((Hey, for once it isn't Michaelangelo constantly trying to resurrect dead Germany families! 
What branch is he in? Conclave or Assembly?))
((Note: We’re still doing 12 month updates, so we’re going July to July.))
The German Republic had never had elections like those of 1849. The result might have been a familiar one – the New Society elected a new Chancellor – but the coalition between the New Society and the Alliance had been completely unforeseen. The Alliance had almost been completely overlooked in the past 14 years; a smattering of unimportant posts, the indignity of a single vote in the Conclave, and even worse, the populace entirely ignored them. It was the election of Carlo Brunelli, a Roman citizen who emigrated to Germany in hopes of a freer life, as an Assemblyman from Ravenna that galvanized and electrified the Alliance. While the UAI cautiously extended a hand of friendship, the Imperialists were horrified. Albrecht von Hohenzollern spewed vitriol at the Alliance, the UAI, and the New Society alike, even as he tried to drum up support to see his family (and himself) elevated to a more prominent role within the Republic.
Alex von Bern, the first Chancellor to be reelected to his post, might be the spokesman for the new political reality, but it was Otto von Bismarck who was the heart and soul. He was more than a match for Brunelli as a speaker, but was far less divisive. It was rumored that Bismarck, not Bern, was the real driving force behind the coalition, and for that he was rewarded with the coveted Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The war against Hungary would not be a challenging one: Bismarck could look forward to shaping Europe in his image.
It all came apart on a chance visit of Bern to his home in Switzerland, only hours after his election. The explosion devastated his family home. Rumors immediately began swirling that the Hohenzollern leader – or somebody in his name – had planned the assassination, as nobody claimed responsibility. However, within days of the death of Bern, Albrecht and his only son were killed by another blast that killed a number of other close family members; thankfully, Albrecht’s pregnant wife and twin daughters escaped. Michael von Hohenzollern, Albrecht’s cousin, took the family seat at Nürnberg and immediately called for blood, supporting Albrecht’s petition to see the Hohenzollerns formally named Heads of State. [1]
In the chaos that ensured, Interior Minister von Altmark did exactly that. Proclaiming himself acting Chancellor, as legally he was Deputy Chancellor until new elections were completed, he put forward comprehensive policies to punish those at hand. The Corps of Gendarmes was given free rein in all non-German areas of the Empire, as his measure was approved by the Conclave. [2]
After breaking up a meeting of the Luxembourg Luncheon Society (the captain in charge of the detachment was heard to say, “what real German spells ‘burg’ with an ‘o’ anyway?”), the Gendarmerie found a cell of Jacobins in Switzerland, exhausting the emergency funding given by Minister von Altmark’s proposal. [3]
Although nothing the Minister had done was illegal, the fact remained that some politicians saw his eagerness to punish those who might or might not be guilty made the Alliance, in particular, a little uneasy. Christian Peymann, the son of Joachim, formally proposed that the New Society appoint a new Chancellor to end the Constitutional crisis. It proved to be the most popular vote in the Republic’s history – the only person who voted against it was Altmark, who saw his visions of nigh ultimate power dashed. The New Society unanimously chose Otto von Bismarck. Bismarck appointed the relatively unknown Hals Gutfreund as Minister of War and the seasoned politician Hugo Unger as Foreign Minister, filling all of the needed spots. Gutfreund chose to serve as Chief of the Army himself, but lacking experience as a soldier, simply allowed the troops to continue on with the orders ex-Chief Unger had given them.
The policy paid immediate dividends. Transylvania had already done an excellent job of occupying the eastern reaches of Hungary. In desperation, the Hungarians mounted attacks on the well-trained and fortified German armies, but all for naught.
While fortress after fortress fell, something curious began to happen. The people of Germany, who had formerly eagerly supported the war, began to have their duties, in particular about harnessing Hungary to the German sphere via force.
In an effort to build support for the war effort, Chancellor Bismarck gave a speech promoting the German support for victory as he was formally acknowledged as Chancellor.
That worked, for a time. Unfortunately, two things happened simultaneously (or, perhaps, fortunately.) First, Brunelli, who had been named as Minister of Education by Bern (as part of his party’s compensation for the Alliance), gave a startling speech on the merits of a Laissez-Faire economic policy, one the German people had never experienced. Glowing accounts of booming industry without the need for high taxes was very appealing, and the German people looked more favorably on the Alliance.
Second, word of Minister Fellman’s “post-war tax cut” leaked out. He’d already cut taxes across the board by 2%.
But his promise to not only cut taxes on the poor (meaning the rank and file soldiers) but increase the pay of all military men after the war not only convinced the electorate prolonging the war was a bad idea, but even the men fighting it.
There was simply no way the German people would tolerate reducing Hungary to a German puppet. Transylvania’s populace, on the other hand, eagerly used the opportunity to push for greater land claims, and after the war, Transylvania was recognized as the #4 Great Power in the world.
