Lecture Twelve:The Civil War in Mexico (1855-56)
"Every kingdom divided against itself is brought to desolation; and every city or house divided against itself shall not stand"
Matthew 12:25
The successful defence of Veracruz, cemented by the Battle of Xalapa during the first days of 1855 can be viewed as the decisive moment in the War of the Reaction. Skirmishing between various factions continued across the entire country but by checking the conservative advance at Xalapa (just three days march from Veracruz) Santa Anna had secured the immediate future of the liberal government and given himself time to further reorganise the army. Availing of both extensive US aid and the proceeds of the Veracruz customs house it was possible to purchase arms, uniforms, and loyalty for the new 'Army of Central Mexico' that was to be forged from the various state militias. Simultaneously access to such funds also allowed for the subversion of conservative generals and in securing the cooperation of local political/militia bosses. The importance of the latter cannot be understated in what, like the Wars of Independence some four decades previously, was a conflict dominated by low level skirmishing and fought, in some manner, throughout every town and village in Mexico. As the National Army fragmented under the fratricidal pressures of civil war, authority devolved to local strongmen and military formations collapsed into columns of irregulars. In this way the first year of civil war saw few pitched battles on the scale of that at Xalapa and commanders on both sides actively avoided such bloody and indecisive encounters. While attractive to neither foreign observers nor later military historians, this was the Mexican 'dirty' warfare that Santa Anna had first experienced as a young officer in the Spanish Army and some four decades later he once again directed fighting in the jungles of Veracruz with his typical mixture of ruthlessness and brutality. This was a pattern that persisted throughout the rest of the country with a province's loyalties largely dependent on the whims of its local
caudillo. It was in this way that California and Oaxaca, the fiefdoms of Juan Bautista Alvarado and Porfirio Díaz respectively, remained true to the Veracruz government while Plácido Vega Daza of Sinaloa and Gabriel Valencia of Guerrero declared for the conservative junta of Mexico City
However this characterisation of a conflict framed more in terms of personal ambition than genuine ideological differences does not sit well when we consider some of the primary actors in this play. Above all Benito Juárez. Here was undoubtedly the driving force of the liberal Álvarez government and, as Santa Anna busied himself with the military, it was the policies that emerged from the Ministry of Justice that largely defined the government's programmes. Initially these new laws had focused on neutering conservative institutions in liberal controlled territories but over the course of 1855 Juárez ministry began to openly display more of a social conscience and move into spheres of interest traditionally the preserve of other ministries. He was heavily involved in the drafting of the new tax programme of March 1855, for example, which was obstinately intended to raise fresh funds for the war effort but was remarkably progressive in shifting the tax burden from the peasantry to the merchant and professional classes. Similarly it was Juárez who spearheaded the initiative of confiscating the lands of those who fought for the conservative cause and redistributing them amongst the local peasants. These and other programmes, such as reforming the education system, were only possible due to the deep pockets of the liberal government. This was in turn the happy result of the considerable aid, both monetary and materially, that flowed into Veracruz from the United States. The previous war excepted, the liberals of Mexico had traditionally looked towards Washington with unabashed admiration for its republican ideals and highly decentralised government structure. The intentions of President Franklin Pierce (1804-'69)* were less charitable, revolving as they did around supporting the faction most likely to facilitate future US expansionism, but it did result in the somewhat bizarre sight of Santa Anna's soldiers fighting in/with US Army uniforms and weapons
Porfirio Díaz: A rising stars amongst the liberal commanders
One of the more important aspects of foreign aid was the leverage that it granted to Juárez and his allies as the parties most associated with the US. This was balanced to some degree by
santanista control over the profitable Veracruz Customs House and the decades of patronage that Santa Anna had lavished on his home town. This being Mexico there were few concrete factions but this distribution of revenue did tend to reinforce the polarisation of the liberal camp between the two ministers. It would be difficult to comment on the personal relationship between Santa Anna and Juárez because as far as can be discerned there was barely one at all. The two never met outside of official functions and when they did the atmosphere was reportedly cold enough that even Don Antonio's famed charm was replaced by a distant stiffness. Only the most immediate of crises could force the two to work together and by late 1855 the worst danger was largely past. This was due largely to the fact that instability and infighting were even more pronounced in Mexico City where the ruling conservative junta was going through convulsions of its own. The initial failures to take Veracruz had ended the possibility of a quick victory or attracting a suitable European prince to a war torn and impoverished Mexico. This was a serious failure for the conservative leadership in that it conceded the aura of legitimacy to the republican government and prevented the implementation of a new monarchist constitution. Instead General Felix Zuloaga presided over an uneasy 'Governing Council' uniformly comprised of ambitious officers with little loyalties to each other. The spread of fighting throughout the country diluted Zuloaga's authority further - even if it did have the beneficial effect of forcing many of his rivals to abandon the capital in order to campaign in the countryside - and in June 1855 he was deposed by General Miguel Miramón, with the aid of Archbishop José Ballesteros. Over the next year a further four generals would ascend to Presidency in Mexico City in a fashion typical of the instability of Mexican politics
If the intrigues in Veracruz were not so devastating or open then it was largely due to the efforts of President Álvarez. For decades he had been a major pillar of the liberal movement, and thus a staunch opponent of Santa Anna, but he proved an able mediator during the first year of civil war. There was no question that his government was in many respects radically liberal but, perhaps reflecting on his previous short stint in government, Álvarez acted as a restraint on Juárez's more ambitious plans for social change. Attempting to hold together the fragile alliance between moderates, liberals, and
santanistas was a trying task for the sixty six year old politician and even as republican military fortunes rose – with Diaz's 1856 spring campaign driving conservative formations from Puebla and the success of Santa Anna in razing of pro-independence strongholds in Yucatan – there was an alarming decline in Álvarez's physical health. A combination of strain and the malaria ridden environment of Veracruz finally forced him to resign the presidency on 2 March 1856 and leave for the less harsh climes of the United States. Less than a week later Vice President Ignacio Comonfort (1812-'63) , no doubt under immense pressure from various factions, convened Congress in order to elect a new president. The two obvious candidates were of course Benito Juárez and Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna but the latter was still campaigning along the Yucatan peninsula and unable to return to Veracruz to interrupt the hastily gathered Congress**. In his absence Governor Manuel Gutiérrez Zamora attempted to stand for the
santanista cause but without Santa Anna's personal charisma there was little chance of rallying the disparate group of moderates in opposing Juárez's
puros. On 19 March it was the latter who was inaugurated as the 36th President of Mexico after enjoying an overwhelming endorsement from Congress. The man who had brought first Mexico to the brink of civil war was now tasked with leading the country out of it. First however he would have to master the most difficult lesson for any 19th C Mexican politician - dealing with Santa Anna
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* It is still questionable as to what degree Pierce was involved in arranging this aid to Mexican liberals. A personal tragedy, which reportedly led to heavy drinking, had dented the President's involvement in managing state policy and the initiative may have originated with Secretary for War Jefferson Davis. Accounts of the latter's involvement have obviously been overshadowed by later events in the US but 'Strode, H., (1955) Jefferson Davis, (Vol. I)' does detail his role in the Pierce cabinet and how it had significant consequences for both nations
** The abruptness of Álvarez's resignation was almost certainly deliberate and designed to surprise Santa Anna and thus hand Juárez the presidency. Álvarez may have played mediator during the civil war years but he clearly had no wish to see his old nemesis once again ascend to the highest office. The eventful life of this grand old man of Mexican liberalism is recorded in 'Bushnell, C.G., (1958), The Military and Political Career of Juan Alvarez'