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The Honourable Chancellor and indeed those who created such a committee seem to forget that such a committee does not and should not answer to the executive, most certainly not one that is indirectly elected, but to Parliament, which, as it happens, has a National Assembly ready and able to act on the advice of the Crisis Committee regarding Foreign Affairs. This act seems to me and indeed many of my colleagues as a blatant attempt of an indirectly elected official to usurp power from the National Assembly, which I do motion, and I will undoubtedly be joined by both houses, should not stand.


Franz von Bavel-Timmermans

The Chancellor is the leader of parliament, though. Right now the Crisis Committee answers to no one and the entire government is forced to declare war based on their opinions. Both houses do not actually "act on the advice of the Crisis Committee" like you said because the committee has absolute control over Germany's foreign policy without any check from either Chancellor or legislature due to some strange legal quirk. Were you asleep during the last crisis when we almost went to a war based on the whims of five people? Do you really think it is reasonable or logical that Germany can enter into a war against the wishes of the head of government and without the consent of the legislature?

I suppose we could add an amendment that both houses must approve the recommendations of the Crisis Committee for them to take effect but that would essentially defeat the whole purpose of the committee which was created so that Germany could quickly respond to a crisis.
 
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I propose the following Bill:

Crisis Committee Reform Act
An Act to limit the authority of emergency Crisis Committees in unilaterally creating foreign policy of the Republic of Germany
WHEREAS, the current practice of devolving important governmental powers, such as that of creating foreign policy, to a five-member committee is inherently undemocratic,

WHEREAS, granting the Foreign Minister the exclusive prerogative to select the four other members of such a committee concentrates power too greatly in the hands of one man,

WHEREAS, the Reichstag must approve all plans put forward by the Foreign Minister, and

WHEREAS, the Reichstag, being a democratic institution integral to the proper functioning of the Republic of Germany, ought to have to approve the plans put forward by Crisis Committees,

I. All emergency Crisis Committees, being defined as extraordinary committees assembled by the Foreign Minister during times of international crisis to provide recommendations to the Reichstag on German foreign policy as it pertains to the ongoing international crisis, shall be comprised of the Foreign Minister, the Chief of the General Staff, no less than one member from each of the two largest parties in the Reichstag, and no less than three other members of the Reichstag from any of the smaller parties.
II. Emergency Crisis Committees must present their recommendations to the Assembly for the Assembly's approval.
III. If no member of the Assembly raises an objection to the recommendations of the emergency Crisis Committee, its recommendations are considered approved by the Assembly, and the Conclave of Stadtholders, being a body primarily concerned with domestic matters and policy, will not be consulted.
IV. All approved recommendations from emergency Crisis Committees must be carried out by the Foreign Ministry and diplomatic corps, Finance Ministry, and military of the German Republic.
V. If any member of the Assembly objects to the recommendations of an emergency Crisis Committee, then the Committee's recommendations must be put to a formal vote in the Assembly. If the Assembly fails to pass the Committee's recommendations by a simple majority, then any member of the Assembly may propose his own plan, which will, at the appropriate time, be put to a vote in the Assembly.
VI. If the plan of a member of the Assembly is passed by the Assembly by a simple majority, then it must be carried out by the Foreign Ministry and diplomatic corps, Finance Ministry, and military of the German Republic.
VII. If the plan of a member of the Assembly fails to pass in the Assembly with a simple majority, proposals from other members of the Assembly may continue to be proposed and voted on until a plan is chosen.
VIII. If no plan is passed by the Assembly within two weeks of the first proposal by the emergency Crisis Committee, then the Republic of Germany will remain completely neutral in the crisis.
IX. If the plan passed by the Assembly, either by a formal vote or by implicit consent without objection, brings the Republic of Germany into a war, then a formal declaration of war must be voted on by the Assembly and the Conclave. If the declaration is passed by a simple majority in both houses, then the Republic of Germany will enter the war on the side of the country or countries she supported in the international crisis. If the declaration of war fails to pass by a simple majority in both houses, then the Republic of Germany will immediately withdraw from involvement in the international crisis.
X. This Act shall take effect 91 days after passage.

