1876: The fallout from the Socialist rebellion
Special Prosecutor Franz von Bavel-Timmermans was, initially, an ill-regarded choice to prosecute the biggest trial in German history. A son of the most famous family in history was on trial for treason against the state. Ferdinand von Hohenzollern begged and pleaded for mercy, citing the birth of his young son as grounds for leniency. Finding no friends willing to defend him, young Ferdinand instead called himself "nothing more than a soldier killing soldiers", according to one account of his speech. The uproar at that statement, led by Fritz von Hohenzollern, nearly saw a mob rush the courthouse and proceed to carry out justice right there and then.
As nobody truly believed he was innocent, Ferdinand immediately changed his plea to guilty and devoted his time in court to begging for his life or, failing that, execution by firing squad, so that his son would not have to witness the ignominy of seeing his father hung. Ten jurors cast ballots; six voting for his execution, four for life imprisonment. Three jurors, still weighing the evidence, refused to vote when war with Benin began.
The newly appointed Foreign Minister, Fritz von Hohenzollern, wasted little time in seeking intervention on behalf of the only true ally Germany had. An outpouring of support and wealth ensured that the Ethiopian economy continued to function while avoiding an outpouring of German blood. The Ministry of War ordered the construction of 26 new steam transports, all of which were completed by the end of the year, in case Beninese rebels reached German territory in West Africa. Given that these new ships had the capability to carry 78,000 troops, or two full armies, some of the more radical newspapers questioned the actual purpose for these new ships.
The Governor of the Philippines, an ex-Army Colonel named Reinhard Detweiler, also used the crisis to support a new all-Filipino defense brigade, albeit with German officers. The program was so successful that non-Germans were given the opportunity throughout the Republic to join local garrisons, freeing up trained Germans for active duty.
In late March, the Ministry of Education completed its thorough report on "The Causes and Roots of Revolution and the Practice of Counterrevolution." While, like most official government publications, the Socialist Uprising was laid at the feet of Ferdinand von Hohenzollern, it nonetheless grudgingly admitted that he could not be held responsible for every uprising before that or every uprising that would come after. The report recommended opening a dialogue with dissatisfied Germans, but more importantly recommended stronger fortifications throughout the Republic. This new "Point Defense System" was the talk of the Ministry of War, and a design contest was announced for new, more secure fortifications.
An independent Socialist newspaper, on the other hand, lambasted the report. The editorial on the front page called the Special Prosecutor "a class traitor" and the jury "intellectual cowards for not insisting on Ferdinand's immediate release." They accused the government of intentionally triggering a mine collapse in Erfurt to "kill more true Socialist brothers and sisters." The new DSU struggled to distance itself from the outrageous accusations, and the people of Germany blamed the German Socialist Union for the propaganda.
The HUN and conservatives fared no better; a group of rebels seized control of the Ethiopian government during the war, raising the important question of where the German subsidies actually went. Franz Meningen, "the Liberator", insisted he had nothing to do with the overthrow of Ethiopia's government, but a curious void on his government passport looked suspiciously like the seal of Ethiopia.
Another incident for which Meningen had no comment was a French-backed crisis, where they forced the British Empire to acknowledge the existence of a new country, Nizhny Novgorod.
Overall, however, the German political arena remained very quiet. The Ministry of the Interior shut down a group of so-called "friendly societies" throughout the nation, as the official law of the land was that Socialists could not operate trade unions, but they were judicious in their use of force and legitimate, apolitical trade unions remained open and functioning.
New fortification plans were awarded to Krupp AG, Germany's largest industrial firm not owned by the Hohenzollerns, in late 1876. However, Fritz still won the lucrative contract to construct new large scale steam turbines, projected to be worth millions of thalers.
Governor Detweiler sent some curious wildlife he and his men spotted in the Philippines, prompting a traveling exhibition for all Germans to enjoy and marvel at.
All of this peace and prosperity had come at a price. Just over £100,000 had been spent to pay for the war so far, not to mention the MInistry of War's emergency spending plan. Germany remained very liquid, with plenty of money in the bank, but the war was no closer to completion than it was in January 1876.
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We have one item for the ballot -- shall Germany legalize all trade unions, including those operated by Socialists? Other ballot items may be proposed until
Saturday at 10 PM (-6 GMT). Any jurors who have yet to vote are encouraged to do so. Jurors may also continue to deliberate and change their minds if their consciences dictate; unless seven votes for execution are found, the defendant's plea for mercy will not be granted.
The court is also waiting to hear from Frederika von Hohenzollern nee Muller. ((DutchGuy, you can speak on her behalf, since she's your character.)) If she agrees that the child loses all titles and claims to the Hohenzollern estates, now and in perpetuity, as well as the title of Stadtholder von Nürnberg, she may retain custody. If she refuses, the child will become a ward of the state.
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court