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The Crisis Committee has come to agreement on the course of action regarding this event

  • Germany will remain neutral in the immediate term but raise maintenance on Army and Navy units to 75%
  • If the crisis reaches a point where war is more probable than not ((51 crisis progress)) and no additional powers have supported Ethiopia's cause then we will declare for the Chinese and raise maintenance to 100% on both the army and Navy
  • If war appears to be Imminent ((95 crisis progress)) and a two powers have declared for either side and at least on of the opposing powers is in Europe then the reserves are to be mobilized.
  • The Chief of the General Staff is to ensure that German Armies are positioned in opportune locations and Navies adequately sized to defend German Oversees Possessions.
The Committee further wishes to express that while it would sadden us to oppose Ethiopia in any conflict that their rampant and unchecked warmongering must be stopped and they must understand that they are the junior partner in our alliance.
 
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1897: The international temperature cools

With the Great War over, Germans returned to their daily lives. In some ways, life didn't change much for the average German. Factory workers still made steel; farmers still harvested on schedule. Soldiers drilled from dusk until dawn, while sailors patrolled the North Sea coast. The wealthy capitalists sat in their offices, counting their money. Communists had bitter debates over whether Hermann von Leute was a hero, a maniac, or somewhere in between. The electoral machines of all seven parties started to run campaigns for the Presidency. Some forward looking thinkers were even considering coalition deals for the 1898 General Election. Chancellor Gutfreund, in particular, belonged to the second category. He was a "lame duck" Chancellor; he had reached the maximum number of terms permitted by law. In a way, he had much to be proud of over the past eight years. Germany had taken on the world and won. He proved to be a master statesman, able to build strong friendships and relationships, while simultaneously controlling the more outlandish members of his cabinet.

In his memoirs, Gutfreund later wrote that he considered 1897 his finest year, because it established Germany as a peaceful influence broker. He also enjoyed domestic peace. Even the Socialists were quiet; a new program of safety regulations convinced them to stop agitating so openly against the government. That is not say that there were no dissatisfied Germans. Communists, Greeks, and newly-minted German citizens (fresh from France) all had their days of violence. All were rapidly put down.





However, the vast majority of Germans settled into their routines. Minister of Finance Franz von Bavel-Timmermans announced the lowest taxes in years, only 25% of income. Reparations payments from France, the Byzantines, and their dupes ensured a positive balance. Psychoanalysis was the newest intellectual fad; after a new program of grants was established for the followers of Dr. Freud, the Minister of Education, Walther Herwig, announced new design competitions for improved shipyards. A virulent version of the flu carried off the aged and sickly, but Germans and their government leapt into action quickly. Public donation drives spread across the country, with every contribution matched by an equal sum from the treasury.




A single dark cloud hovered over German politics: the Conservative party. Energetic firebrands like Alexander von Smithereens and Franz Ferdinand Schutter demanded ideological purity. Karl Adimari, ex-President of Italy and head of the party, tried to find a way to maintain the ties between the liberals and the conservatives. However, the biggest lightning rod was Foreign Minister Hubert Schaumburg. Schaumburg recognized the error of his previous ways and reduced his public profile, seemingly for the good of the party. He even supported internationalist programs like the Olympic Games. He joined with Herwig to promote the German portion of the race to the North Pole. He stopped throwing epithets like "traitor" and "moral coward" around in public. To most Germans, he showed genuine signs of remorse and maybe even redemption.




Schaumburg could have named his political price, until the incident over the Chinese Bonin Islands burst onto the scene. Hindustan and long time German ally Ethiopia fought to establish their supremacy in East Asia. Schaumburg assembled his team of crisis negotiators... and included among them three people who had consistently supported war: Konrad von Schwaben, the former Minister of War, Chancellor, and President; Karl Adimari, former President of Italy; and the Imperialist Hans-Jurgen von Arnim-Boitzenburg. The appointment of Minister of the Interior Axel Wouters, a prominent Socialist, did little to change the scenario. Details of the crisis team's strategy sessions leaked to the press, revealing contempt for Germany's ally Ethiopia. Ethiopia had never been more popular in German circles, and to betray them so cold-bloodedly outraged many.



Schaumburg was humiliated. His actual plan, presented to the Reichstag, was a much more reasonable one, but the fundamental facts of the situation remained the same: Germany would gradually escalate the crisis, increase funding for German military endeavors, and finally openly side with the Chinese Empire and Hindustan if it meant that Ethiopia backed down. At the end of the day, Ethiopia did indeed back down. Whenever journalists secured an interview with the Foreign Minister and asked about his potentially disastrous policy towards Ethiopia, he invariably smirked and said, "It worked, didn't it?"




