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J. Passepartout

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Wrong way, Chiang, you're supposed to attack the Russians after you dispose of the Communists!

If this keeps up I shall have to defect to Tibet. Or possibly back to Russia.

EDIT: just noticed I have the 500th reply.
 
Last edited:

unmerged(77913)

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Before he goes for Russia, he needs a Unified China, amiright?
 

ColossusCrusher

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He is Russia...
 

ColossusCrusher

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Ah, I misunderstood. Sorry
 

unmerged(77913)

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The Tsar Bomb...

Do not deploy, PLEASE! :wacko:
 

Eams

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Leviathan07 said:
Tsar Bomba :D

"Russia has the bomb, but that's okay
Because the balance of power is maintained that way!
China has the bomb, but have no fears
They can't wipe us out for at least five years!"
-Tom Lehrer :cool:

Ah, yes... Chiang is trying to assert his independance from Russia by killing communists. I'm eagerly awaiting back-stabs and intrigues as the Sino-Russian alliance falls apart.
 

RossN

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destroyer1943aa7.png

The Ognevoi, one of the proposed 1943 destroyers.

Part 47

Moscow, March 1943

The Russian Empire had the second largest industrial base in the world, albeit quite far behind the United States, but inefficiency, obsolete equipment and an indecisive economic policy had left actual industrial output languishing behind Germany. Popular dissent, while nowhere near as bad as it had been under Kerensky or the Troika was also a factor; the Russian people appreciated the recent successful wars and were broadly happy with the political situation but a substantial element of the public had strongly questioned the war. These people, largely members of the urban educated middle classes were also most likely to want further (or indeed any) democratic reforms and rapprochement with Britain and France.

On 15 March the Cabinet met to determine the post-war direction of Russia. Kolchak and Oleg Mychelkin, the new Naval Minister pushed very strongly for increased naval expenditure citing the needs of both the Baltic and the Pacific from an embittered Germany and revanchist Japan respectively. Fyodor Trikhin, Minister for War wanted to introduce peace time conscription increasing the number of infantry divisions from 115 to 220 or so. And Nikolai Kharlamov, Minister for Air wanted new medium and dive bombers.

The Emperor, not being a natural soldier and mindful of the disastrous precedent of his predecessor was caught in a bind by these competing claims. Vladimir was faced with how to deal with China. Chiang was his ally now, but what about in eighteen months or a year’s time? Russia had acquired an unenviable reputation internationally as a warmonger that made gaining new allies extremely difficult; a situation that struck Vladimir as especially unjust. Save for Mongolia and parts of Turkey Russia had only annexed territory that had belonged to her prior to the Great War. Indeed even Mongolia and Turkey had declared war on Russia, not the other way around. Despite this Vladimir's Russia was seen as more belligerent than Hitler's Germany.

Nicholas Krasnov, the Minister of Industry and Armaments had drawn up an ambitious plan to revitalise Russian industry and leave Berlin in the dust (everyone was sufficiently realistic to rule trying to overtake the insurmountable American lead). Krasnov's 'Three Year Plan' involved the creation of thirty-nine major new factories by March 1946, the nationalisation of several industries deemed vital for the national interest and a lack of major military expenditure other than on modernisation of existing equipment. Cutting the military budget was a dangerous gamble, even in favour of a strengthened industrial base. Five tank divisions this year, or nine tank divisions in 1946, that was the question.

Seeing deadlock, the Emperor announced he would think on the matter and return with his answer in the morning. Vladimir had an early dinner with Prince and Princess Danilov, and then drove to the Army hospital to visit convalescent soldiers. After a visit to the Patriarch and talk of faith, he went for an evening stroll in Lefortovo Park. The Yauza River remained frozen, and the air was cold but clear, Muscovites could rarely recall a night the stars had been so brilliantly visible. The Emperor strolled along, lost in his thoughts, heedless of the cold. It was nearly 11 before he returned to the Palace.

In the end Vladimir sided with Krasnov. He acknowledged that it was a risk, but stressed that if Russia was to maintain her strength in the future she needed more industrial muscle. He was prepared to play the long game in the interests of national security. To sweeten the pill he was willing to allow a certain amount of expenditure on new units, which as much due to building time favoured the Imperial Navy: six destroyer flotillas for July 1943 to replace the aging ships in the vital Baltic Fleet, with a proposed similar programme of long range submarines later in the year. The Army was to receive armoured car and military police brigades to provide a little succour for the organisational hurdles of Stavka, and the training of mountain divisions later in the year. That left the unfortunate Imperial Russian Air Force, who could only wait for work to begin on their naval bombers before the beginning of 1943 (and even then Kharlamov considered naval bombers a secondary force to begin with). The continued modernisation of equipment and aircraft would be unaffected by the plan.

The decisions fully satisfied no one - even Krasnov felt it was a mistake to siphon off a third of Russian industry on building new destroyers and the like. On the other hand it could have been worse; one of the other forces might have won priority, and that would have been catastrophic. The shift away from armed build-up (as it seemed to the public) would help to allay fears of warmongering, and perhaps even help the perspective of Russia abroad. Wrangel, when he heard of the decisions, privately wrote that Vladimir was being overly cautious. This was both unfair and inaccurate; the Emperor far from being too cautious was gambling with the highest of stakes the future of the Russian Empire.

In the mean time Russian interests abroad and at home would have to be achieved with other means.
 

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Deus Eversor: Er.. yes. ;)

Dr. Gonzo: She does indeed. :)

Piko: Thank you, I think. :eek:

GeneralHannibal: I'm sure Chiang wont let them stick around indefinitely. :)

KanaX: Yes, I was impressed - and their valour shall not go unnoticed. :)

Maybe-not, stnylan, J. Passepartout, ColossusCrusher & Eams: Its not like I'm exactly fighting off willing allies at the moment. :eek:o A Sino-Russian war is something I hope I can avoid! :D (Oh, and congrats J. Passepartout. :))

Jape & Leviathan07:
Interesting idea. :)

HoldYourFire: Thank you very much. :)
 

stnylan

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Sounds like a good old-fashioned compromise - perfect for a constitutional set-up. Long may they continue.

Edit: It also occurs to me that through this compromise Vladimir emphasis his own independence, by demonstrating that no one faction has control over him.
 

KanaX

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Vladimir has a tough job. But on the long run, improving the industrial capacity is more useful. The armed force need to be constantly moderinized, while the IC is a permanent bonus.
 

Vann the Red

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Nice post and impressive look toward Russia's future. Vladimir looks like a very good ruler.

Vann
 

unmerged(59077)

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Best one can do. Russia is such a country that you need a bit of everything.

Impressive work in the far East. Chiang - I can't see him staying friendly for long. He may well seek help from you know, other powers. Like America. Or even Germany.