The American Crisis
As LeRoulle and his forces traveled through the tumultuous anarchy of the steppes, secret maneuverings were also occurring in the Congress. Since 1915, Wilson had been using intermediaries including House, Robert Lansing the head of Legal Affairs at the State Department and in Wheeler’s opinion “… an unprincipled bastard and most likely a British agent.”, Henry L. Stimson former Secretary of War under Taft and a bloc of influential Republican Senators including Henry Cabot Lodge and Eliahu Root. Since the fall of Kerensky’s government and the rise of the avowedly anti-war Soviet Union, Wilson and his intermediaries had stepped up the pressure on wavering isolationist democrats. By February 6th, Wilson felt ready to go to Congress; he announced that a special joint session would be convened on February 12th, ostensibly for the State of the Union Address, which he had deliberately postponed in order to buy more time to lobby legislators. At six pm, Wilson ascended to the Rostrum in the House Chamber and delivered what would come to be known as his most famous speech.
Wilson delivering what would come to be called his "War Message"
He began gravely
”I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making. I do not speak of any domestic initiative or policy, but rather of the momentous choice now facing us.
The German Empire and her allies have pursued their aim of dominating the continent of Europe through ruthless and inhuman means and now having transported their war to the seas through their unlawful and unethical submarine warfare, the German Empire is waging war on the United States. The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind. It is a war against all nations.
I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be. .
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We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and of responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.
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The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.
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It is a distressing and oppressive duty, Gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance.
But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts - for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own Governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last free.
To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.”
The Congress immediately passed a resolution declaring war on the Central Powers ; the House passing the bill with 352 to 71, with a senior Democratic official, Claude Kitchin crossing the floor to vote against the declaration with the progressive Republicans. In the Senate only seven of the eighty-eight members voted against the declaration; Thomas P. Gore, Harry Lane, William J. Stone, James Vardaman, Asle Gronna, Robert M. La Follette, Sr., and George W. Norris.
Burton K. Wheeler, now ex-Secretary of State
Wheeler had been cooling his heels in a waiting room in the White House since 6:15 as Wilson had ordered him to wait for him there. Wilson intended for Wheeler to deliver the declaration of war to the Germany Embassy. A few minutes before the speech ended, Wheeler received a call from his Chief of Staff at the State Department John Walters*, who he had sent to observe the speech. Wheeler was furious, both at being cut out of the loop on whatever deliberations had been held on declaring war, as he had been continually assured that there were no plans to go to war, and at Wilson’s betrayal of his own promises to keep America out of the war. Wilson arrived at the White House, with House and Lansing in tow and had Wheeler sent into the Oval Office. Wheeler slammed the door open, almost causing a bust of George Washington to fall off a shelf. He walked up to the President’s Desk, ignoring House, Lansing and Lippmann, who had helped write Wilson’s speech, leaned over it and began a profanity laced tirade against Wilson, calling him a “backstabbing son-of-a-bitch”, a “duplicitous bastard” and a “cowardly, craven, lying rat bastard with the ethical standards of a back alley abortionist.” He then slammed a hastily written note reading “I QUIT YOU LYING SON OF A BITCH - BW” on to Wilson’s desk and stormed out, flipping both House and Lansing the bird as he exited. Wilson not only needed a new Secretary of State, he also needed a way to keep Wheeler from torpedoing the war effort.