~ K.F. von Hohenzollern, Chief of the General Staff
 
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Nay to both these proposals. It is even more undemocratic if an unelected chancellor, one man, gets the power to veto the emergency council, which is made up by elected members of parliament. Additionally, the bill of Herr von Hohenzollern defeats the whole purpose of the Emergy council . The Emergency council has been granted those powers to act quickly ((OOC taking long you can blame on the players themselves, not the idea))in times of emergency where democratic vote would be too slow. It is for that reason and only that, that the emergency power has such power in time of crisis. I strongly encourage the President to veto both proposals if they do come to a vote and pass .

Franz Ferdinand ''Beinbrecher'' Schüttler, Commander of the Corps of the Gendermerie
 
That is a very reasonable proposal. I would recommend that you also allow the Chancellor the ability to object to a plan just in case he is not a member of the Assembly.

I do not agree, the acceptance of any policy that concerns the defence and the foreign affairs of this nation are ultimately subject to the approval of the Assembly, adding another veto to this already complex system of government would both threaten the basis of our democracy and create more paperwork.

Nay to both these proposals. It is even more undemocratic if an unelected chancellor, one man, gets the power to veto the emergency council, which is made up by elected members of parliament. Additionally, the bill of Herr von Hohenzollern defeats the whole purpose of the Emergy council . The Emergency council has been granted those powers to act quickly ((OOC taking long you can blame on the players themselves, not the idea))in times of emergency where democratic vote would be too slow. It is for that reason and only that, that the emergency power has such power in time of crisis. I strongly encourage the President to veto both proposals if they do come to a vote and pass .

Franz Ferdinand ''Beinbrecher'' Schüttler, Commander of the Corps of the Gendermerie

Such ideas do threaten the very foundation of our democracy, circumventing the process by which our every decision is and should be made and instead creating a clique of men who will decide the future of both our generation and indeed the world without any true democratic accountability. Furthermore, if the Reichspräsident chooses to veto these bills, my colleagues and I would find it a very partisan step of a Reichspräsident who has promised to act as an unpartisan protector of the already established democratic institutions that are the National Assembly and Conclave of Stadtholders.

Franz von Bavel-Timmermans
 
Such ideas do threaten the very foundation of our democracy, circumventing the process by which our every decision is and should be made and instead creating a clique of men who will decide the future of both our generation and indeed the world without any true democratic accountability. Furthermore, if the Reichspräsident chooses to veto these bills, my colleagues and I would find it a very partisan step of a Reichspräsident who has promised to act as an unpartisan protector of the already established democratic institutions that are the National Assembly and Conclave of Stadtholders.

Franz von Bavel-Timmermans
It is not practical in times of great crisis and friction between nations to hold a vote over everything. This institution is anti-democratic , but it works. If we start questioning the ability of the council to aquedately decide, it has truly become a worrying time. When a situation like the one that has just passed, a quick response is nessesary. Passing any of those bills will undermine the ability of Germany to respond quickly.

Franz Ferdinand ''Beinbrecher'' Schüttler, Commander of the Corps of the Gendermerie
 
I assure you that the Crisis Committee does answer to someone most of us multiple people. The members of the committee are responsible to their conscience whom they really on to be able to enjoy life, the voters of Germany who they rely on to enjoy membership in government, their party leaders whose favor they rely on to stay on the front bench and, of course, the Foreign Minister whose favor they owe their seat in the crisis room to. The Foreign Minister in addition to thoose alliances is also bound by alligance to the Chancellor by way of the coalition agreement presasent and future and through those agreements any polotical expediences that may or may not be granted in the future that would permit the Forign Minister to influence the direction of the country. The delicate balacing of interests that naturally occurs due to the democratic nature of the committee ensures that the interests of all these groups are represented in the final itteration of the crisis plan as fairly as is possible considering that the committee must swiftly and decisively act on the diplomatic crisis that it would've tasked with resloving. Such as system of carefully ballanced powers is distinctly German as through the sillimer system that governes the Reichtag of having one Chancellor and many ministers appointed largely at his discretion has been the method of fair and effective governance for many a year. Now, with these acts we endanger the carefully crafted system and would permit depending on the bill passed either the chancellor to trod upon the indipendence of the Crisis Committiee and in doing so the Forign Ministry or we will destroy the useful trait of the Committiee that of expedience in time of danger and open us up to the possiability of failing to act at all and proclaiming to the world that Germany cannot effictavly govern itself. Either such result endangers greatly the future of Germany and must be avoided.