]In the general election forthcoming, Schaumburg's many faux pas were sure to erode support for the Conservatives. However, there was still time to rebuild trust among the electorate. Much would depend on the German Presidential elections; if the Conservatives made a strong showing, they might be able to buy some back goodwill. Otherwise, they could be even further marginalized in 1897.
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((For the record -- I have no idea what went on behind the scenes between Brothersid and the other crisis people; I'm merely trying to make an interesting, plausible narrative. :) ))

The Supreme Court solicits nominations for Reichspräsident. Members of the Reichstag are encouraged to nominate themselves, but must bear in mind the following stipulations:

--Presidential Candidates must be 40 years of age or older.
--There may only be two candidates from any one party, for a maximum of 14 candidates.
--Beginning with this election, an Electoral College is formed from the most prominent members of the Reichstag ((i.e., all active members of the iAAR)). Each member possess a single vote. There are, at present, 26 people in the Electoral College; therefore, a minimum of 14 votes is required to elect the President. ((Please check the OP; if you are not listed as active, you can post in the AAR to be considered active and be eligible to vote.))
--If no one candidate earns 14 votes, we will move on to a second round with the three most popular candidates competing.
--Once elected, the President loses all voting rights in the Reichstag and must relinquish any and all offices he or she presently holds in the government, which includes the office of party leader.

Nominations will continue for 48 hours. ((Until Monday at 10 PM CST, -6 GMT)) At that point, elections will begin. Do not conduct any other Reichstag business at this time. Members of the Reichstag are limited to making speeches on behalf of candidates and/or announcing their own candidacy or the candidacy of another. If nominating another person, that person must confirm the candidacy before they will be placed on the official ballot.

Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
 
I will run for the position as Reichpräsident unless my party leader wants me to back down.

Franz Ferdinand "Legbreaker" Schüttler

((I know it is unrealistic to think I would ever get elected due to my... reputation, but one can never stop trying :)))
 
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((Seeing as I'm unlikely to get in government any time soon and I'm bored...))

I will announce my intention to run for Reichpresident. The liberals have dominated politics for quite some time, although coalitions with the conservatives and socialists have and do exist. As Reichpresident, I can serve as a check on the liberal agenda if it gets out of hand, while my past history in the Reichstag shows that I will not obstruct the government simply for the sake of being obstructionist. A government should represent all its citizens, and its about time the Imperialists had some representation, even if only as Reichpresident.

- Eva von Vandenburg
 
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I announce my intention to run for the position of Reichspräsident. Germany needs an experienced hand at the helm as the ship of state navigates the uneasy waters of post-war Europe. Serving as a Stadtholder in the Reichstag as well as directing our armed forces in times of war has, I believe, allowed me to acquire the political acumen necessary to lead our great Republic into a new century of peace and prosperity.

~ K. F. von Hohenzollern
 
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I will run for the position as Reichpräsident unless my party leader wants me to back down.

Franz Ferdinand "Legbreaker" Schüttler

((I know it is unrealistic to think I would ever get elected due to my... reputation, but one can never stop trying :)))

((Your character is 37. You have to be 40 to run for President.))

Fraulein von Vandenburg and Herr von Hohenzollern are added to the presidential ballot. Nominations still continue, however.

Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
 
Herr Meningen is added to the ballot as well.

The Imperialists, Conservatives, and Bundespartei may add one additional candidate; other parties are free to add up to two.

Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
 
I will run for Reichspresident. I believe I have demonstrated the ability to lead our country respecting all points of view, and yet acting decisively when necessary.

Gutfreund, Chancellor

((If I'm elected, do we have an interim Chancellor?))
 
((I suppose I'll finally stop lurking. Let me know if there's any glaring inconsistencies with the AAR.))

Name: Klaus Siekert
Born: June 14, 1867
Party: Communist Party of Germany (KPD)
House: Assembly
Birthplace: München


Klaus Siekert had emerged as a radical firebrand over the past decade. The son of a lawyer and a farmer’s daughter, Siekert hailed from a modest, middle-class family. He’d grown up in a small village just outside the beautiful city of Munich, steeped in the rich culture and history of Bavaria. Nearby Dachau, a great liberal bastion, with its lively artist colony, would prove to have a greater influence on the boy, however.