With the rest of the world busily fighting for dominance, the pleas of Ingria to seek independence fell on deaf ears. [4]
Germany’s peace – and the promised tax cut – did pay dividends, and a spontaneous police celebration in Nürnberg seemed to ease tensions, at least for a while.
The rest of the world, however, simply would not stay quiet. France and the United Kingdom fought a bitter war over Norwegian Canada that saw France occupying most of the British Isles.
The Jacobins struck again in Ethiopia, as Karl Marx continued to inspire fear and devotion in different classes with his rhetorical genius.
Michael von Hohenzollern begged for a German army to hunt down the revolutionary madman but, sadly, his pleas fell on deaf ears. The nation was too torn by the tragedy of the Girl from Dortmund; Stadtholder Brunelli vowed his new industrial program would further mechanize mining and reduce the need to send such young girls into the mines.
Before any talk of meaningful social reform could begin, however, an incident between the Gendarmerie and a Venetian citizen provoked an international crisis. The Doge of Venice demanded the citizen be set free; the Gendarmerie insisted he was part of the cell that was put down in late 1849, who might have ties to the assassination of either Bern, Albrecht von Hohenzollern, or both.
The drums of war were being beaten again; that Venice would dare for even one moment to interfere in purely German matters grated on the nerves of many Imperialists.
The question remained: how would the Alliance, UAI, and New Society take it?
No bonus images this time; I don’t think we need them.
[1] I fudged the original time line some, since if we really made the blasts hours apart, they’d either need teleporters or airplanes, which sadly do not exist in our timeline.
Yet.
[2] Specific movements suppressed were Swiss, Ragusans, Neapolitans, Byzantines, Dutch, Venetian, French, and Tuscans.
[3] I meant to click on the Swiss again, but hit Luxembourg by mistake. We still had enough to get the Swiss though. I just hope the AAR isn’t ended when Luxembourg breaks free and destroys us from within…
[4] I really wish the Great Powers would stop fighting with each other long enough to actually have a meaningful crisis. I didn’t back it because there were no available GPs to back the other side, except Transylvania, and I’m pretty sure they wouldn’t have, or it would have been a very short crisis.
Ministers can adjust proposals, as needed, new measures adopted, etc. I’m going to remove the restriction on Constitutional Amendments only being eligible in election years; I haven’t been very rigorous about enforcing it anyway.
What branch is he in? Conclave or Assembly?))Chapter 11: The people have spoken; is anyone listening?
((Note: We’re still doing 12 month updates, so we’re going July to July.))
The German Republic had never had elections like those of 1849. The result might have been a familiar one – the New Society elected a new Chancellor – but the coalition between the New Society and the Alliance had been completely unforeseen. The Alliance had almost been completely overlooked in the past 14 years; a smattering of unimportant posts, the indignity of a single vote in the Conclave, and even worse, the populace entirely ignored them. It was the election of Carlo Brunelli, a Roman citizen who emigrated to Germany in hopes of a freer life, as an Assemblyman from Ravenna that galvanized and electrified the Alliance. While the UAI cautiously extended a hand of friendship, the Imperialists were horrified. Albrecht von Hohenzollern spewed vitriol at the Alliance, the UAI, and the New Society alike, even as he tried to drum up support to see his family (and himself) elevated to a more prominent role within the Republic.
Alex von Bern, the first Chancellor to be reelected to his post, might be the spokesman for the new political reality, but it was Otto von Bismarck who was the heart and soul. He was more than a match for Brunelli as a speaker, but was far less divisive. It was rumored that Bismarck, not Bern, was the real driving force behind the coalition, and for that he was rewarded with the coveted Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The war against Hungary would not be a challenging one: Bismarck could look forward to shaping Europe in his image.
