The First term of Eustace Faulkner – Part One
The General Election of 1938
With the Liberal party rejuvenated by the leadership of George Patrick Aubrey, it was expected that the election would be a case of how many votes the Conservatives and Labour would lose to their once-diminished opponent. Faulkner’s victory was also expected, yet he still campaigned vigorously for a stone wall stance against Fascism and Communism, and a completely free Market. As traditional for British politics the election was largely uneventful, and ended with the predicted Conservative victory, albeit with a much reduced majority. Fortunately the Labour party lost out too, receiving just 30% of the vote compared to nearly 40% taken by the Conservatives.
The Sudetenland Crisis
Within days of taking office Faulkner was confronted by a major international dispute. Reports of atrocities by the Czech government in the Sudetenland were contrasted by pleas for help by the Czechs for assistance against German aggression. Faulkner was eager to go to Munich and resolve the issue. However, when he arrived he was sorely disappointed. It appeared that the Czech pleas had been a false alarm. In fact, an agreement had been made where the Sudetenland was to be incorporated into the Third Reich! Though enraged that the French and British had not been consulted in this crisis, Faulkner realised that he had to accept that both parties in the dispute were apparently satisfied. Faulkner was still dismayed however, as his election stance had been an uncompromising attitude towards German expansionism. How he was supposed to answer to those who elected him was a dilemma on the plane home. For sometime within the Conservative party there were fears that a lame duck Prime Minister had been elected, one who simply lacked the strength to enforce what the public wanted. Yet an opportunity to prove his doubters wrong was landed in his lap shortly afterward.
On December 11th Faulkner was woken up early to startling news. It appeared the unthinkable had happened: The Soviet Union had begun its advance west.
A British Perspective on the Kattegat War
As political tension had been centred on Germany in the previous few months it came as a complete surprise to everybody that the Soviet Union had invaded Denmark. Indeed, Faulkner had paid little attention to the negotiations between the two nations prior to the invasion, and his ambassador in Copenhagen had expressed little cause for concern. Not only were the exact reasons for the negotiations ambiguous (something about the Danish presence in the Baltic and control of the Kattegat), but it was considered unlikely for anything major to come out of them – perhaps a more angry Soviet Union, but not a war. Yet it was true- in the early hours of that day Soviet soldiers led by Lt General Zhukov had landed in Jutland and Bornholm, establishing control of Kolding and Bornholm just after dawn.
The Cabinet and military advisors were hastily gathered in preparation for war. Initially it was believed that this invasion was nothing other than the beginning of a wider invasion of Europe. Without doubt it would lead to the establishment of a Danish Communist Republic under Soviet control, and the repercussions this could have on British interests in the Baltic were immense. Yet as the day progressed and a new one began on December 12th, this belief began to fade somewhat. The strange politics of Insanovitjism were being laid bare: rather than spreading Communism the aim of the invasion appeared to simply be to seize Soviet strategic interests – a stake in the port of Copenhagen, Bornholm, dominance of the Kattegat strait (hence the name of the war) - and leave the Danish people be. For the Danish Communists in the streets of Kolding their betrayal was just beginning.
A proposed design for the new Danish flag made by some (unimaginative) members of the Danish Communist Party (DKP).
With this new understanding of Insanovitjism, the issue began to be debated differently within the cabinet. It was clear that it was now a question of whether or not Britain should intervene – the Soviets were probably not going to escalate the conflict themselves. As Grand Admiral Backhouse said “The only reason for British guns to fire on Soviet ships would be a declaration of war by us, not self-defence”. Fearing that the war would be unpopular and that he would have to face strong condemnation from numerous Liberal and some Labour MPs, Faulkner was not so quick to declare war as he would later be made out to have been. Still, he ordered Grand Admiral Backhouse to lead the Home Fleet to the Kattegat strait, at least to show the Soviet Union that they were just as willing to defend their interests as the communists were to defend theirs.
