Lecture Thirteen: Rome or Death! (1876)
"It will be a double glory for [the Prince] to have established a new principality, and adorned and strengthened it with good laws, good arms, good allies, and with a good example; so will it be a double disgrace to him who, born a prince, shall lose his state by want of wisdom" Machiavelli
Papal dominance of the Italian peninsula had been originally been secured by military success and ultimately it was the Holy See's failure to effectively coordinate and deploy its military assets in 1875-'76 that produced both a year of localised warfare and the fatal erosion of its temporal powers. Without military aid from the capital it was left to provincial administrators and landowners to organise a defence of the Papal state. Unsurprisingly the revolutionaries, of whatever stripe, could usually muster more support from the local population than these defenders of an unpopular and reactionary regime. The Church's civil apparatus had been badly tarnished by decades, centuries in some areas, of oppressive rule and by Spring 1876 over half the country was effectively out of Papal control. As local rebels consolidated their hold on towns and cities, often by "cleansing" them of figures known to be loyal to the Church, they began to come into contact with other revolutionary groups in neighbouring settlements. Slowly larger formations of rebels, drawn from as many as a dozen towns or villages, began to assemble. In the north, where the labour movement already possessed extensive, if decentralised, organisational structures, rebel
divisions had begun to move from city to city as early as January 1876. Further south the peasants of Naples and Sicily formed little more than temporary mobs that rarely ventured far from their villages.
Contemporary engraving of revolutionaries - note the representation of workers, peasants and liberal professionals
As has been mentioned previously, there was no uniform ideology shared by the various conspirators. Some groups were truly revolutionary while others had less radical designs. Even within these categories there were disagreements over methodology, personalities and ideology. By and large however conflict between the groups was minimal. Even factions diametrically opposed to each other's politics could still unite in the face of continued intransigence of the Papacy. It was the refusal of Pius IX to even contemplate constitutional change, at the least, that allowed for the uneasy and loose alliance of liberals and socialists. That is not to say that there was no competition between the many varied rebel associations. Pius was the immediate target but the more farsighted revolutionaries were surely already planning for life after the Pope. In this context the importance of Rome becomes clear - whichever faction held the capital would find its position in the new order greatly enhanced. As the rest of the country increasingly fell to rebel armies, ambitious eyes began to shift towards the Eternal City.
In all there were three attempts to take Rome as the civil war continued to rage throughout the rest of the country*. The first was a rather abortive effort by the workers of Napoli following their own revolt in December 1876. Having secured their city, one of the first to openly declare its opposition to the Papacy, a small detachment of armed workers and peasants (approximately three thousand in number) began to work their way through the various towns and villages on the road to the capital. Their brief march through Latium came to an abrupt halt at Fondi where the militia was intercepted and annihilated by a formation of mercenaries from the Esercito Pontificio. The opportunity to march on Napoli was squandered as continued, and well founded, Papal nervousness over discontent in Rome conspired to recall the mercenaries to the city proper. Maintaining control of the vast slums of Rome was proving to be a full time occupation for the army but it was not until the next year that the soldiers would be again called upon to meet an external threat.
Rome was hardly immune to revolutionary sentiment and the city was in a state of martial law from late 1875
Anacona, long a stronghold of republican sentiment, had been one of the first towns to declare its opposition to the Papacy in the chaotic days of Winter '75. There the strong liberal revolutionary tradition, itself a product of a healthy middle class, helped impose some semblance of unity on the myriad local organisations and factions. The heady slogans of Mazzini's heritage masked an organised mobilisation and the local bourgeoisie and professionals had remarkable success in assembling a number of organised militias, largely drawn from reformers/dissidents from within the Papal army. By April 1876 the threat of counter-revolution in the liberal heartlands (largely confined to the Adriatic coast and former Tuscan lands) was effectively quashed and this makeshift army, some fifteen thousand strong, was dispatched to march on Rome. Like Mazzini's aborted effort some thirty years previously, the liberal advance was checked by the Esercito Pontificio in the countryside surrounding Reiti but with heavy losses on both sides. The Papal mercenaries proved unable to secure a convincing victory and the liberal regiments withdrew largely intact and contented themselves with maintaining a presence on the roads leading east from the capital. The noose on Rome was only tightening.
