by German industries, and to liberalise the press. Early polling was showing that the Konservatives were not going to coast to victory as expected, and Frederick Wilhelm decided that some further concessions would be required in order to ensure that an acceptable government would be formed. A novel tweak was made to the franchise, allowing those with wealth but without property to also participate. However, the franchise was tiered, which would ensure that the landed aristocracy remained by far the most influential.
Elsewhere, the Young German Revolution was beginning to gain traction, especially in the states where no reform was being tolerated. Rebels remained in control of much of Weimar, and it was a matter of time before the revolt succeeded. An even larger revolt had spawned in Wiesbaden, one of the largest cities in the Rhineland. 9,000 rebels defeated the Government forces, and began to capture the towns and the surrounding country. Prussia still refused to intervene, and the Austrians remained distracted by their involvement in the oriental crisis.
Prussian and Austrian diplomats were far more active in the north of the German confederation, where they were attempting to counter Danish moves to more formally integrate the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, as well as attempting to secure their influence. As they had elsewhere, the Prussian’s secured support through funding railways and industry in the Duchies, ensuring that the influence capitalists leant towards Prussia. Prussian diplomats worked to undermine the Austrians, who were perceived as a presumptuous overlord who had no interest in the future of the Duchies.
However, before events in Schleswig-Holstein could escalate, the rebellion in Saxe-Weimar succeeding in securing control of the Duchy, and formed a new Government. Describing themselves as Pan-Nationals, they immediately held a vote which resulted in overwhelming support for joining the Kingdom of Prussia. A petition for annexation was submitted to Frederick Wilhelm IV.