Meanwhile on the international scene things were becoming more and more frantic. Most importantly the German ambassador was anxious to work out with the British how best the Soviets could be ejected from Danish soil. However, Faulkner was determined not to cede another portion of central Europe to the Third Reich, and so did his best to take advantage of Germany’s slowness in tackling the matter. On December 20th, the opportunity presented itself. With Danish forces pushed back to Aalborg and Copenhagen, the Danish government finally issued a plea for help, namely a request for an alliance with the Entente. By now Faulkner had gained a pro-war consensus amongst his government and military advisors. British ships were ready to engage, and land forces were prepared to ship out to Denmark. The request was accepted, and thus the Entente declared war on the Soviet Union.
Perhaps Insanovitj was hoping to capitalize on the Ententes perceived weakness following the Sudetenland crisis, but the gamble did not pay off. Clearly, unlike in Britain, support for the war had taken a downturn in the CPSU, as almost immediately requests for a ceasefire were made by the Soviet ambassador. At Faulkner’s command the Soviet advance halted on December 21st. Just a day later Lt General Alanbrooke arrived in Aalborg with the 1st Armoured Division and 3rd Infantry Division and the Home Fleet arrived in the Kattegat, enforcing the end of the Soviet advance. In Kolding the western coast was seized by Government loyalists using weapons supplied by a British vessel, and the DKP began to collapse. It seemed that the war was over.
A Carden-Lloyd Mk VI Tankette of the 1st Armoured Division. These could well have been used to spearhead an assault into Soviet-occupied Denmark.
Yet late in the day of the December 23rd, the Homefleet encountered the Soviet Baltic Fleet as it moved into Oresund. As all Soviet vessels had been ordered to withdraw as per the terms of the ceasefire, this was unexpected, but before any shots were fired the Baltic Fleet withdrew. Now negotiations between the Soviet Union and Britain entered a more hostile phase, as who exactly had broken the ceasefire was debated. Again Faulkner made it clear that all Soviet vessels were to withdraw or to port in Denmark. However, the communists were unable to agree on this point, arguing that supplies to Zhukov’s troops needed to be defended.
This issue was unresolved as Vice-Admiral Cunningham’s reserve fleet entered Store Balt on Christmas Day. At 1 o’clock in the afternoon as HMS Argus (CVL) and her escort HMS Dragon (CL) patrolled the waters for Soviet submarines they received a volley of fire from the just emerging Baltic fleet. Argus suffered heavy damage while Dragon took a glancing hit. With a perfect time of day for an exchange of volleys, Cunningham was quick and vicious in his response, leading his battleships HMS Queen Elizabeth and HMS Valiant along with two of his cruisers HMS Frobisher and HMS London into the engagement. The Soviet vessels were led by battleships Oktyabrskayr Revoluciya and Marat, and the Cruiser Kirov, inadequate firepower compared to what Cunningham possessed. After a few hours of destroying the Baltic Fleets destroyer screen and more damage being inflicted to the crippled Argus, Cunningham brought in the rest of his cruisers and crunch time came. In the course of about an hour, from 1600 to 1700, Marat and Kirov were sunk by HMS Queen Elizabeth and Oktyabrskayr Revoluciya was sunk by HMS Valiant. The Baltic fleet had been destroyed. Shortly after this the ceasefire was reinforced, and Cunningham allowed the Soviet submarines to withdraw. With the Soviet fleet destroyed and its troops cut off from all supply, the war was effectively over.
HMS Queen Elizabeth - Her firepower vastly exceeded that of the aging Soviet battleships, and even she was considered out of date by Royal Navy standards.
Several more days of negotiation resulted in an uneasy peace. The negotiations had been fraught with difficulties, and it took serious effort on both sides to stop an escalation of the conflict. The peace called for the withdrawal of Soviet forces and indemnities to be paid to Denmark, but more importantly a treaty of non-aggression between the Soviet Union, the Entente and the states of Sweden, Finland, Denmark and Norway. Were another Soviet move westwards to be made, thanks to the decisive actions of Prime Minister Eustace Faulkner and Vice-Admiral (now Admiral) Cunningham, it would not be directed into Northern Europe. For the DKP the revolution had been cut short. Under the new British Military-assisted administration the Communist party was to be repressed.