Lecture Sixteen: The Returning Hero (1859-'60)
"The national arms have been covered with glory"
Ignacio Zaragoza
In February 1859 Santa Anna returned to a celebratory Mexico City after the defeating the mighty United States for a second time in his career. Yet, as contemporary observers were wont to ask, just how much had Mexico changed since the victories of the previous decade? The answer, like much of the country's woes, was complicated. Any progress on the social or economic fronts had been largely undone by years of strife and the political class remained bitterly divided. The legacy of the Civil War continued to stir intermittently as rifts within Mexican politics only continued to widen. That the tame
santanista government had survived the absence of its charismatic leader during the war to the north was largely due to division amongst its foes than any real ability or legitimacy. Benito Juarez's decision to support the US aggression against his native country had provoked an intense period of debate within the liberal ranks and distracted them from taking firm measures against a weak government. In contrast the conservatives, ironically the losers in the Civil War, were naturally more patriotic and found Santa Anna far more preferable to the radical liberals; the latter being used as the bogeyman to scare moderates of all colours into supporting the
santanista administration. This was a government that was only grudgingly accepted by the political establishment for fear that its collapse would spark a resumption of civil strife and in such an environment the old belief that Santa Anna was the solution to all the country's ills must have seemed hopelessly naive. His triumphs on the battlefield had earned the
Benefactor of the Fatherland prestige and honour but there was no rush to grant him extra-constitutional powers and talk of a 'national resurgence' remained limited to Don Antonio's more dedicated/delusional supporters. The liberals had been the nominal victors of the Civil War years and a new generation of politicians were determined to reinforce the primacy of Congress and bring about real change. The uncomfortable and ambiguous conclusion of the Civil War continued to cast a long shadow over Mexican politics
Yet few of these tensions were readily visible to contemporary observers and Santa Anna's return to Mexico City in early 1859 proceeded according to time honoured tradition. The returning conqueror was treated to a celebratory procession through the city before attending a grand mass and
Te Deum at the city's
Catedral de la Asunción de María. This was followed by an audience at the National Palace where acting President Valentín Canalizo was more than happy to step aside and allow for the re-election of Don Antonio. As hinted above, many Congressmen had doubts regarding yet another Santa Anna premiership but given the political climate at the time, and the lack of alternative candidates, this was in reality little more than a formality. A quick speech before Congress followed, in which the familiar
santanista themes of patriotism and national unity dominated, and as a gesture of goodwill the new President ignored many conservative comrades-in-arms and appointed Porfirio Díaz, a general with a liberal past, as Vice-President. Looking beyond the platitudes and tired celebrations, however, and it was clear that there was a certain edge to these proceedings. The
Army of Operations had not been disbanded but instead lay camped outside the capital while there was a heavy military presence within the city itself. Similarly, no effort was spared to disseminate propaganda celebrating the victory over the United States* but reaction in the provinces, naturally excepting Veracruz, and working class districts was generally indifferent. Finally, the political amnesty that was announced to mark the victory was severely limited in scope and the authorities continued to actively suppress the more militant or radical liberal factions. Juarez, for one, remained in exile in the United States where he and other radical liberals continued to raise funds for the various anti-
santanista causes
An elderly Santa Anna circa 1860
This last point particularly rankled with the returning President and, despite his rhetoric of unity and forgiveness, Santa Anna lost little time in seeking to curb the hostile propaganda directed towards himself by the newspapers and political clubs that had appeared since the end of the Civil War. However this only revealed the weakness of his new regime - without the required extra-constitutional powers, or the political capital to dismiss Congress, there was little the administration could do but wage a campaign of harassment against its political opponents. First the first time in his many premierships Santa Anna was presented with a strong Congress that was unwilling to either be dismissed or bent to the President's will. Don Antonio was in the uneasy scenario where he, largely, commanded the loyalty of the military but relied on increasingly reluctant liberal politicians to legitimise his rule. The first months of 1859 thus saw little policies of note enacted as both camps sought to establish the