I further wish to state that if you think that the Forign Ministry has complete control of the Crisis Committee out have failed to understand the complexities of German Polotics. I usually do not comment on the voting patterns of members of the Crisis Committee but it must be said that there are provisions in the most recent plan that I voted against in committee.
 
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I request herr Smith stop speaking above his station, he wasn't selected for the committee and is beating a grudge against the group.
I would change soon or you will end up like your strangely similarly named predecessor
 
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I request herr Smith stop speaking above his station, he wasn't selected for the committee and is beating a grudge against the group.
I would change soon or you will end up like your strangely similarly named predecessor
all im saying is we end this pointless bickering and actually attend to matters of state
 
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I must agree with some of the comments being made, and disagree with others. I do not believe it wise to grant the Chancellor a veto over the decision of the Crisis Committee. In effect, this would defeat the whole purpose of the committee. The Chancellor would have almost the sole right to decide policy, seeing as any plan he disapproves of would be shot down. If this is enacted, we may as well abolish the Crisis Committee entirely and let the Chancellor decide how to handle crises alone, which I am sure many disagree with. The purpose of the Crisis Committee is to provide a small group consensus of individuals from various parties within the Reichstag to quickly devise a method of handling crises. While some may consider this less democratic since the committee can enact any plan without a vote, the members are still responsible to their parties and the electorate. On the other hand, Herr Hohenzollern does propose some reasonable reforms. Making the Crisis Committee more responsible to the Assembly might create a workable compromise. As I have indeed promised to remain non-partisan, I shall not use my veto unless it becomes clear that any decision made here directly threatens the Republic. I do, however, recommend that if we must choose to reform the Crisis Committee, Herr Hohenzollern's proposal is by far the more reasonable.

- Reichspräsident Eva von Vandenburg
 
As a sitting member of this government I feel I must give my position regarding the proposals regarding reforms to the crisis committee
1:In regards to Herr Hohenzollerns plan, I believe that it is a sound well thought out reform if maybe running the risk of losing crucial reaction time while voting
2:In regards to Herr Liberators request to give the Chancellor the power of veto over this,I firmly reject any notion of this sort as it will allow the Chancellor to completely control the power of the foreign ministry, While I may be going against my own beloved party on this I feel I must speak out
3:In regards to possible changes to the law,What if instead of a veto by the Chancellor able to reject the plan we instead take a cabinet vote to veto the proposed plan with a 2/3rds majority calling for the editing of the resolution by the comitee
-Herzog Albrecht Von Wurtemberg
 
The following items are on the ballot:

1. Herr Schüttler's motion to increase unemployment subsidies.
2. Herr Meningen's "Crisis Team Amendment":

Crisis Team Amendment

I. The Republic of Germany cannot act upon the Crisis Team's recommendations until the Chancellor approves them.
II. If the Chancellor does not approve of the Crisis Team's recommendations then the Crisis Team must devise a new strategy until one is approved.

3. Herr von Hohenzollern's Crisis Committee Reform Act

Crisis Committee Reform Act
An Act to limit the authority of emergency Crisis Committees in unilaterally creating foreign policy of the Republic of Germany
WHEREAS, the current practice of devolving important governmental powers, such as that of creating foreign policy, to a five-member committee is inherently undemocratic,

WHEREAS, granting the Foreign Minister the exclusive prerogative to select the four other members of such a committee concentrates power too greatly in the hands of one man,

WHEREAS, the Reichstag must approve all plans put forward by the Foreign Minister, and