Inspired by his father’s teachings, he had travelled to Berlin at the age of 17 to pursue a degree in law. His experiences at the university only fanned the flames of his passion. Seeing the plight of the proletariat in what he had once supposed to be one of Germany’s greatest cities, he turned to that eternally great tool of revolutionaries; the pen. His writings found a greater audience than even he had expected, inspiring protests and political movements throughout the country. He quickly became an influential figure among the Communists of the day, but it wasn’t until the Great War that he truly found his voice.

Angered and disgusted by the ruling elite and their wealthy supporters who had sacrificed the lives of millions of poor, young, German workers for a few square miles of farmland, he began to advocate for more direct action. The state, he believed, should not be ruled by a select few, out of touch with the dark realities of the majority, but by a government that was truly of, by, and for the people.

And so it was that the fiery young Klaus Siekert emerged onto the political stage during the Election of 1898. Though perhaps a bit more vocal and a bit less tactful than his peers, he did have his fair share of supporters. Despite the recent relative calm, Klaus knew that it would only take a spark to ignite the passions of the proletariat, and he knew that he could be that spark.
 
((If I'm elected, do we have an interim Chancellor?))

((Since there's only a one year difference between this election and the general election, Axel Wouters would become interim Chancellor and would need to choose a new Minister of the Interior.))

((I suppose I'll finally stop lurking. Let me know if there's any glaring inconsistencies with the AAR.))

Name: Klaus Siekert
Born: June 14, 1867
Party: Communist Party of Germany (KPD)
House: Assembly
Birthplace: München


Klaus Siekert had emerged as a radical firebrand over the past decade. The son of a lawyer and a farmer’s daughter, Siekert hailed from a modest, middle-class family. He’d grown up in a small village just outside the beautiful city of Munich, steeped in the rich culture and history of Bavaria. Nearby Dachau, a great liberal bastion, with its lively artist colony, would prove to have a greater influence on the boy, however.

Inspired by his father’s teachings, he had travelled to Berlin at the age of 17 to pursue a degree in law. His experiences at the university only fanned the flames of his passion. Seeing the plight of the proletariat in what he had once supposed to be one of Germany’s greatest cities, he turned to that eternally great tool of revolutionaries; the pen. His writings found a greater audience than even he had expected, inspiring protests and political movements throughout the country. He quickly became an influential figure among the Communists of the day, but it wasn’t until the Great War that he truly found his voice.

Angered and disgusted by the ruling elite and their wealthy supporters who had sacrificed the lives of millions of poor, young, German workers for a few square miles of farmland, he began to advocate for more direct action. The state, he believed, should not be ruled by a select few, out of touch with the dark realities of the majority, but by a government that was truly of, by, and for the people.

And so it was that the fiery young Klaus Siekert emerged onto the political stage during the Election of 1898. Though perhaps a bit more vocal and a bit less tactful than his peers, he did have his fair share of supporters. Despite the recent relative calm, Klaus knew that it would only take a spark to ignite the passions of the proletariat, and he knew that he could be that spark.

((Welcome! You'll be able to vote after this coming update, to give you a chance to read through updates, etc.))
 
The following individuals have declared they wish to run for the office of President:

Eva von Vandenburg, Imperialists ((Michaelangelo))
Konrad Friedrich von Hohenzollern, Conservatives ((LatinKaiser))
Franz Meningen, Bundespartei ((Andre Massena))
Hals Friedrich Gutfreund, DLP ((Jack LEagle))

Every member of the Electoral College may now cast his or her ballot. 14 votes is necessary to win. ((Electoral College = All active members of the AAR))

Voting will proceed for 48 hours ((until Tuesday at 10 PM CST, -6 GMT)), at which point we will evaluate whether or not a second round is necessary.

((Please bold your votes, everyone!))

Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
 
I will, of course, vote for myself. A government must be balanced. If the liberals are allowed to stack all the positions, a significant portion of the population will be ignored. While I may be from a minority party on the far right, the Reichspresident is meant to be above politics. If elected, I intend to represent all fairly, whether they be supporters of the Imperialists, KPD, DDA, or any other party. I am willing to put aside petty party politics for the good of the German Republic.

- Eva von Vandenburg
 
I votw for Gutfreund.
 
I will vote Eva von Vandenburg as I do not think Konrad Friedrich von Hohenzollern should be allowed to take that office as I see it to be dangerous to the republic due to his surname and family heritage. That leaves Eva von Vandenburg as the best possible option.

Legbreaker