boundaries of their power through a series of minor political skirmishes. Perhaps affairs would have continued as such (and there were many fears that the President was plotting to employ physical force against his unruly Congress) but in June 1859 Mexico's political deadlock was to be startlingly broken with the most significant political scandal in the country's brief history. As a vengeful United States began to pressure European banks to withdraw financial support to Mexico City, thus sparking a financial crisis in Mexico, a number of prominent liberal politicians began to call for an abrupt curtailing of the President's impressive living expenses. While countless Mexicans lived in the most abject poverty, the office of their President remained one of the largest sources of expenditure on the state's accounts. Santa Anna's debauched lifestyle in the capital, richly satirised by emerging political journals, increasingly drew the ire of a younger generation of politicians, if only for the sheer scale of the excess. It was this minor point of dispute between the Presidency and Congress that exploded in spectacular style when Congressman Jose Maria Gutiérrez Estrada triggered a full scale political crisis on 23 September 1859. The good Congressman, employing what were perhaps the first 'forensic accountants' in history, had discovered the true purpose and nature of the previously obscure
National Fund for Invalid Officers and Martyrs to the Mother Country. The revelation that for decades a supposed veteran's fund had been used to channel vast sums of currency into Santa Anna's personal coffers was nothing short of a political bombshell that both astonished and disgusted the Mexican establishment. That jaded politicians could be so shocked by this discovery is testament enough to the outrageous scale of the embezzlement – perhaps 60 million pesos over almost four decades. The denouncement before Congress, and carried within days across the nation, almost destroyed Santa Anna's reputation in a single stroke and former political and military allies were quick to distance themselves from
El Ladrón. An ignominious end to an era beckoned as figure after figure called for his impeachment and imprisonment
Aid for the beleaguered President ultimately came from the most unlikely of sources. In early October Washington succeeded in convincing a number of major European banks, at the time investing heavily in the US, to call in payment on many outstanding Mexican government loans. The political equation was once again thrown into disarray as the country was faced with a sudden plunge into financial crisis and certain bankruptcy. Acting with a speed that belied his advancing years, Santa Anna quickly capitalised on this development and sought to salvage his career by publicly offering to donate the bulk of his sizeable fortune to the state. This presented Congress with a dilemma - there was a strong current of political thought in favour of simply seizing the
caudillo's assets and impeaching him, but a voluntarily donation would avoid unneeded political instability, reassure financiers, quickly ease the treasury's woes, and avoid a possible confrontation with the President's remaining supporters within the military. It was the latter that was critical as both Santa Anna and his opposition sounded out the army commanders to gauge their feelings. Ultimately however the ranks of the military were too depleted**, and its commanders too divided, to be relied upon. While apparently originally intent on remaining in office, Santa Anna was forced to sweeten the deal and on 14 October he offered his resignation from office and national affairs. This was enough, just, to satisfy a Congress faced with imminent bankruptcy and five days later, as Vice-President Diaz was formally promoted to the highest office, Don Antonio left the capital in an anonymous carriage. He had secured immunity to prosecution and the retention of his Veracruz estates but lost both his position and the vast bulk of his private fortune. Most importantly, the reputation of the Benefactor of the Fatherland, built through decades of service against his country's foes, lay in tatters and it appeared that this time his retirement was final
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*One segment of the population to be inspired by the war with the United States was a generation of artists and literary figures. These included the likes of José Rosas Moreno (1838-1883) and Ignacio Manuel Altamirano (1834-1893) whose writings took on a distinctly romanticist tone. Conversely the Ignacio Ramírez (1818-1879) remained true to his reputation as 'the Mexican Voltaire'. 'I., Wilson, (1941), Mexico: A Century of Educational Thought' provides a dense but worthy overview of these various competing schools of Mexican culture and the wider impact on society
** The Second US-Mexican War had seriously depleted the ranks of the military as the bulk of its professional soldiery lay dead along the Mississippi banks. Following the demobilisation of the Rurales the National Army was left with less than half a dozen standing divisions. 'R., Chartran, (2004), Santa Anna's Mexican Army 1821-61'