It all came apart on a chance visit of Bern to his home in Switzerland, only hours after his election. The explosion devastated his family home. Rumors immediately began swirling that the Hohenzollern leader – or somebody in his name – had planned the assassination, as nobody claimed responsibility. However, within days of the death of Bern, Albrecht and his only son were killed by another blast that killed a number of other close family members; thankfully, Albrecht’s pregnant wife and twin daughters escaped. Michael von Hohenzollern, Albrecht’s cousin, took the family seat at Nürnberg and immediately called for blood, supporting Albrecht’s petition to see the Hohenzollerns formally named Heads of State. [1]
In the chaos that ensured, Interior Minister von Altmark did exactly that. Proclaiming himself acting Chancellor, as legally he was Deputy Chancellor until new elections were completed, he put forward comprehensive policies to punish those at hand. The Corps of Gendarmes was given free rein in all non-German areas of the Empire, as his measure was approved by the Conclave. [2]
After breaking up a meeting of the Luxembourg Luncheon Society (the captain in charge of the detachment was heard to say, “what real German spells ‘burg’ with an ‘o’ anyway?”), the Gendarmerie found a cell of Jacobins in Switzerland, exhausting the emergency funding given by Minister von Altmark’s proposal. [3]
Although nothing the Minister had done was illegal, the fact remained that some politicians saw his eagerness to punish those who might or might not be guilty made the Alliance, in particular, a little uneasy. Christian Peymann, the son of Joachim, formally proposed that the New Society appoint a new Chancellor to end the Constitutional crisis. It proved to be the most popular vote in the Republic’s history – the only person who voted against it was Altmark, who saw his visions of nigh ultimate power dashed. The New Society unanimously chose Otto von Bismarck. Bismarck appointed the relatively unknown Hals Gutfreund as Minister of War and the seasoned politician Hugo Unger as Foreign Minister, filling all of the needed spots. Gutfreund chose to serve as Chief of the Army himself, but lacking experience as a soldier, simply allowed the troops to continue on with the orders ex-Chief Unger had given them.
The policy paid immediate dividends. Transylvania had already done an excellent job of occupying the eastern reaches of Hungary. In desperation, the Hungarians mounted attacks on the well-trained and fortified German armies, but all for naught.
While fortress after fortress fell, something curious began to happen. The people of Germany, who had formerly eagerly supported the war, began to have their duties, in particular about harnessing Hungary to the German sphere via force.
In an effort to build support for the war effort, Chancellor Bismarck gave a speech promoting the German support for victory as he was formally acknowledged as Chancellor.
That worked, for a time. Unfortunately, two things happened simultaneously (or, perhaps, fortunately.) First, Brunelli, who had been named as Minister of Education by Bern (as part of his party’s compensation for the Alliance), gave a startling speech on the merits of a Laissez-Faire economic policy, one the German people had never experienced. Glowing accounts of booming industry without the need for high taxes was very appealing, and the German people looked more favorably on the Alliance.
Second, word of Minister Fellman’s “post-war tax cut” leaked out. He’d already cut taxes across the board by 2%.
But his promise to not only cut taxes on the poor (meaning the rank and file soldiers) but increase the pay of all military men after the war not only convinced the electorate prolonging the war was a bad idea, but even the men fighting it.
There was simply no way the German people would tolerate reducing Hungary to a German puppet. Transylvania’s populace, on the other hand, eagerly used the opportunity to push for greater land claims, and after the war, Transylvania was recognized as the #4 Great Power in the world.
With the rest of the world busily fighting for dominance, the pleas of Ingria to seek independence fell on deaf ears. [4]
Germany’s peace – and the promised tax cut – did pay dividends, and a spontaneous police celebration in Nürnberg seemed to ease tensions, at least for a while.
The rest of the world, however, simply would not stay quiet. France and the United Kingdom fought a bitter war over Norwegian Canada that saw France occupying most of the British Isles.
The Jacobins struck again in Ethiopia, as Karl Marx continued to inspire fear and devotion in different classes with his rhetorical genius.
Michael von Hohenzollern begged for a German army to hunt down the revolutionary madman but, sadly, his pleas fell on deaf ears. The nation was too torn by the tragedy of the Girl from Dortmund; Stadtholder Brunelli vowed his new industrial program would further mechanize mining and reduce the need to send such young girls into the mines.
Before any talk of meaningful social reform could begin, however, an incident between the Gendarmerie and a Venetian citizen provoked an international crisis. The Doge of Venice demanded the citizen be set free; the Gendarmerie insisted he was part of the cell that was put down in late 1849, who might have ties to the assassination of either Bern, Albrecht von Hohenzollern, or both.
The drums of war were being beaten again; that Venice would dare for even one moment to interfere in purely German matters grated on the nerves of many Imperialists.
The question remained: how would the Alliance, UAI, and New Society take it?
No bonus images this time; I don’t think we need them.
[1] I fudged the original time line some, since if we really made the blasts hours apart, they’d either need teleporters or airplanes, which sadly do not exist in our timeline.
Yet.
[2] Specific movements suppressed were Swiss, Ragusans, Neapolitans, Byzantines, Dutch, Venetian, French, and Tuscans.
[3] I meant to click on the Swiss again, but hit Luxembourg by mistake.
We still had enough to get the Swiss though. I just hope the AAR isn’t ended when Luxembourg breaks free and destroys us from within…[4] I really wish the Great Powers would stop fighting with each other long enough to actually have a meaningful crisis. I didn’t back it because there were no available GPs to back the other side, except Transylvania, and I’m pretty sure they wouldn’t have, or it would have been a very short crisis.
Ministers can adjust proposals, as needed, new measures adopted, etc. I’m going to remove the restriction on Constitutional Amendments only being eligible in election years; I haven’t been very rigorous about enforcing it anyway.