Without assistance from the rest of the Papal army the Esercito Pontificio could not hope to both take the battle to the rebels and simultaneously police an agitated population within the city itself. Yet there was no help forthcoming - the bulk of the surviving Papal regiments were either isolated along the Austrian border or engaging in piecemeal battles with either local rebels or bands of deserters. In the Piedmontese lands, where the majority of active divisions had been stationed and fighting had been fiercest, the last significant bastion of Papal rule in the region collapsed with the capture of Alessandria by AICA militias in June 1876. This left almost all of the north-west of the peninsula under the nominal control of various socialist factions. While lacking the centralised organisation of the liberals, the worker militias were numerous, well armed, and had some basic tool of co-ordination in the AICA. Much of the energy of this movement was taken up in internal projects, both ideological bickering and revolutionary social reforms, but by late May preparations were underway for a campaign to "liberate" Rome. The march proper didn't commence until the following month but the revolutionaries had succeeded in assembling an impressive thirty thousand armed men and, shockingly at the time, women.
An outlying town or fortification is breached by rebels
Process of this army was slow but by mid-July it had made its way down the coast and was approaching Rome from the north. We know that on July 26 contact was made with the commanders of the liberal formations to the east of the city and agreement was reached on a joint assault. The reputation of the Esercito Pontificio was formidable enough to encourage the different factions to act in unity, and detachments from both armies began to press towards the city in the following week. Facing far superior numbers (outnumbered, according to accounts, by over three to one) the Papal forces were unable to maintain a defence of the outlying towns and began to retreat into the city of Rome itself. As it did so the discipline of the mercenary force began to break down with the Papal soldiers leaving a trail of destruction in their wake. That there were no attempts by officers to maintain discipline indicates that the lower ranks were not alone in recognising the hopelessness of the situation. This low morale is the best explanation for the panicked reaction of a detachment of Papal soldiers to a civilian protest in the Roman neighbourhood of Magliana on August 13. Having refused to disperse, the unarmed crowd was fired into with the resulting deaths of 96 civilians and hundreds wounded. The reaction of the rest of the city was, as expected, explosive with riots and revolution breaking out throughout Rome**.
By August 19 the situation had clearly deteriorated to a point far beyond Papal control. The position of the few thousand mercenaries fighting fierce battles on the edge of the capital became completely untenable with the city in flames behind them. It is not in the nature of a mercenary to fight to the death and mid August saw mass desertions from the Esercito Pontificio. The few native Italians in this elite unit generally remained loyal to the Holy See, as did a smattering of Irish and Swiss units, but these numbered at most three thousand by early September†. These numbers were not nearly enough to defend the Papacy from the revolting citizens or the advancing armies but they did secure enough time for the Vatican staff to evacuate the city. Having proven largely impotent in the face of popular fury, the Pope and his government finally left port for Spain on September 7 1876. Their destination was Spain and exile.
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* The most recent work dealing with the various attempts to seize Rome is "Pick, D., (2005), Rome Or Death". Both that work and this lecture share as a title the popular rallying cry used by the various revolutionary parties to help foster some degree of unity in opposing the Papal regime.
** "Matteson, R., (1901), The Roman Theocracy and the Republic" does an able job of documenting and explaining the complex social tensions and relations that existed in Rome before the Revolution, and the series of risings and riots that exploded during it.
† Most deserting mercenaries fought a fighting retreat for the coast where they were largely successful in commandeering fishing vessels and steamers to escape. The most audacious attempt however was staged by a thousand members of the Guardia Svizzera who abandoned the defence of Rome and broke out towards the north east in an attempt to make for Austrian border. Miraculously they reached Ferrara before meeting with defeat and massacre. The experience of this "Expedition of the Thousand" is vividly recalled by one of the few survivors in "Abba, G.C., (1880), Noterelle di uno dei Mille"