WHEREAS, the Reichstag, being a democratic institution integral to the proper functioning of the Republic of Germany, ought to have to approve the plans put forward by Crisis Committees,

I. All emergency Crisis Committees, being defined as extraordinary committees assembled by the Foreign Minister during times of international crisis to provide recommendations to the Reichstag on German foreign policy as it pertains to the ongoing international crisis, shall be comprised of the Foreign Minister, the Chief of the General Staff, no less than one member from each of the two largest parties in the Reichstag, and no less than three other members of the Reichstag from any of the smaller parties.
II. Emergency Crisis Committees must present their recommendations to the Assembly for the Assembly's approval.
III. If no member of the Assembly raises an objection to the recommendations of the emergency Crisis Committee, its recommendations are considered approved by the Assembly, and the Conclave of Stadtholders, being a body primarily concerned with domestic matters and policy, will not be consulted.
IV. All approved recommendations from emergency Crisis Committees must be carried out by the Foreign Ministry and diplomatic corps, Finance Ministry, and military of the German Republic.
V. If any member of the Assembly objects to the recommendations of an emergency Crisis Committee, then the Committee's recommendations must be put to a formal vote in the Assembly. If the Assembly fails to pass the Committee's recommendations by a simple majority, then any member of the Assembly may propose his own plan, which will, at the appropriate time, be put to a vote in the Assembly.
VI. If the plan of a member of the Assembly is passed by the Assembly by a simple majority, then it must be carried out by the Foreign Ministry and diplomatic corps, Finance Ministry, and military of the German Republic.
VII. If the plan of a member of the Assembly fails to pass in the Assembly with a simple majority, proposals from other members of the Assembly may continue to be proposed and voted on until a plan is chosen.
VIII. If no plan is passed by the Assembly within two weeks of the first proposal by the emergency Crisis Committee, then the Republic of Germany will remain completely neutral in the crisis.
IX. If the plan passed by the Assembly, either by a formal vote or by implicit consent without objection, brings the Republic of Germany into a war, then a formal declaration of war must be voted on by the Assembly and the Conclave. If the declaration is passed by a simple majority in both houses, then the Republic of Germany will enter the war on the side of the country or countries she supported in the international crisis. If the declaration of war fails to pass by a simple majority in both houses, then the Republic of Germany will immediately withdraw from involvement in the international crisis.
X. This Act shall take effect 91 days after passage.

4. A proposal from Herr St. Gerard, just handed over to the Supreme Court:

The Legislative Efficiency Act

For any law to be formally added to the ballot, it requires at least one co-sponsor. Such a co-sponsor may be any lawfully elected member of the Reichstag, excluding only the President.

((This is one I've wanted to propose for a while, but I kept forgetting to do so. :) ))

The Supreme Court rules that Herr Meningen's proposal, as well as Herr von Hohenzollern's, are not mutually exclusive; if both were voted into existence and signed, Herr Meningen's amendment would be added to the other measure, giving the Chancellor effective veto power over the Crisis Team's decisions.

Voting will now begin, and will continue for 48 hours. (Until 10 PM on Thursday, -6 GMT).

Chief Justice of the Supreme Court

((Apologies for forgetting about the iAAR for a day or two. I was in a mad rush to finish a dissertation chapter and got almost no sleep last night thanks to work done on our roof; I am quite often a night owl and rarely go to bed before 4 or 5 AM, so construction at 7 AM is a real problem for me. I will try to be more vigilant in the future. :) In the meantime, feel free to send me gentle reminders if I'm negligent and miss deadlines.))
 
1. Aye!
2. Nein!
3. Aye!
4. Aye!
 
1. Nay
2. Nay
3. Yea
4. Yea

~ K.F. von Hohenzollern
 
1. Aye
2. Nay, this will give the Chancellor complete control over the crisis committee and is even more undemocratic then the current model.
3. Abstain, while this is a good framework for improving the crisis committee, I fear it will inevitably drag out into a bureaucratic nightmare, ensuring nothing gets done until it is far too late.
4. Aye, this will result in better representation in the Reichstag.
 
1. Yes
2. No
3. Yes
4. Yes